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Whether and how NATO might pull Ukraine closer attracted a great deal of attention at the 2024 Washington summit, with the Alliance settling on the formulation of an 'irreversible path' towards Kyiv's membership and pledging to further institutionalise the NATO–Ukraine relationship. There has been comparatively little analysis of what should happen once Ukraine actually becomes a member. Much like major Alliance expansions of the past – including the addition of West Germany in 1955 and Finland in 2023 – adding Ukraine would require a substantial revision of NATO's collective defence. Although the outcome of the Russia–Ukraine war remains highly contingent, it is clear that the Alliance will need to reconsider its approach in four main areas: defending Ukrainian territory, beefing up security in the Black Sea, strengthening the 'flanks' and sharpening the responses to intensified Russian hybrid attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzed the past wave climate of the Black Sea region for the period from 1988 to 2021. The wave field has been simulated using the state-of-the-art, third-generation wave model WAVEWATCH III forced by the ECMWF reanalysis ERA5 winds, with the model resolution being the highest ever applied to the region in a basin-scale climate study. The surface currents provided by the Copernicus Marine Service have been included in the wave model to evaluate wave--current interactions. The wave model results have been validated with respect to satellite and buoy observations, showing that the simulation accurately reproduces the past evolution of the wave field, exceeding 0.9 correlation with respect to satellite data. The inclusion of wave--current interaction has been positively evaluated. Four statistics (significant wave height 5th and 95th percentiles, mean, and maxima) have been used to describe the wave field at seasonal timescale, showing a clear distinction between the Western (rougher sea conditions) and Eastern (calmer sea conditions) sub-basins. Furthermore, the intra-annual wave climate variability has been investigated using a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and the Mann--Kendall test on significant wave height (SWH). This study represents the first time the PCA is applied to the region, identifying two main modes that highlight distinct features and seasonal trends in the Western and Eastern subbasins. Throughout most seasons, the SWH trend is positive for the Eastern basin and negative for the Western basin. The PCA shows a regime shift with increasing eastward waves and decreasing north and north-eastward waves. Finally, SWH correlation (r) with four Teleconnection indexes (East Atlantic Pattern, Scandinavian Pattern, North Atlantic Oscillation, and East Atlantic/West Russia Pattern) revealed that the strongest r is observed with the Eastern--Atlantic--Western Russia teleconnection, with a peculiar spatial pattern of correlation, and is positive for the northwestern and negative for the southeastern sub-basin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current level and origin of hydrocarbons (HCs): aliphatic (AHCs) and polycyclic aromatic (PAHs) were determined (September 2021 and May and September 2022) in suspended particulate matters (SPM) of surface waters (for AHCs, 20 µg/l; for PAHs, 130 ng/l, fluorescent method) and in bottom sediments of the coastal areas of the Caucasian sector of the Black Sea of the Russian Federation. Despite a decrease in the HC concentrations in the surface waters in recent years, the most polluted areas include, as before, Kerch Strait. HC accumulate in the bottom sediments, which leads to an increase in their content in the composition of Corg (for AHCs, up to 14.2% in the Tuapse region and 13.1% in the Novorossiisk region). It has been established that, along with pollution, the HC levels are greatly influenced by natural processes (the productivity of the area and fluid flows from the sedimentary formation). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine, launched on February 24, 2022, has demonstrated Moscow's approach to the Black Sea region. Contrary to the provisions of the law on the law, the Russian Federation blocked the freedom of navigation in the inland Sea of Azov and the principle of enforcing the right to act harmlessly in Ukrainian territorial waters off the coast of Crimea. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Black Sea region has become a place of intensive trade and transit and the transfer of energy resources from the Caspian Sea area and Central Asia to Europe. The events in Georgia in 2008 and the recent developments in Ukraine show that the Russian Federation is trying to rebuild its former influence and take control of the region. This article aims to diagnoze the security of the Black Sea Region in the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war (2022). The article discusses the historical security context of the Black Sea Region, the main threats to the security of the region in the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war (2022) and, forecasts for the formation of the security of the Black Sea Region after the end of hostilities. Scientific research conducted that the Battle of the Black Sea may become the cause of a clash in the Russian-Ukrainian war, which will affect not only Ukrainebut also members of the people around the world, as well as Russia's blockade of the Black Sea communication routes. The research methods used are literature analysis and criticism, historical methods, comparison, and generalization. Scientific studies have shown that the Battle of the Black Sea could become a key clash in the Russo-Ukrainian war that will affect not only Ukraine but also members of the nation around the world and lead to the Russian blockade of the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Located in the center of Eurasia, the Black Sea forms the borderline between the West and Russia. The border, which had appeared free from conflicts during the Cold War, turned into an issue line after the Cold War. The root of the issue is NATO's eastward expansion and Russia's reaction to it. The possibility of the Black Sea being included in the Western coverage has significantly changed Russia's attitude. Since NATO raised the possibility of accepting Georgia and Ukraine as members, Russia's intervention in Georgia in August 2008, Ukraine in March 2014, and its annexation of Crimea are her reactions to the possibility of falling under Western control of the Black Sea. The invasion of Ukraine, initiated by Russia on February 24, 2022, can also be interpreted as a continuation of the previous steps. Behind this latest invasion decision of Russia lies a determined reaction against the intention of the West to have a say in the Black Sea after Eastern Europe. Russia's acceptance of the West's presence in the Black Sea means that it consents to sever the ties with its near abroad, which should be controlled for its security. Russia cannot accept such a situation that will result in losing its security initiative. For this reason, Russia's Black Sea Policy, based on keeping the West out of the region, is built on pillars that will ensure the realization of its security, political, and economic interests. Therefore, this study aims to determine what the basic principles of Russia's policy towards the Black Sea are and what consequences and effects this will have for the Black Sea and its large basin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the northeastern part of the Black Sea, the vegetation of charophytes was studied using the Braun-Blanquet approach. For the first time, five communities are described, including three associations and two subassociations from the alliance Charion canescentis Krausch 1964, the order Charetalia intermediae Sauer 1937, and the class Charetea intermediae F. Fukarek 1961. Diagnoses of the described syntaxa are given. A comparison with the Baltic and Mediterranean communities of charophytes is made. It is shown that all northeastern Black Sea communities with the dominance of charophytes, in contrast to Western European ones, include Lamprothamnium papulosum with high constancy. At the same time, the investigated communities are characterized by a lower occurrence and abundance of higher aquatic plants (except for Nanozostera noltei) and a slightly higher occurrence of red and green algae. An indirect ordination analysis showed the ecological isolation of the described phytocenoses and revealed two main factors influencing the floristic composition of communities—the granulometric composition of bottom sediments and water eutrophication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Social Research / Turkiye Sosyal Arastirmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Black Sea connecting Asia and Europe was outside the West's area of interest for a long time. During that period, the region was one of the areas where Turkish-Russian rivalry emerged in general. As a consequence of the development of competition in favour of Russia from the beginning of the 19th century, the attention of the West has focused directly on the Turkish Straits. The reason for the attention in question is that the potential of Russia to realize its claims about being a great power has gradually increased. The strategy of keeping Russia in its geography has been put into effect by the West, which was concerned about this development. It can be said that this strategy aimed at blocking Russia from reaching the Warm Seas or the Mediterranean Sea has been successfully implemented through the Turkish Straits. With Montreux Convention that provided a balance between the parties, the competition between Russia and the West over the Turkish Straits, which started on the specified date, has finally concluded. Starting with the convention's implementation, the Turkish Straits have become an essential factor for ensuring the security of the Black Sea. The eastward expansion of NATO, including the Black Sea after the Cold War, has brought up the possibility of spreading the competition between the West and Russia to the region. Unexpected developments like this may make it important to investigate whether the Straits are effectively fulfilling their role in ensuring the security of the Black Sea. Then the result to be obtained as an outcome of this research can be effective in determining the attitude of both the parties and the international public opinion towards the Montreux Convention. Therefore, in this study, within the framework of the recent developments, it will be examined whether the functions of the complementary security tools put into service in the Black Sea and the order established in the Straits are sufficient against the possibility of determining the recent threats to the stability of the Black Sea and making the region a conflict area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia is using the Black Sea as a diplomatic tool in its foreign policy to achieve its maritime and foreign policy objectives, which are also linked with the country's strategic culture. This research investigates the significance of the Black Sea in Russia's Maritime Strategy for achieving its foreign policy objectives by using the balance of interest theory. This research employs two conceptual schemas. Firstly, with the help of maritime diplomacy, it analyses a tool to achieve foreign policy objectives in the waters. Secondly, the research uses the concept of strategic culture, which helps explore the diplomatic importance of the Black Sea in Russian foreign policy through the perspective of history and attitudes of decision-makers. This research highlights the case of the Black Sea for Russian maritime strategy, which also has a great economic significance for the region and world. It also highlights the importance of the Black Sea in the Russian maritime doctrine (2022) and links between maritime strategic culture and foreign policy objectives. It concludes that Russia is successfully pursuing its cooperative, coercive, and persuasive maritime diplomacy in the Black Sea region by providing humanitarian assistance, blocking Ukrainian access, and operating a stronghold at Sevastopol port as its naval base. In conclusion, this paper argues that strategic culture plays a vital role in employing the three diplomatic dimensions for achieving maritime objectives in the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the second article in a study examining the influence of naval geostrategy as a driver influencing Russian policy and military strategy in the Black Sea region. By the mid-2010s, Russia featured a much-improved geostrategic situation in the Black Sea theater as compared to the beginning of the century. Nevertheless, substantial weaknesses remained, some of which Russia has been able to neutralize during the conduct of its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Following an examination of Russian military actions during the Russo-Ukrainian War, the author concludes that the application of military force by Russia in parts of Ukraine and the wider Black Sea region follows a long-term rationale and that Odesa and Mykolaiv, located at the western Black Sea littoral, remain core concerns for Russian military planners, despite the Russian military's current defensive posture at most sections of the front in southern Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article pleads for the development of a Romanian security strategy that should take into account the importance of the Danube and of the Black Sea for the security of the region. It is mainly a descriptive type of research, aiming to identify subject-related characteristics and categories, based on the study of real data and observation. Moreover, the article highlights the fact that the development of a Black Sea strategy to include the Danube River and the Delta has been a constant concern for Romanian decision-makers for a long time. In addition, it is shown that, in the current context, such a strategy could be integrated into any Black Sea strategy developed in NATO or the EU, guiding the future integrated modernization of the Romanian Naval Forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflicts between the Russian Federation and Ukraine since the beginning of 2014 have caused many environmental, economic, cultural and sociological problems. Ukraine has the vast majority of Europe's biodiversity. The fact that the important water resources feeding the Black Sea are within the borders of Ukraine raises concerns about the environmental impacts of the conflicts in this region. These concerns increase due to the weight of nuclear energy and the heavy chemical industry in Ukraine's economic activities. This study examines the environmental effects of the Russian Federation-Ukrainian war before, during and after the war and how these effects could damage the Black Sea. Also, the study discusses the environmental security problem caused by the war in Ukraine, as well as the potential environmental security and envirocide that it may cause at the regional and global levels in the medium and long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new international context justifies an analysis of the priorities, interests and objectives of the Pontic states in relation to an immediate reaction to discourage the armed conflict initiated by Russia and unjustified in terms of international humanitarian law. NATO and the EU have recently intensified the conduct of large-scale maritime exercises to promote stability and peace and strengthen the Alliance’s Eastern Flank, and have consistently encouraged cooperation between outgoing states on the Black Sea. Although Russia’s energy dependence on some Pontic states could be a problem for the mutual agreement on strategic negotiations and partnerships, NATO and the EU must join forces to take concrete and deterrent action to maintain regional and international order alike. The present article aims to highlight the importance of the Black Sea for the Pontic states, having as the premise of the scientific research the fact that nowadays it represents an important cross-border resource both for the security of the states in the region and for the security of NATO and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One class (Sphacelarietea cirrosae), one order (Sphacelarietalia cirrosae), two alliances (Phyllophoro crispae-Codion vermilarae, Gongolarion barbatae) and five associations (Phyllophoro crispae-Codietum vermilarae, Nereietum filiformisae, Rhodochorton purpureum-Apoglossetum ruscifolii, Gongolario barbatae-Sphacelarietum cirrosae, Ericarietum bosphoricae) of macroalgal communities within the North Caucasian shelf of the Black Sea oligosaprobic sublittoral vegetation are described for the first time, using the Braun-Blanquet approach. Detrended correspondence analysis corroborated the results of the syntaxonomic analysis and revealed two main factors influencing the floristic composition of the investigated communities: depth with associated light level and intensity of water movement. The diagnoses of described syntaxa are given. A comparison of Mediterranean and Black Sea syntaxa is made, and the specificity of the vegetation of the North Caucasian shelf of the Black Sea is shown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian authorities released a warning on March 18, 2022, stating that about 420 mines were broken off in the ports of Odessa, Ochakov, Chernomorsk, and Pivdenny in the northern coast of the Black Sea due to the stormy conditions. The warning also advised the ships to be careful when navigating in the southwest and western parts of the Black Sea due to the possibility of explosion of the drifting mines. In this study, the probable origin of locations and route of the mines are investigated by using an ocean circulation and a particle model. The results suggest approximate origin of the mines. One of the conclusions is that due to the circulation dynamics along the western coast hydrography of the Black Sea, the mines travelled to the south reaching up to the Istanbul Strait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current level of aliphatic and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons was determined in suspended particulate matter of waters (mainly in surface waters) and in upper layer of bottom sediments of coastal areas in the Caucasian sector of the Black Sea of the Russian Federation (September 2021, May and September 2022, March 2023). IR method was used to determine the aliphatic hydrocarbons, and the method of high performance liquid chromatography was employed for PAHs. The average concentration of aliphatic hydrocarbons was ≈20 μg/L and for polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons ≈130 ng/L in suspended particulate matter in open surface waters of Gelendzhik and Golubaya bays. Their content naturally increased as they approached the coast. Despite the decrease in hydrocarbon concentrations in surface waters in recent years, the Kerch Strait and Novorossiysk remain the most polluted areas as before. Higher concentrations in the waters of the Taman Peninsula may be caused by the seepage of hydrocarbons from the sedimentary layer. Hydrocarbons are accumulated in bottom sediments, that leads to their rising portion in total organic carbon (e.g., aliphatic hydrocarbons up to 14.2 % in the Tuapse region and 13.1 % in the Novorossiysk region). Along with contamination from anthropogenic sources, natural processes also affect the hydrocarbon levels such as high biological productivity of the area and fluid flows from the sediment layer., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

Macroalgae have long served as bioindicators of pollution in coastal marine environments. However, conventional pollution assessment methods often take a compartmentalized approach, either focusing on macrophyte biological parameters or independently analyzing heavy metal and oil product bioaccumulation within them. This study establishes connections between: (1) the characteristics of chemical pollution in brown, green, and red macroalgae, (2) organic pollution in the nutrient medium, and (3) the resulting changes in phytocenosis composition and macrophyte morphological characteristics. The research was conducted in the coastal zone near the Sochi River mouth on the Black Sea coast of Russia, encompassing the urban center of the Sochi metropolitan area. Inductively Coupled Plasma (ICP) analysis quantified the accumulation levels of 60 chemical elements within macrophyte algae. The novel aspect of this study is the development of a quantitative metric for assessing the overall chemical pollution impacting the ecologically crucial macroalgae Cystoseira. This systematic approach represents a significant advancement in the comprehensive evaluation and management of coastal water quality. The study identified two contrasting accumulation patterns: (1) pollution-tolerant annual algae exhibited an exclusion mechanism for chemical elements, while (2) Cystoseira displayed a non-exclusion accumulation pattern, potentially explaining its absence in the most heavily polluted zone. This approach paves the way for establishing a standardized scale for algal chemical pollution, reflecting a range from permissible to highly hazardous levels in seawater. This will enable rapid acquisition of both qualitative and quantitative pollution data, streamline monitoring efforts, and expedite the implementation of control measures., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The study presented here reports the concentration of major, trace, and rare earth elements in soil, sediments, and vegetation samples collected from 13 locations around Anapa City located on the northern coast of the Black Sea in Russia. The neutron activation analysis technique has been used to fulfill this objective. Along with this, the bioconcentration and translocation factors were calculated. Overall, the content of 31 elements was detected in soil and sediments while 20 elements were determined in three types of vegetation: macroalgae (Cystoseira sp. and Ulva sp.), aquatic plants (Phragmites australis), and sea grass (Zostera sp.). The quantified concentration followed the order soil > sediment > vegetation. The phytotoxic levels for Zn, V, Mn, and Fe have been quantified as the highest. Bromine was the most abundant and accumulated in Phragmites australis. Based on the results obtained from this investigation, there is a possibility of contamination in the study area., (© 2024. The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG.)

Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author presents the results of a study on the evolving security environment in the Black sea region. The focus is on Russia's Black Sea security policy and the ways in which it combines kinetic and non-kinetic instruments in its hybrid strategy. The militarization of Crimea, in particular, led to the positioning of assertive Russia as the dominant military power in the Black Sea, with all the consequent negative repercussions for littoral and other states in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's intervention in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, once again brought into view the current variety of risks to Black Sea security. Lengthy diplomatic and political negotiations and statements made by NATO and primarily US authorities before Russia launched its military operation in Ukraine were not enough to deter Russia's military action. It is considered that NATO's reactions to deter Russia from operations in Ukraine have been insufficient due to NATO's weakness in naval power projection capability to the Black Sea due to the Montreux Convention's restrictions. Montreux Convention is recognized as the main international agreement that provides barriers to an efficient naval deployment from external sources to the Black Sea. This article examines the effects of the Montreux Convention on regional security within the framework of the historical background and the situations that threatened regional security in the past and reveals the importance of this convention for Black Sea security in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's conquest of the northern shores of the Black Sea in the late eighteenth century and their renaming as 'New Russia' contributed to a wider movement of colonisation, settlement, and re-signification of territories worldwide under the aegis of imperial ideology. The adoption of the new name was also a way to erase the memory of the former inhabitants of the region—in the case of Southern Ukraine, its Tatar and Cossack populations, as well as its Greek and Jewish minorities. However, the coloniality of 'New Russia' was always up for debate in Russian official discourse: because the conquests happened in contiguous territories, Southern Ukraine was both an object of colonisation and an agent of further conquest, especially in the direction of the Caucasus. Inventing 'New Russia' thus asserted the colonial and 'oriental' significance of the Black Sea steppes, while entrenching Russia's own imperial status and suggesting a place where Russia's future might be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia seeks to convert the Black Sea into a Russian lake. This entails projecting power well into the Mediterranean Sea. Since 2013 Moscow has reinforced the missile, air defence, and submarine component of its Mediterranean Eskadra (Squadron) to deny NATO access to the Eastern Mediterranean and Black Seas. This article explains how and why Russia's Mediterranean Eskadra has become a major arm of Russia's military-political strategy in these waters. By analysing its missions, roles, and activities the article shows how Moscow conducts innovative, sophisticated, yet simultaneously traditional military-political operations to maximise and enhance its global standing in accordance with its own strategy. The article further argues that the Eskadra's creation and deployment corresponds not just to the revival of Russian military capability in 2013, but also to a much broader Russian perspective on contemporary war, and analyzes Russia's political considerations in the deployment of major military forces in the Mediterranean Basin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International World Order is the system of states we function in. It has been the dominant narrative, especially since 2014, that revisionist powers are trying to challenge and destabilise the order and replace it with one where they influence geopolitical outcomes exclusively in their favour and exert much more power than they would be able to in the current international system. This competition for strategic dominance is often called Great Power Competition having the US as the centre and the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China as challenger great powers. The overall purpose of the current study is to succinctly analyse Russia's approach to grand strategy and understanding national interest, and to apply the mentioned aspects to the energy realm specifically, all the while being geographically focused on the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, severe limitations have been placed on Ukraine's coastal state rights and navigational freedoms in the Black and Azov Seas and the Kerch Strait. The "Kerch Strait clash" in November 2018, which resulted in the Russian capture of three Ukrainian naval vessels in international waters south of the strait, can be seen as the temporary culmination of tensions that have been building up over a longer period. In violation of international law and bilateral agreements, Russia has in recent years pursued an increasingly assertive and revisionist policy in the region and sought to turn the maritime spaces on the country's southwestern flank into a "Russian lake". This policy is affecting not only the security and economy of neighbouring states such as Ukraine and Georgia, but also the strategic balance in the southeastern corner of Europe. Drawing on empirical evidence derived from Russian, Ukrainian and Western sources, as well as insights from neoclassical realist theory, this article discusses legal, economic and security aspects of Russia's ongoing quest for a dominant position in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although the European Union's actions on the management of the Covid-19 crisis have been harshly criticized by the lack of dedicated mechanisms to protect the health of European citizens, an analysis of EU action in the field of health will give us the opportunity to know and understand the situation created in the European area as a result of the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic. This Article aims to highlight the main actions taken by the EU in the field of health and in the management of the Covid-19 crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographically and geopolitically, Armenia and Azerbaijan are located in the South Caucasus region or the Transcaucasia region, as it is often called. The geopolitical situation in this region is very dynamic, characterized by politico-military tensions and the clash of interstate and international interests. The South Caucasus region and the Black Sea and Caspian subregion are of major importance, given the transit of energy resources from the Caspian Basin and Central Asia. Armenian-Azerbaijani relations constitute the main problematic direction in the foreign policy of both Armenia and Azerbaijan. From a legal point of view, these relations are practically absent, as both neighbouring states are neither at peace nor at war, there are no diplomatic, trade and economic relations between them. Nagorno-Karabakh is a dispute over the province's status as a major source of tension between the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan and the leadership of the selfproclaimed republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the mediation of which other international actors got involved, such as OSCE, the Minsk group consisting of France, the Russian Federation and the USA. In conclusion, it should be noted that the border of the Nagorno-Karabakh region, about 100 kilometers, is one of the most dangerous militarized areas in the vicinity of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, the Black Sea was not considered as the first priority for NATO states because of the supremacy of the Soviet Union in the region. The joining of Romania and Bulgaria to NATO in 2004, however, changed the balance of power in the region completely and the U.S. and NATO accelerated their efforts to contain Russia in the Black Sea. NATO's policies which aimed at including Georgia and Ukraine to the pact, however, encountered harsh reaction by Russia, which felt encircled by the West in 2008 and 2014 respectively, and provided Russia opportunities to annex Crimea and to access the coasts in the breakaway region Abkhazia. The new chess game in the Black Sea enabled Russia to strengthen its Black Sea Fleet (BSF) and 'Anti-Access Area Denial' (A2/AD) capabilities, while the U.S. increased its presence substantially in the region with new NATO bases in Bulgaria and Romania in addition to maritime exercises and freedon of navigation operations in the Black Sea. Turkey, on the other hand, as a NATO member closely cooperating with Russia in recent times, has been struggling to preserve peace in the Black Sea, focusing especially on preservation of the status established by the Montreux Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SINCE THE EARLY 1990'S, THE BLACK SEA REGION HAS WITNESSED FUNDAMENTAL GEOPOLITICAL CHANGES AND SIGNIFICANT TRANSFORMATIONS IN ITS REGIONAL CONTEXT AND DYNAMICS. TODAY, THE BLACK SEA IS THE PLACE OF RUSSIA AND NATO'S CONSTANT CONSOLIDATION OF MILITARY CAPABILITIES AMID UNRESOLVED CONFLICTS BETWEEN STATES IN THE REGION. THESE DEVELOPMENTS INCREASE INSECURITY AND, AT THE SAME TIME, THE MILITARY BUILD-UP IN THE REGION RAISES THE RISK OF SERIOUS MILITARY INCIDENTS THAT CAN ESCALATE INTO A LARGESCALE MILITARY CONFRONTATION. THIS PAPER AIMS TO PROVIDE AN APPLIED UNDERSTANDING OF THE RISKS OF CONFLICT IN THE BLACK SEA REGION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this paper is to bring arguments in order to proof that Russia has changed its modern warfare approach by developing a new doctrine which has been tested, step by step, in the last 40 years, culminating with Crimea’s annexation as a masterpiece of deception and disinformation. The beginning of the 21th century brought a new security paradigm. The old 20th century approach proved more often than ever to be obsolete and a change was needed to keep the pace with the new reality and ideology. Russia as the “defeated” Cold War era belligerent needed to restate its world power and regain its influence in the world but most around its borders. There are voices that diminish or cancel the evidence of the Russia’s resurgence and argue that there is a new way to conduct wars but the outcome of this hybrid warfare stands still as a living proof in Ukraine/Crimea, Georgia/North Ossetia and Moldova/Transnistria. In this article we will pursue the research objectives through a comprehensive methodology in order to identify the Russian’s military leadership response regarding this issue, international environment (both civilian and military) reaction to this new Russian approach and main characteristics description of this doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Azov Fortress, which came under the Ottoman rule in 1475, was the farthest point of the north-eastern border of the Ottoman lands. The fortress, which is located in the border area, was mostly used as an outpost, military support unit and supply base since it was not subjected to serious attacks in the first years. The Azov was subjected to sieges in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. However, for the first time in 1637, as a result of the serious siege of the Don Cossacks, it was out of the Ottoman's control. It is has a special place in Russian history that the Don Cossacks occupied and held Azov for a long time because it was a victory against the Ottoman Empire which was the great power of its era. There are many studies on this subject in Russian literature. While there are very few documents in the Ottoman archive, Evliya Celebi gives the most detailed information among chronicles and travel books. In addition, this period was neglected in the studies and research, and only recently, a study was conducted by Sinan Yüksel in terms of political history. In this respect, it is thought to be useful to discuss the subject in detail due to the existing gap in the literature. In this study, the Don Cossacks' capture of Azov and the struggles between the Ottoman soldiers and the Don Cossacks during the Don Cossacks' domination, will be discussed in detail by means of military terms. Besides, the reasons why the Ottoman Empire failed in Azov during this period will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of Turkish-Russian cooperative rivalry – an ambiguous relationship fraught with strategic competition on the one hand, and driven by cooperation in key areas (energy, defence) on the other, the article surveys the growing interdependencies between Turkey and Ukraine and seeks to answer the question whether closer bonds – political and military – between these two countries could be seen as a strategy of soft balancing against Russia. On a broader level, the article speculates on the complex nature of Turkey-Russia relations, which have become increasingly volatile, transactional, opportunistic and compartmentalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is known that Russia has long been the target of reaching warm seas through the Black Sea. For the first time, a planned operation was made during the Tsar I.Petro era. In the years following the Second Siege Of Vienna, the Ottomans continued to struggle on various fronts. Since the majority of the Ottoman soldiers were on the Austrian front, it could not be expected to send enough forces here. As a matter of fact, in 1696 Russia took the fortress of Azov which was at a very strategic point in the Black Sea. Russia reaches on the Black Sea, it would become a serious threat for the Ottomans. The first target of the Ottomans, who understood this reality very well, tried to restricted he Russians in the Azov ea. For this purpose, the fortresses in the Crimea and Taman peninsula maintenanced and repaired. Also fortresses have been reinforced. In additionly, Ottomans have built new fortresses at strategic points in order to control the Kerch Strait. One of these strongholds was the fortress of Acu. In this paper, the strategic importance of the fortress of Açu in 1697, the repair and maintenance activities of the castle until 1711 and the state of the military forces in the castle will be examined. Additionally, the effects of closing the passages from the Sea of Azov to the Kuban River on the Russian menace will be perused. Hence, with the construction of the Acu Castle it will be seen that the passage to the Taman Peninsula from the Kuban River was prevented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Russia's military intervention in Ukraine in 2014, the security situation of Europe's eastern 'frontline states' has undergone significant changes. In and around the Black Sea, the Baltic Sea and the Barents Sea, the scope and scale of military activity has grown, as has the frequency of Russian–Western military encounters. Despite the many similarities between the three regions, and despite the increased risk of negative spillover from one region to another, there are also noteworthy regional differences. As of today, the security challenges appear to be more severe and pressing in the southern and central part of the 'frontline' than in the northern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Russian occupation of Azov Castle in 1696, the Ottoman Empire faced a serious threat to the domination of the Black Sea, which it has long regarded as its inland sea. The Ottoman administration was aware of the strategic importance of the Azov Sea and sought to imprison Russia here. In this direction, the Ottomans repaired the chain of fortresses, which were important defense lines starting from Ochakov to Crimea and Caucasus, in order to prevent Russia from going further south. New castles have been built on the Kerch Strait, the Crimea and Taman sides, the most critical passage Russia could use to reach the Black Sea. Yenikale was one of these castles, it was built at Akintiburnu, 10 km north of Kerch Castle. The construction of the castle started in 1702 and continued until 1707 with some intervals. Thus, it was tried to prevent Russia's exit from Azov Sea to Karadeniz. In this paper, the importance of Yenikale, which was built on the Kerch Strait in order to prevent the spread of Russians, will be given information about the construction process and the money spent in this period, manpower and materials used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the Russian vice consulate that was opened in 1879 and its activities in Rize after the 1877-1878 Ottoman Russian War. This consulate has played an important role in Russia's military intelligence activities in the Ottoman geography. For this purpose, specially trained military experts who knew the culture and language of the region were sent to the region as consuls and vice consuls. The secret activities carried out by the Russian officials attracted the attention of the Ottoman authorities. During their tenure, these people made many military expeditions in Anatolia and frequently met with other Russian consuls in surrounding cities such as Trabzon, Erzurum, and Van. In addition to reporting on military issues, road and castle constructions in the region, they also examined the livelihoods, ethnic structure, and general situation of the local people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Russian-Turkish current cooperation in the context of energy diplomacy. The sides that present themselves as regional powers have to cope with current threats and challenges. The history of these countries' relations normally abounded with confrontations, which made cooperation a rare phenomenon. Today, the geopolitical interests of the two powers clash in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Middle East, however, their cooperation is obvious in many spheres of the economy: tourism, export of agricultural products, buying Russian armaments, as well as joint efforts to achieve peace in Syria and to settle the Kurdish question. It is no accident that the current warming is called the Golden Age of their bilateral relations, the basis of which is the energy factor. However, there are some issues where the countries do not see eye-toeye on: they disagree on the status of Crimea, the future of Syria and Bashar Assad. The research traces the ways in which the key issues in the energy strategies of both countries came to the fore and have been developing; it identifies the main factors that have contributed to the countries drawing closer together on many issues, including the Kremlin's efforts to diversify Russian gas supplies to Europe in circumvention of Ukraine. This article focuses on economic interdependence and its impact on the political dialog between the two countries. It should be noted that the energy cooperation was not left outside the agenda at the crucial moment of extreme tension caused by the incident with the Russian Sukhoi Su-24 aircraft, which was shot down in November 2015 in Turkey and which elicited an asymmetrical response from Moscow. The authors have analyzed the key points in and future of bilateral relations, as well as the greatest risks and threats stemming from the fact that Turkey as a NATO member has to comply with the bloc's unity; the status of Crimea and the Black Sea Straits issue are also placed in focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hereby article aims at reviewing the following elements: actions of the Russian Federation which have shaped the current security context in Europe, since 2014 up to present day – the WHAT; the main reason for its actions on NATO’s Eastern Flank – the WHY; and how the North-Atlantic Alliance chose to respond to Russia’s aggressive actions against Ukraine, in 2014 – the HOW, asking the legitimate question if the deterrence and defence measures taken so far are enough to provide collective security for all Allies on the Eastern Flank. With Russia’s switch from a NATO partner to a state with an aggressive position on the Allied Eastern Flank, with the aim of regaining the power it once held, as well as its actions against Georgia, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, this paper will conclude on the necessity for NATO to have a clear strategy on Russia’s assertive actions on the Eastern Flank. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines Turkish foreign policy in the Black Sea region after the Russian annexation of Crimea. It focuses on two main issues: Turkey's policies within NATO and its balancing actions vis-a-vis Russia. The paper concludes that in spite of the sporadic Western criticism Ankara is still committed to NATO. Nonetheless, Turkey has taken only limited balancing actions to counter the Russian threat. Ankara evaluates and prioritizes threats often very differently from its Western partners, and considers certain balancing steps ineffective or too costly at a specific moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses potential Ukrainian rights of passage through Kerch Strait against the background of restrictions on passage imposed by Russia since the annexation of Crimea, taking into account the ongoing arbitral proceedings under Annex VII of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The article addresses first the question of the status of Kerch Strait and the Sea of Azov under the international law of the sea. In a second step, the article deals with the issue of potential Ukrainian passage rights through Kerch Strait based on the legal status discussed in the first section as well as relevant bilateral treaties between Ukraine and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Specific features of climate change in the Black Sea and on its northeastern coast for the period of 1982-2014 are investigated based on weather station data, ERA-Interim reanalysis, and satellite data on sea surface temperature. The main trends in air temperature and precipitation are revealed from weather station data and are compared with reanalysis data. The spatial peculiarities of variations in air temperature, integrated water vapor, moisture flux divergence, CAPE, and vertical velocity are analyzed. It is shown that air temperature variations on the coast highly correlate with sea surface temperature. In general, surface air temperature in the region has risen, especially in summer. Despite the increase in integrated water vapor and CAPE, no statistically significant increase was revealed for the mean amount of precipitation, for its intensity and maximum values. This fact might be associated with the moisture flux divergence increase in the region due to the intensification of large-scale downdrafts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has long been pursuing an intended and calculated policy of keeping enough influence in Bulgaria in order to have control over national decisions. Together with the economic, energy, political and information tools used by Russia in its hybrid war against Bulgaria and in its bid to achieve an enduring “state capture,” defence is also a distinct target of Russian subversion now. A list of noticeable subversive actions with tangible effects can be summarised, ranging from fuelling division and manipulating public opinion, preventing the strengthening of the NATO position in the Black Sea, sabotaging defence reform to various options of subverting the modernisation of the Bulgarian Armed Forces and seeking new ways to keep legacy Soviet military equipment in operation as long as possible. This issue must be urgently addressed both nationally and in NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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