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A special place belongs to the historical thought of the late 19th-early 20th centuries in the spiritual heritage of the Tatar people. In a short time, Tatar historians have achieved significant results in the reconstruction and study of the national past. Their successes were appreciated by Russian and European scholars and orientalists, and their unconditional leadership among other Turkic Muslims was generally recognized. The works by Sh. Mardzhani, R. Fakhrutdinov, G. Akhmarov, H. Atlasi, G. Gubaidullin are being republished today and are returned to the reader. Their work is being successfully studied, but there are no works where the formation and development of Tatar historical science at the end of the 19th-beginning of the 20th centuries would be considered specifically. A systematized study of the historical thought of the Tatars during the Jadid period, the determination of the characteristics, trends, and the directions of its development remains an urgent task of modern science. This scientific article examines the features of Russian-Tatar relation coverage by Tatar historians of the late 19th-early 20th centuries, reveals the information and analytical activities of censorship and its special attention to historical writings, contains an overview of little-known sources -- popular editions and publications in time-based press, dated to the centenary of The Patriotic War of 1812 and the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov, the authors of which, showing the commonality of the historical fate of Russians and Tatars, substantiated the thesis of "equal rights in a common Fatherland". The obtained analytical results are very effective in increasing the level of education of educators in this field.

In 1864, the Russian empire placed a ban on all forms of the written Lithuanian language in order to subdue the people of Lithuania and to shape the country's culture into the Russian norm. The ban made a variety of Lithuanian books, as well as many other forms of Lithuanian communication, illegal. Over the next 40 years, Lithuanians resisted this Russian oppression in many ways, including finding loopholes in the law, starting secret schools, and smuggling books across the country's border. In time, the resistance would not only save the Lithuanian culture, but would set the foundation for independence by saving the Lithuanian language, separating Lithuania from foreign powers, and, most importantly, reforming the country's identity.

Dissemination of journal submission data is critical for identifying editorial bias, creating an informed scholarly marketplace, and critically mapping the contours of a discipline's scholarship. However, our survey and case study investigations indicate that nearly a decade after the Perestroika movement began, political science journals remain reserved in collecting and releasing submission data. We offer several explanations for this lack of transparency and suggest ways that the profession might address this shortcoming.

Social systems, like biological systems, sometimes manifest dysfunctions that could be considered forms of "social disease." The author interprets the term "social diseases" as "persistent dysfunctions of social relations" that disrupt the normal functioning of particular elements of society or the entire social system as a whole. The author cites the most obvious examples of such dysfunctions. In this article, the author explores social ills in Russia such as bureaucratism and censorship, family breakdown and social conflict, and examines how such systemic phenomena differ from individual manifestations. The author also discusses the "transitional" nature of society which fosters the emergence of social ailments.

Discusses the development of St. Petersburg University, Russia, from its inception in 1819 when it was composed of dedicated, eager scholars to the purges in 1821. Concludes that Tsar Alexander I was instrumental in these purges because of his fear that the ideals of European enlightenment in education and politics fostered by the university would result in revolution. (KC)

Research on propaganda often focuses on strategies that autocrats can use to persuade skeptical citizens. I outline a different function of propaganda—reinforcing regime support and building trust through identity-consistent messages. Such affirmation propaganda results in more positive perceptions of propaganda outlets and skepticism about independent media. I test this argument using three studies in Russia. In two randomized experiments, I demonstrate that pro-regime citizens trust reports from state media more than reports from independent media; however, state media lose trust if they send more critical messages. Additional survey evidence suggests that regime supporters often find state media accurate despite recognizing the pro-government bias of these outlets. My analysis suggests that autocrats are more constrained by public opinion than previously thought. It also helps to better understand the role of persuasion and censorship in authoritarian regimes, and it highlights that independent media have limited power to challenge authoritarian rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For US leaders and policy makers attempting to deter or punish asymmetric challenges from China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, information has been an underutilized tool. Beijing and Moscow react more negatively to information tools, especially those that challenge regime controls over information, than they do to military, economic, and diplomatic tools. US policy makers should focus on criticizing censorship, advocating for freedom of information access, and using technical or cyber means to undermine information/communication controls in authoritarian states. Doing so offers an opportunity for the United States and its democratic allies to balance authoritarian state practices designed to manipulate the open information environments of democratic societies, with a tool that targets authoritarian regimes' reliance on information control to maintain power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Russia's practice of the ban introduced by the so-called 'fake news laws' during the war against Ukraine. It blends doctrinal legal with discourse analysis to study how and why Russian courts have applied the laws, which epistemology of knowledge they have constructed while limiting fake news about the war and what implications this has for freedom of expression and public debate of the war within Russia. The dataset covers 446 Russian court decisions from 2022 to 2023. A historical approach is utilised to discuss the results in connection to the Soviet Communist ideology. The article argues that Russian courts have used the laws to make truth in Russia conditional and loyalty unconditional, actualising the Soviet principles of 'partyness', 'objectivity' and 'scientificalness'. It demonstrates how courts construct a mythologised reality about the 'imaginary' 'military operation' to help the government monopolise the public debate and misrepresent the war against Ukraine within Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine represents a significant turning point in the evolution of Russia's foreign policy expert community. This essay examines how Russian experts perceive the war and its consequences, taking into consideration the influence of state censorship and repression on their practices. It explores the limited ability of experts to shape Russia's conduct of war and the moral choices they face in Putin's Russia. Drawing on the notion of boundary zones, I note the historical evolution of the expert community as a hybrid entity that bridges state and society, and analyse the varied reactions among experts to the war using Hirschman's framework of exit, voice, and loyalty. I conclude that loyalty to the political regime has become crucial for voicing critique within the shrinking space of legitimate political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of protests around the world poses challenges for authoritarian media outlets. While censoring news about protests abroad may push audiences to alternative news sources, their coverage could motivate citizens to take to the streets at home. To explore whether and how authoritarian media outlets cover foreign protests, we leverage evidence from Russia. Combining evidence from a decade of news coverage with protest-event data, we show that far from censoring news on protests abroad, authoritarian outlets afford them extensive coverage. The coverage of foreign protests, however, declines on days of large Russian protests, when the costs of encouraging mobilization are potentially greater. We also show that authoritarian media selectively use protests abroad, especially those in democracies, to convey the image of citizen activism as threatening and disorderly. Findings, which speak to research on authoritarian propaganda, have implications for scholarship on protest management and authoritarian resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persuasion, disinformation, manipulation, censorship, which are elements of propaganda, can be regarded as central terms of the language of politics, especially during conflict situations and wars. The question of interest is in what ways the specific language techniques are used by the Russian Foreign Affairs Department for the purposes of propaganda in the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper analyzes the official statements of Maria Zakharova, the Director of the Information and Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation that are available on the web page of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin. The following examinations are confronted with the well-documented nature of the persuasive language in Nazi propaganda before and during World War II. The aim of such analysis is to examine in what ways and to what extent the specific propaganda techniques they are used to justify the war that Russia has started by invading Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose is a comparative analysis of Ukrainian and Russian narratives of the history of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA; also UPA) in 1992--2023. Methodology. Problem-chronological and historical-comparative methods and historiographical analysis and synthesis methods were used. The scientific novelty consists of the comparative analysis of the defined narratives of the two countries of the last three decades. Based on a wide range of sources, the historical policy and the policy of memory concerning the OUN and UIA were analyzed, and the state of study of the topic, peculiarities, and characteristic features of national historiography were determined. The fundamental diff erence between the Ukrainian and Russian narratives of the history of the OUN and UIA, created in the period 1992--2023, is emphasized. Conclusions. It has been determined that during the reign of V. Putin in the Russian Federation, a purposeful historical policy was implemented designed to justify the imperial ambitions of the Kremlin regime. Historical politics was gradually replaced by historical expansion, the goal of which was attempts to forcibly impose one's views on the past on own population, scientists, and other states. An important element of this expansion was the mythical narrative about the OUN and UIA, which is mostly unscientific and propagandistic. In the conditions of the gradual introduction of repressive commemorative legislation, an objective study of the history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 1930s--1950s in Russia became impossible. On the other hand, in Ukraine, despite the attempts of the authorities to influence the scientific environment, historians generally studied and presented to the people a complete picture of the history of the OUN and UIA. At the same time, the absence of state censorship led to a wide variety of views on the problem and an active scientific discussion around its controversial aspects. Based on these scientific studies, a process of radical changes in public consciousness and collective memory, the formation of a generally accepted historical narrative, which strengthens national and interregional consolidation, is observed in Ukraine. The symbolism and heroics of the OUN and UIA became an important unifying factor in rebuff the Russian invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the overlapping influence of China in Russia and five countries that have experienced democratic backsliding: Azerbaijan, Nicaragua, Serbia, Turkey, and Uganda. Drawing on a wide range of data sources, including media watchdog reports, key informant interviews, and quantitative data, the paper maps the portfolio of specific digital censorship tools – legislative, institutional, and technological—that governments in China and Russia use to censor their domestic digital content. Then the digital censorship tools in the five case study countries are documented to examine where their governments' tactics overlapped with those of the Kremlin and Beijing. These case study countries differ in their levels of development and democracy, with Russia, China, and the West all vying for influence. Key findings include the importance of timing when installing a digital censorship regime, and that Uganda and Nicaragua stand out among the case study countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overall processes in the first decade of independent Russian media can be divided into distinct phases. The first phase was characterized by a golden age of political independence in the early 1990s. This was followed by a shift toward partial government control and increased proximity to the ruling elites by the presidential elections of 1999. The final phase saw the transfer of power to Vladimir Putin in 2000. The authors argue that several factors contributed to the loss of independence in Russian media during this period, including the complicated economic realities of a transitional society, the growing interest of new financial tycoons (oligarchs) in media ownership, and the reassertion of political influences. Additionally, the specific understanding of professionalism among most Russian journalists played a significant role in the transformation from independent to controlled journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Alexander Grechaninov's opera Sister Beatrice on a text by Maurice Maeterlinck premiered in Moscow in 1912, it promised to bring together two conceptual worlds, those of symbolist aesthetics and the Russian Orthodox liturgy. Critics who hoped that Grechaninov's experience as a composer of sacred music would help bring alive the 'unheard music' of Maeterlinck's symbolist 'Miracle Play', however, were sorely disappointed. The opera drew scorn from critics for its overly concrete musical rhetoric, while conservative commentators levelled claims of blasphemy. In this article, I consider the two scenes depicting miracles in Sister Beatrice to demonstrate how it negotiated these competing perspectives, employing insights from religious philosophy as well as symbolist aesthetics. Drawing on new archival evidence, I also demonstrate how church and state censors co-participated with composers and critics debating whether and how the sacred might be displayed on stage and in sound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The feminist agenda in Russia experienced a phase of intense aesthetic search in the field of contemporary art and contemporary theater. The split in society, war, increased censorship and state propaganda, and mass emigration stopped this process. Feminist ethics and aesthetics are oriented toward democratic values and the absolute value of human life; it is difficult for them to survive in totalitarian states. Using material from the history of feminism and aesthetic practices in the post-perestroika decades of Russia, this article examines two historical forms of such survival: the Stockholm syndrome and, in more detail, "anti-propaganda", the popularization of the feminist agenda through aesthetic practices with mandatory feedback and the utmost attention to individual fate and personal trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author argues that the meaning of the word "biblioclasty" is closely linked to the destruction of books and the devastation of libraries. Thus, the content of this article deals with four issues: the conceptual framework, the act of censorship, the destruction of books and Ukraine, the current scenario of biblioclasm. In the first point he reflects on the terms biblioclasty, libricide and other related words. In the second issue, the policy of censorship and censorship as a cultural blackout is addressed, considering the phenomenon of censorship as the prelude to biblioclastic or libricidal acts. In the third section, topics related to books and libraries on fire, books on the burning of books and biblioclastia by art are studied. In the fourth matter, the acts of biblioclasty or libricide that are being carried out in the war between Russia and Ukraine are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to censorship and deplatforming policies on big social media platforms, far-right users have been forced to migrate to other online platforms that provide them with safer spaces for communication. One of these platforms is the Russian social networking site VK. This research investigates the German political environment on VK, which predominantly comprises online groups supporting far-right views. The analysis of users' activity in the online groups showed that VK functions as an alternative platform and is not used for outward-oriented goals. Looking at the activities on VK in terms of the theory of sustainability practices, we claim that one of the most critical functions of VK is archiving content. This practice ensures the preservation of accumulated narratives in the case of complete deplatforming on a mainstream platform. We found that people who use VK for communication form two different thematic clusters: The first focuses on German domestic issues, and the second focuses on transnational conspiracy theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the example of constraints on protest music in Belarus and Russia, the article discusses the political economy of censorship in the everyday functioning of contemporary authoritarianism. Combining the 'new censorship' paradigm of critical sociology and studies of post-Soviet authoritarian regimes, this study identifies and discusses structural, invisible or constitutive censorship. While the visible, formal and openly repressive mechanisms of political censorship are formally prohibited and play a minor role, actual constraints on the expression of protest take different shapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers the first systematic investigation of the institution of opera censorship in Russia during the reign of Nicholas I. Drawing on new archival sources, it examines censorship legislation, the organisation of dramatic (i.e., theatre) censorship, the workings of its bureaucracy, censors' reports and protocols and Nicholas's personal decrees on productions of specific operas, and printed and manuscript librettos. From these, it distils the patterns of state intervention in opera, revealing a remarkable fluidity – even capriciousness – of approaches. Decisions to ban or permit, and specific intrusions into the texts, were based on the censors' adherence to or disregard for the Empire's censorship laws, Nicholas's inclinations and impulses, changes in cultural policy, practical needs of the Imperial Theatres, the shifting political climate at home and abroad, and, most of all, the national point of origin of the operatic work under review. In addition to surveying the trends, the article offers three case studies: Glinka's Zhizn' za Tsarya (A Life for the Tsar), Verdi's Rigoletto and Meyerbeer's Les Huguenots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second chapter, the field of literary translation in Russia is presented in detail, with its political, social, and cultural aspects, while the third part presents British children's literature in Russia. Translating England into Russian: The Politics of Children's Literature in the Soviet Union and Modern Russia. Elena Goodwin investigates these and other Russian images of Englishness on the basis of Russian translations of British children's classics. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, the Russian Internet has developed according to strong centralizing and State-controlling tendencies, both in terms of legal instruments and technical infrastructure. This strategy implies a strong push to develop Russian-made technical solutions for censorship and traffic interception. Thus, a promising market has opened for Russian vendors of software and hardware solutions for traffic surveillance and filtering. Drawing from a mixed-methods approach and perspectives grounded primarily in Science and Technology Studies (STS), infrastructure studies and the political economy of information networks, this paper aims at exploring the flourishing sector of Russian industry of censorship and surveillance. We focus on two kinds of "black boxes" and examine their influence on the market of Internet Service Providers: surveillance systems known as SORM (System for Operative Investigative Activities), and traffic filtering solutions used to block access to websites that have been blacklisted by Roskomnadzor, the Russian federal watchdog for media and telecommunications. This research sheds light on the vivid debates around controversial technologies which Internet actors must adopt in order to avoid government fines, but which are expensive and complex to implement and raise a number of ethical and political concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some obscure connections that may have affected aspects of F.M. Dostoevsky's life and works are explored and their implications delved into, with the intention of offering new insights into the forces and processes that encroached onto the dynamics of the writer's artistic production. First translations into English of the documents are included. A. Foregrounded is a letter from Prince Vladimir Meshchersky of early January 1872 (first published in 2014), addressed to the heir to the throne of Russia, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov. Enclosed with it was a letter from F.M. Dostoevsky in which he asked the heir for financial assistance. In addition, Dostoevsky's other known letters to the heir are evaluated. These include Dostoevsky's next letter thanking the heir for the "favour" granted dated 28 January, 1872; Dostoevsky's presentation of and commentary to his novel Demons dated 10 February, 1873, and to his Writer's Diary , dated 16 November, 1876. B. Information contained in the Memoirs of F.M. Dostoevsky's younger brother Andrei that reveals the close friendship of their mother Maria Fedorovna with Ekaterina Alfonsky is examined. References to members of the Alfonsky family feature prominently in Dostoevsky's preparatory notes to his intended major work Life of a Great Sinner (Zhitie velikogo greshnika), echoes of which appear in his notes to Demons (Besy) and in later novels. According to Andrei, the two friends met every day, and he considers it remarkable that their mother was buried at Lazarevsky cemetery near her former friend, whom he describes as having been born a "Gardner", believing she was descended from the British-born Francis Gardner, founder of a porcelain factory. Although some details in Andrei's reminiscences are incorrect, the information he supplies compels one to investigate Dostoevsky's mother's friendship, and through its prism Maria's input into her childrens' reading, her encouragement of imaginative games, and the traces her own interests may have left on Dostoevsky's development and attitudes as a writer. C. The third document to be discussed is F.M. Dostoevsky's only attempt at writing a short autobiographical note that covers his life up to and including 1877. Dostoevsky dictated it to his wife, who took it down in shorthand. We speculate on the identity of the intended recipient, bearing in mind suggestions that it may have been "an editor of a newspaper" or a "French foreign correspondent". A hypothesis is proposed that the note was drafted through the intermediary of Konstantin Pobedonostsev. Included amongst the possible recipients is the foreign correspondent of The Times of London, Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace. Examined also are the likely reasons for Dostoevsky choosing to represent some events in his life from a particular stance, emphasizing the significance of some, while deflecting attention from others in the context of an assertive narrative constructed along an ideologically-engendered line (napravlenie). D. The fourth document to be considered is the forgotten draft memorandum composed by F.M. Dostoevsky in 1879–1880 that was intended to be sent to the Minister of the Interior requesting that secret police surveillance on Dostoevsky be lifted. The letter has never been translated into English and is not included in the standard five-volume collection of Dostoevsky's letters in English translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stepan Fedorovich Sokolovskii (pen name Coré) served as the primary caricaturist for the prominent St. Petersburg newspaper Novoe vremia (New Times, 1868–1917) in the late 1890s and early 1900s. While his vibrant style and prolific output have led his cartoons to appear frequently in scholarship, few studies examine his work specifically. Interestingly, his illustrations for Novoe vremia focus almost exclusively on international politics, and thus, prominently engage in national and ethnic stereotypes. These caricatures not only offered eye-catching and amusing visual depictions of foreign relations, they also showed Russia's imperial rivals as buffoonish back-stabbers that represented the worst excesses of imperialist exploitation. In this way, Sokolovskii's works offer an intriguing snapshot of popular attitudes towards Russia's allies and enemies. This essay surveys the broad themes of Sokolovskii's work and examines the ways his drawings encapsulated complex international conflicts and offered pithy visual representations of Novoe vremia 's loyalist and nationalistic take on foreign affairs. Further, it fills a gap in the scholarship by shedding light on the biography of this prolific artist and examining his views on political caricature as a medium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article regards the issue of Russian civil rights legislation, which has become very repressive after 2012. It focuses on legal restriction of all political and social activities that are beyond the control of the authorities, in particular the freedom of public meetings. Another goal of the Kremlin’s repressive policy is the Internet, which has become the only space for freedom of speech in Russia. The new legislation tries to prevent this by two mechanisms: censorship and self-censorship. The consistent restriction of freedom of speech in Russia proves the growing anxiety of the ruling group, which fears that in the conditions of the deteriorating economic situation, it may lose control over public mood. The analysis of the legislation against civil rights in Russia shows that in recent years the scope of these rights has been constantly reduced. This leads to the conclusion that the main goal of the discussed changes in the law is the complete elimination of independent civic activity perceived as one of the main threats to the authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The investigation of long-term trends in contentious politics relies heavily on protest event analysis based on newspaper reports. This tends to be problematic in restricted media environments. To mitigate the effects of bias and (self-)censorship, researchers of protest in authoritarian regimes have experimented with other sources such as international media and dissident websites. However, even though classical news media are easier targets for repression, journalistic reports might still outperform other sources regarding the quality of information provided. Although these advantages and disadvantages are known in the literature, different types of sources have seldom been tested against each other in an authoritarian context. Using the example of Russia between 2007 and 2012, the present article systematically compares protest event data from English-language news agencies, dissident websites, and several local sources, first and foremost with a view to improving methodological knowledge. The analysis addresses broad trends across time and space as well as the coverage of specific regions and single protest events. It finds that although the data sources paint different pictures of protest in Russia, this divergence is systematic and can be put to productive use. The article closes with a discussion on how its findings can be applied in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Awareness of potential political sanctions can stop social media users from expressing critical and open political views for the sake of personal security. This essay focuses on political bloggers in Belarus and Russia as political opinion leaders who have become more frequent targets of these regimes in recent years. The essay presents the results of a survey on perception and practices of self-censorship conducted among 61 well-known political bloggers in Russia and Belarus and discusses them in relation to the theory of the spiral of silence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that today in Central and Eastern Europe self-censorship, journalistic freedom and autonomy are just as severely affected by economic constraints, oligarchic influences and new authoritarianism as they are by their Communist pasts. Either way, journalists know exactly what to report, what to omit and how to advance their careers. This is reminiscent of adekvatnost '; a distinct strategy employed by Russian journalists, who regard this skill as an expression of professionalism. It implies having a 'feel for the game' and the 'right instinct', which allows them to enjoy a certain level of freedom in their work and express their creativity. The authors' interviews with Latvian and Hungarian journalists, editors and producers examined the extent to which adekvatnost ' might be a feature of journalism beyond Russia, in particular when a media system faces rising populism and authoritarianism, paired with oligarch-dominated ownership. As such, knowledge gained about journalistic practices in the countries under investigation might also be useful in understanding media development beyond the post-Communist space, including Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship of man with authority has developed in different ways in the historical process of each society. While these developments were the product of a verbal memory before the invention of writing, they took on a concrete diachronic nature with the writing. Written tradition emerged with the adoption of Christianity in Russia. With the development of this tradition, the influence of authority has also focused on written sources. In this context, censorship was the weapon of religious authority at first in Russian geography. At the beginning of the 18th century, it was seen that the government of Peter I was in contrast with the religious authority. In other words, a kind of bipolar governance showed itself. Censorship, which showed its effect on religious texts in early Russian sources, became a means of secularization of the state in this period. As a result, censorship, which first appeared with religious texts, was transformed into a worldly power with Peter I and used as a tool in Westernization and became systematic in later periods. Likewise, typography developed and the written resources restricted by the clergy were paved and cultural transformation was accelerated. In this study, the emergence of censorship in Russia from the historical point of view and its transformation in the period of Peter I will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the splintering of the global internet into sovereign, government-controlled islands on the communications strategies and tactics of global corporations. Design/methodology/approach: The approach taken was to review the various ways in which powerful authoritarian regimes such as Russia and China are controlling the Web to dissect the ways in which this could impact corporations. Findings: The author believes that unless governments, civil entities and corporations collaborate to develop common standards for free speech and privacy, the Web as we know it today will cease to exist. Research limitations/implications: The research is based on selected books and articles reviewed by the author and is not comprehensive. Practical implications: Corporations will need to examine the impact of these developments on their own communications needs and strategies to develop the collaborations proposed. Social implications: Without a universal global internet, the ability of citizens across the world to exchange ideas and develop strategies to tackle global problems will be severely curtailed. Originality/value: The author does not believe that the splintering of the internet has been considered from the perspective of the global corporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to clarify the dynamics of the publication of E. Haeckel's works in Russia, and the evolution of their perception by the authorities, various social groups and scientists in a rapidly changing sociocultural context and in relation to the various stages of the evolutionary synthesis. It is shown that his works were reprinted nearly 50 times. Until the beginning of twentieth century, the translations of his works to some extent reflected the evolution of Haeckel's interests. His scientific ideas and concepts freely spread in the Russian-speaking world and predetermined phylogenetic studies. They define many specific features of the evolutionary synthesis in the Russian-speaking world. At the same time, Russian translations of Haeckel's philosophical and paradigmatic works, many of which were used by radicals in their ideological and political struggle and in anti-religious propaganda, were banned by the tsarist authorities and criticized by conservatives. After the 1917 revolution, numerous attempts were made in Russia to use Haeckel's monism for the dialectization of natural science, to defend the principle of inheritance of acquired characteristics and to substantiate Lysenkoism. Nevertheless, his works in Russian have not been published and have never been a subject of any serious historical or scientific research for almost 80 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conservative shift taken by Russian authorities forced members of the Russian extreme right to seek shelter online. Nevertheless, they fell under censorship restrictions. The objective of this study is to reveal the distinguishing features of extreme right online groups and their participants' activity under conditions of censorship. The groups studied were identified by means of linguistic markers of extreme right sentiments and attitudes. The metrics of social network analysis were used to analyze interconnections between the groups and the internal migrations of closed communities. The study revealed that (1) extreme right online communities use the tactic of creating mirror Internet sites in case the main group is blocked; (2) blocking of the most extreme oppositional extreme right online groups induces the remaining ones to imitate obedience to law, using "softer forms" of extremist rhetoric; (3) the audience of the blocked groups continues spreading extremist ideas through channels related to other subjects. The study's authors conclude that prohibiting extreme right discourse promotes the proliferation of extreme right ideas and sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of discussion in this article comprises the ways in which a literary piece becomes folklore. In order to elucidate this, the author discusses a poem by Aleksey Apuchtin "The Madman" written in 1890, and its folksong versions. The original story depicting a farther and his daughter perishing under suspicious circumstances turns into a story of a girl killed by her lover. In the first decades of the 20th century, this poem encountered immense popularity in Russia, including its frequent recitations under musical accompaniment and repeated screenings. Therefore, it is plausible to assume that similar folklore variants may have occurred independently, affected by typological folklore regularities, as well as by the wellknown "prototext" (songs from the movies). If folklorization of an individual work is a purposeful process, it can be defined and even guided in a sense by the necessity of folklore as a cliché: the literary piece turns into folklore only when a certain folkloric counterpart is found for every literary motive or image. There is no other way for such literary image or motive to become folklore. This process requires changes on all the textual levels, including lexical, semantic, and pragmatic ones. The folklore stereotypization narrows the field of semantic valence to the minimum collection of associations. This makes one of the essential differences between folklore and literature, ensuring comparatively stable transmission of the folklore texts in the course of time, and granting that the poem by Apuchtin finds its way into the folklore language only bearing the connotations approved by the "folklore censorship". Lay opinion is prone to perceive such folklorized text of Vosilkos ('The Cornflowers') as an original poem by Apuchtin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the reception of Nietzsche's philosophy within the USSR. It covers the four phases of Soviet Nietzscheanism between 1920 and 1980, paying specific attention to the Soviet Nietzsche studies of the Stalin epoch. By making use of publications and archive materials, this article reconstructs the historical and logical formation of Nietzsche's negative image in post-revolutionary Russia that characterized him as an ideologist of imperialism and National Socialism. In addition to this, this article examines the facts impeding the process of Nietzsche's de-nazification in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After centuries of first tsarist and then communist censorship in Russia, censorship was finally prohibited by the Constitution in 1993. The censorship-free 1990s (with all the pros and cons) were followed by a search for new mechanisms of censorship and new forms of prohibition by the authorities to determine a certain control of the state over the mass media and various forms of art, including literature. New legislation (the 2013 law banning propaganda of non-traditional sexual relationships and denial of traditional family values among minors, the 2014 law banning foul language in the arts, the 2016 amendments of anti-extremism law) has become one such mechanism. On the one hand, the laws result in authors' self-censorship; on the other, they provide not only the authorities but also individuals, activist groups or various citizen or religious associations with the opportunity to sue the author or the publisher of a literary work in court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on Russian intelligentsia and the reading of uncensored Russian literature. Topics discussed include the poetry of Joseph Mandelstam and the depiction of fear in it; the censorship of anti-Soviet literature in the country; and the poet Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin. Also mentioned are the banned books in the country.