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The article analyzes the nature of the aggressive policy of modern Russia, its expansionist aspirations, which pose a threat not only to Ukraine, the post-Soviet countries, but also to the entire civilized world. The realities clearly indicate that the Russian state has actually turned into a fascist one in its essence. In this regard, it is of interest to study the reasons for the emergence of fascism in Russia, which was done within the scope of this article. According to the authors, the genesis of Russian fascism should be sought first of all in the nature of the Russian state, which today, trying to realize its neo-imperial ambitions, openly chose a fascist form of government. This is evidenced by the presence in Russia of the main features of “classical” fascism: a strong cult of personality, militarism, totalitarianism, imperialism and the idea of unity, mobilization of the nation and the state against enemies, the idea of constant war and domination. Similar features are the result of the special historical development of Russia with its long tradition of Russian imperial statehood, which covers a period of more than 400 years and goes through the historical periods of the Empire of Tsarist Russia, the era of the USSR - the Soviet Empire, and the Neo-Empire of post-Soviet Russia. This determined the consolidation of the most reactionary features of the imperial form of government - authoritarianism, expansionism, brutality, etc., which contributed to the consolidation of the corresponding value system at the level of public consciousness and became the basis of Russia’s state domestic and foreign policy. Russian fascism during the reign of V. Putin acquired a special form, which became fixed in the term rashism and is the embodiment of the main provisions of the concept of «Russian world». The leading features of this concept are great-power chauvinism; merger of all branches of power – executive, legislative and judicial with power structures, mass media and business elite; aggression towards neighboring states and seizure of adjacent territories; persecution of the opposition and political assassinations; aggrandizement of the leader. Rashism professes Nazism and genocide, which take on its most overt form. Its features can be considered paradoxical or total lies (schizofascism), colonialism (hyper-imperialism), conservation of backward culture and rejection of postmodern values, which is manifested in racism, homophobia, anti-feminism and sexism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research is to offer a historiosophical analysis of the reasons for the conservative reversal of the Russian Federation and its unhealthy fixation on Ukraine. The methodological basis is the principles of historicism, objectivity, determinism, and systematicity, which, when applying historical-typological and comparative-historical methods, allow us to analyze the conservative turn of Russia, substantiating its fascism in the context of contemporary political trends. Main results. The historical context of the formation of the “parade quasi-reality” in the Russian Federation is analyzed, in which Ukraine and Ukrainians moved to the second place after the “collective West” in the hierarchy of “enemies”, and the “Ukrainian question” turned into a systemic factor of social and political life. It is shown that in the circumstances of the crystallization of the phenomenon of “reverse totalitarianism” one should expect the self-reproduction of a number of stigmas historically characteristic of it, one of which is the “Ukrainian question” itself. The construct of the “Russian World” / “Russkiy Mir” pseudocivilization is made up of total lies, based on systemic and systematic propaganda manipulation of its own citizens, deception and intimidation of strangers. The creation of a parallel information world has devastating consequences for Russia itself, whose ruling elite has lost touch with reality, forgetting where the line between lies and truth lies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the problem of interpretation of fascism and national radicalism by authors who represent the Soviet and post- Soviet scientific traditions in comparison with Western historical and political concepts. The analysis of scientific approaches has revealed the existing differences in definitions of these concepts over which the old historical experience and ideological layers tend. It is they who prevent scientists from the post-Soviet world, first of all, from breaking away from the traditional perception of national radicalism, which in the Russian Federation has acquired the characteristics of state ideology, launching processes of fascination of society. As the latter receive the support of the authorities and serve as justification for their activities, it does not matter where they occur: in a mono-ethnic environment or in a multinational social space. Western historical and political science, on the other side, draws attention to some of the universality of these phenomena, which is characteristic of any country drifting toward authoritarianism. The degree of civility, as a rule, unaffected. This problem is especially urgent given the erosion of the value models of European states and the outlook of their nations, which, in an effort to preserve their identity, sometimes resort to simplified political structures more characteristic of the 20st century than in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]