Search

Extant analyses identified the various channels through which the ongoing Russia‐Ukraine war is hurting Africa's aspiration toward sustainable food security. They however acknowledged that the crisis presents a viable opportunity to kickstart the process of reversing Africa's food dependence and minimizing the continent's vulnerabilities to future external food shocks. It is however feared that the well‐known leadership deficit in the continent poses significant impediment for exploiting opportunities offered by such 'good crisis'. The international community is, therefore, called upon to help Africa to better prepare for the next crisis. Taking this as our point of departure, we argue that the onus of reversing Africa's food dependence rests squarely on Africa's political leaders and policy makers and not on any external intervention. We then propose a residual option for tackling the leadership challenge and for launching Africa on the path of sustainable food security in line with the target of SDG‐2. The study relied on qualitative descriptive analysis of both primary and secondary data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deciding how to relate to the Soviet past is a key question in the politics of memory for the societies and political elites of the post-Soviet countries. Throughout the post-Soviet decades Armenian political and intellectual elites tried to form a complex attitude to the Soviet past, neither rejecting, nor appropriating the Soviet legacy completely, but assimilating it within the paradigm of national history. Within this paradigm Soviet Armenia is viewed as a stage in the development of Armenian nationhood, as "the second republic", which links the first "attempt" at building a nation-state, "the first republic" of 1918–1920, to the "3rd republic", i.e. the post-Soviet state of Armenia. This paradigm, in which the Soviet past is neither completely rejected, or accepted, but certain elements of it are integrated into the national history narrative, is optimal for post-Soviet Armenia, given both the peculiarity of Armenia's historical experience (particularly the role played by Russia/USSR in the context of Armenian-Turkish relations), as well as the current geopolitical setting, in which Armenia and Russia are formal allies. This attitude, which can be described as "mnemonic ambiguity", allows the assertion of an independent and sovereign Armenian state as legitimate, while at the same time avoiding a confrontation with an ally in the realm of memory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the discourse on India in Bengali travelogues on Russia/the USSR. In the first half of the twentieth century, Russia attracted a particular type of Indian travellers, politically engaged individuals interested in the ongoing transformations in Russia, to learn potential lessons for India. Later, during the Cold War era, many members of India's intellectual elite travelled to the Soviet Union at the invitation of Soviet institutions and some wrote their accounts after these visits. A distinctive feature of these travelogues is the strong focus on providing readers with information regarding Soviet social and economic developments, together with frequent comments on the contrasts between the USSR and India. The article demonstrates how Bengali travel narratives on Russia are constructed around similarities and differences between the two countries, but ultimately concentrate on the challenges for India in fields such as education, poverty, agriculture, gender equality and housing. Seven travelogues were selected for this analysis. The earliest, on Revolutionary Russia, is Soumyendranath Tagore's Biplabð Rå›iy˙å (Tagore, 1930), while the most recent sample is Sunil Gangopadhyay's Rå›iy˙å Bhramaµ (Gangopadhyay, 2012 [1985]). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This contribution to the Forum seeks to discuss the epistemic and genealogical conditions that frame the unfolding of a set of academic discourses aimed at - more implicitly rather than explicitly - normalize and rationalize Russia's military intervention in Ukraine. First, we identify the process of understanding the Russian invasion on the example of dominant discourses. Second, we outline social conditions and drivers that facilitate their reproduction and acceptance rooting their genesis and persistence in the existing limitations on knowledge production. Finally, we briefly discuss the possible ways of moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The constitutional revolution, as the most extensive political and social movement, was one of the most important events in the political history of Iran, which was able to reduce the foundations of the absolute power of the monarchy in Iran to a constitutional monarchy and lead to the formation of administrative and civil institutions and changes in the social structure in line with its goals, i.e. freedom. Justice and independence should be alienated. The question that comes to mind when studying this historical event is why this revolution did not end and failed? In this regard, by using the structureagent theory, some factors of the failure of the constitutional flow were divided into two categories, internal and external. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze the role of internal and external factors in the structure-agent model in a descriptive-analytical way. The findings of the research indicate that at the level of the internal structure, factors such as the weakness of the structure and administrative organization, the struggle of princes to gain power, and the differences and heterogeneity between the constitutionalists on the one hand, and at the external level, factors such as the dependence of agents and the obvious interference of Russia and England lead to failure of constitutional revolution and not reaching its goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how recent world history is interpreted in Russia's latest state-approved textbooks, particularly what kind of ideological and civilizational leanings the interpretations reflect. Discourse analysis reveals that the textbooks broadly accept the superiority of the capitalist developmental model and liberal-democratic political system, all within a Western-centric, if not pro-Western, paradigm based on modernization theory; only in the context of recent geopolitical conflicts is the West portrayed in an adversarial light. These findings suggest that liberal and Western-centric thinking continues to influence sections of Russia's political and intellectual elites as well as the country's post-Soviet generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to trace the evolution of the sociopolitical stance of the intelligentsia of the European North of Russia under the conditions of the 1917 revolution and the anti-Bolshevik regime that followed (1918–20). The study utilizes a sociohistorical and cultural approach, according to which the intelligentsia is understood as a self-developing group of people professionally engaged in intellectual creative work and performing a socially significant role in the sphere of spiritual culture. The research is based on documents held at the State Archive of the Arkhangel´sk Region and periodicals published during the years 1917–20. The authors conclude that the bulk of the northern intelligentsia, who shared the values of the February Revolution, reacted cautiously and even negatively to the events of October 1917. However, the stance of the intelligentsia underwent a transformation during the Civil War as a result of their recognition of the lack of alternatives to the Bolsheviks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with three Russian intelligenty – the historian Vasilii Ivanovich Semevskii, the historian and journalist Sergei Petrovich Mel'gunov, and the literary critic Mstislav Aleksandrovich Tsiavlovskii – with their contributions to the journal Golos minuvshego and successor journals. It analyzes their scholarly and political interests against the background of revolution and civil war that intensified partisanship in Russia and led to the fracturing, but not to the complete destruction, of the intelligentsia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Oriental Studies (Al-Farabi Kazakh National University) / Kazahskij Nacional'nyj Universitet Imeni Al'-Farabi Vestnik Seriâ Vostokovedeniâ is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper formulates a new perspective on Vissarion Belinskii's seminal role as the leading figure in early Russian realism–while attempting to account for the unique, culturally‐specific evolution of realism in Russia, particularly its fundamental interconnection with the rise of what we now call "the intelligentsia." Within this context, Belinskii's distinct mode of realism–epitomized in his call for "sociality or death"–can be termed "phenomenological," because it derived so much from the narrative logic of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, as a continuous striving for self‐realization. In this sense, Belinskii's influence hinged on his constructed, phenomenological metanarrative of Russian literary history: a philosophical narrative that established a logical evolution within Russian literature and explained the emergence of realism as a rational necessity. The conceptual foundations of Belinskii's metanarrative can be traced back to his period of intense immersion in Hegel's philosophy as a member of the Stankevich circle, when he and the others looked to Hegel's philosophy as a practical guide to personal self‐realization. Ultimately, however, Belinskii transposed this narrative of self‐realization onto the logic of Russian literary history. Accordingly, the realism of the Natural School marked the culminating moment when Russian literature finally attained self‐realization, legitimacy, cultural autonomy. The entire process, moreover, was contingent on the emergence of a certain kind of unified, self‐conscious reading public–which became the basis for what we now know as the intelligentsia. Thus, Belinskii's realist agenda was ultimately focused on fostering the development of this "imagined community," which entailed establishing a stable and autonomous niche for intelligentsia discourse within the competitive field of literary production, as well as shaping the distinct socio‐historical sense of self that engendered the intelligentsia's defining propensity for conscientious social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the institutional trust of Russia's humanitarian intelligentsia, describes its underlying qualities, characterizes the structure of institutional trust, reveals the essence and prerequisites of its occurrence, and analyzes the elements of institutional structure. The intelligentsia demonstrates a very high level of trust in the Russian president, but the attitudes and motives of this trust differ significantly (the difference between true supporters and passive observers). Trust in the military reflects the intelligentsia's recognition of its merits and role in ensuring the security of the state. Complete trust in the church indicates the intelligentsia's identification with its values and goals. The intelligentsia's low level of trust in political institutions is part of a contemporary international trend—a sense of injustice, the belief that things will not improve, and incredulity about the future undermine trust in the state. Trust of the police and the courts is low, largely due to widespread prejudice, low awareness of their activities, and rare interactions with them. The intelligentsia's trust in television and the press is very limited; however, television remains the main source of news, while an important alternative is the Internet. The low level of institutional trust among members of the humanitarian intelligentsia is combined with conservatism, paternalism, and civic and political passivity, and is more likely an indication of disappointment and alienation than an active criticism of Russian institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses an eschatological background of conspiracy using the Russian Orthodox conspiracy as a case study. The contemporary Russian Orthodox conspiracy focuses on a concept of the "end of time", which is imagined as a triumphal arrival of the Antichrist, assisted by the Jews and Freemasons. Thus a function, rather than any attribute (rootless, rationalist, liberal, materialist, treachery), forms the basis for the development of religious stereotyping, shared by some priests and the conservative public intellectuals. In fact, the Jews are held responsible for preparing the way for the arrival of their close relative, the Antichrist, and this goal is viewed as a prime mover for all their actions. Russia is considered the last fortress of true Christianity, playing the role of the Biblical "restrainer" (katechon), resisting Satan with the Antichrist and banishing them from the world. The main themes of the discourse are, firstly, a "ritual murder" of the Russian emperor, secondly, the current globalization accompanied by the digital economy and allegedly triggering the "mark of Satan", and thirdly, a construction of the Third Temple. All these developments are viewed as the strategic, treacherous activities of the Jews and the Freemasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom is approached in this article as an empty signifier and as an object of discursive struggle, from a discourse-theoretical perspective. The hegemonic centrality of freedom in Western discourse and identity construction is acknowledged, but at the same time the article argues that hegemony is never total and all-encompassing. In other words, hegemonic constructions are seen as always particular, with their universal claims displaying cracks and gaps. Especially when different discursive communities (e.g. the West and Russia) engage in global discursive struggles, these cracks become visible through dislocatory strategies. The second part of the article then addresses a case study about how this discursive struggle is organised in practice, focussing on the RT mini-series How to Watch the News, which prominently features Slavoj Žižek. The discourse-theoretical analysis demonstrates how the mini-series deconstructs the Western articulation of freedom, in three ways, namely by showing the failures of Western liberal democracies, and the divided nature of Western societies, and by critiquing the individualistic articulation of freedom. The article concludes by pointing to the ambiguities related to the centrality of freedom, the role of RT and the role of Žižek as public intellectual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Age of Enlightenment is identified as an eighteenth-century intellectual and philosophical movement that produced a variety of ideas ranging from the conservative to the radical, and from rational to mystical or even counter-enlightenment. This article discusses the social structure of intellectual elites in different countries during the Enlightenment. It argues that the different systems of ideas that were generated during this period, and the different forms these ideas took, are a result of the different configurations of intellectual elites in each country. It turns to examples from Scotland, France, German lands, and Russia to show the social background of enlightenment ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes an important aspect of early modern Russian culture: the emergence and evolution of the autobiographical genre within the framework of traditional Old Russian manuscript heritage. The earliest personal notes, that can be defined proto-autobiographical, appeared in the Muscovite state in the seventeenth century within the ruling and intellectual elite, while the less 'enlightened' social groups turned to the autobiographical genre in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. For the most part, early Russian autobiographical texts are either memo records or inscriptions on the margins of manuscripts or printed books. The article investigates the emergence of the new autobiographical genre within the framework of traditional Russian mediaeval forms; it analyzes several models used by Russian authors of the early modern and modern period in their search for an appropriate form to note down their personal records: in textbooks and notebooks, bookkeeping ledgers, as additions to a handwritten miscellanea, as marginalia in a manuscript book or a printed one. The case studies examined reveal the ways in which, while retaining their original traditional character, the works in which the personal annotations were inscribed underwent an inner transformation precisely because of the autobiographical additions, thus acquiring a new function by being transformed into record books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition from totalitarian to post-totalitarian type of society requires profound changes not only within institutional frames but also in the mentality of a society. In the case of Russia it is not the matter of coming back to the civil society mechanisms but creating them from anew, as the kind of citizen – state relations had not been spread to the whole society before the Soviet Union times. Intelligentsia could be an agent of the changes towards post-totalitarian state and social order. In this paper questions about the intelligentsia’s status and role in the Russian society were posed. The idea of civil society coined in the times of the Decembrist was confronted with the mobilized type of governing. Intelligentsia, as perceived by the Russian society and experts on the one hand and its self portrait on the other hand were discussed. An important question concerned the role of the Russian political opposition as the intelligentsia’s ethos continuation. The conclusions were that the intelligentsia repeats the pattern which was first developed at the beginning of the 19th century: its idealistic members are ready to struggle for the common good but without common social support. The status of intelligentsia is perceived as high if about education and morality, but it diminishes when its leadership is concerned. In the Russian post-totalitarian society the state is still an agent to be followed. It takes Russians towards totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Namık Kemal was a gifted Ottoman intellectual, produced quality works in various fields. Working in the Translation Room for nearly ten years, he was well acquainted with the diplomacy and foreign politics and made publications on this field, though, generally speaking, did not enjoy much public attention. One of the subjects of his foreign policy articles, he wrote at an early age, was the Crete issue, which is still featuring as a problematic area consisting one of hot topics with respect to international politics. Namık Kemal's articles, published in Istanbul and London, has provided deep analyses on the Cretan issue. He writes that the Crete issue emerged as a part of the strategy developed by Russia to eliminate own troubled position in diplomacy which fell into after the Crimean War. Evaluating the arguments put forward by the Greeks and the rebels in Crete along with the approaches of the Great Powers on the issue, Namık Kemal clarify his claims by giving examples from the situation of Europe at that time. He criticized the Ottoman grand viziers Keçecizade Fuad Pasha and Âlî Pasha, along with other issues, for failing to keep a proper foreign policy and made some suggestions to the Ottoman foreign policy makers. According to him, Crete, which has an "exceptional position", is the "heartland" of the Ottoman coasts, and should not be abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The theme of happiness is a neglected topic in studies of Russian thought, in part because the Russian intelligentsia came to be associated with the ethos of self-abnegation and sacrifice in the name of the common good. It is little known that the spread of utilitarian philosophy in Russia in the early 1860s sparked a debate on the notion of happiness (individual and collective) between the left intelligentsia and their opponents on the conservative spectrum. The publication of the Russian translations of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill in the late 1860s provided a new spur to the controversy and gave it a more philosophical flavor. While the intelligentsia thinkers asserted the right to happiness as one of the fundamental human needs, rooted in the very essence of human nature, the conservative writers contested both the idea of happiness as a right and the notion that happiness is the purpose of life. This article examines the intellectual and contextual development of the theme of happiness in Russian thought throughout the 1860s–1880s. Абстракт: В русской мысли XIX века идея счастья является малоизученной тематикой. Тот образ, который традиционно сложился вокруг интеллигенции, ассоциируется, прежде всего, с понятием самоотречения во имя служения всеобщему благу и едва ли наводит на мысли о поиске личного счастья. Мало известно, однако, что распространение английской философии утилитаризма в России в начале 1860-х годов способствовало развитию активной дискуссии вокруг понятия счастья (как индивидуального так и коллективного), в которой приняли участие мыслители из рядов интеллигенции, а также их оппоненты с консервативной стороны. С появлением в русском переводе работ Иеремия Бентама и Джона Стюарта Милля, дискуссия приобрела более философский характер но также и политическую остроту. Публицисты со стороны интеллигенции пришли к осознанию понятия чсастья как индивидуального права человека основанного на его природных потребностях, тогда как консервативные мыслители оспаривали сам принцип счастья как индивидуального права, а также идею о том, что счастье является целью жизни. Данная статья исследует тему счастья в русской мысли периода 1860-х – начала 1880х годов в контексте интеллектуальной истории. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around the time of the fall of the USSR, Vladimir Voroshilov's popular seasonal high‐brow television quiz show underwent a lavish aristocratic makeover, involving a Catherinian gazebo, black tie attire, large stacks of cash, and prominent references to Alexander Pushkin's "Queen of Spades" in the prologue to every game episode. This article analyzes the cultural logic through which the arrival of capitalism was rendered on What? Where? When? a process that culminated in the 1990s with the poignant Pushkinian metaphor. To understand this process, I examine the show from the standpoint of its implied subject–the collective of the intelligentsia, at the juncture of the late Soviet and the post‐Soviet eras. I argue that a Brezhnev‐era elitist disavowal of a previous "sixtier" (shestidesiatniki) imaginary of socialist intelligentsia subjectivity shaped late‐Soviet cultural products like What? Where? When? By tracking the show's evolution from its inception in the Brezhnev years, through Perestroika, and into its 1990s makeover, I use Voroshilov's game as a case study to analyze how the late Soviet intelligentsia shaped the course of 1980s‐1990s liberal capitalist reforms, while also displaying feelings of anxiety for placing its bet on the success of Yeltsin's problematic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Opera Slavica is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War, Kars remained under Russian rule until the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk dated March 3, 1918, and during this process, because it applied a Russianization policy in all areas, the people preferred to migrate to the inner parts of Anatolia. Turkish people who did not immigrate and remained were tried to be disconnected with Anatolia, Turkish broadcasting was not allowed in Kars and any book excepting the Holy Koran was not allowed in the city. In this period of time, because the Kars Newspaper published by Russia was in Russian, it historically has a great importance, although it has no value for the Turkish people. The Kars newspaper included important information from the period between 1883-1917. The aim of the study is to reveal the experiences in the region through the newspaper and to determine the perspective of Russian intellectuals and administration towards Turkish-Muslim people. In this direction, the supplied issues of the newspaper were examined and translated with the support of my esteemed student Dilbar İzatova and some evaluations related to the newspaper were included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1874 the Russian writer Fyodor Dostoevsky began to reexamine his old sketches for a new novel. Titled as The Adolescent (also entitled in English as The Raw Youth and An Accidental Family) the novel follows the growth of the young Arkadi in the bourgeois social circles of St. Petersburg at the midnineteenth century. Atypical in the Dostoevskian literature, but common in nineteenth-century literature, the novel of formation or educational novel tells us how Arkadi will learn about the fundamental themes of human life and how to deal with them. Highlighting the constitutive elements of this education novel in the narrative system of Dostoevsky, we try to give a history of the modern Russian intelligentsia in which the education already extrapolated the walls of the school and the rationality of the science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the institutional trust of Russia's humanitarian intelligentsia, describes its underlying qualities, characterizes the structure of institutional trust, reveals the essence and prerequisites of its occurrence, and analyzes the elements of institutional structure. The intelligentsia demonstrates a very high level of trust in the Russian president, but the attitudes and motives of this trust differ significantly (the difference between true supporters and passive observers). Trust in the military reflects the intelligentsia's recognition of its merits and role in ensuring the security of the state. Complete trust in the church indicates the intelligentsia's identification with its values and goals. The intelligentsia's low level of trust in political institutions is part of a contemporary international trend—a sense of injustice, the belief that things will not improve, and incredulity about the future undermine trust in the state. Trust of the police and the courts is low, largely due to widespread prejudice, low awareness of their activities, and rare interactions with them. The intelligentsia's trust in television and the press is very limited; however, television remains the main source of news, while an important alternative is the Internet. The low level of institutional trust among members of the humanitarian intelligentsia is combined with conservatism, paternalism, and civic and political passivity, and is more likely an indication of disappointment and alienation than an active criticism of Russian institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on ideological constructions of contemporary nationalism shaped by the influence of Dmitrii Galkovskii. At the dawn of the Russian Internet, Galkovskii's website, Samizdat, became the birthplace for intellectuals of contemporary Russian nationalism who emerged around Voprosy natsionalizma magazine and the online magazine Sputnik i Pogrom. Enemification strategies described in this article are understood as forms of self-representation of contemporary Russian nationalism. The goal of this article is to characterize one of the ideologies of contemporary Russian nationalism, which serves as a moral justification for some odious manifestations—xenophobia and racism. Three forces are characterized by contemporary Russian nationalists as the most dangerous challenges for the nation: the West, internal enemies, and migrants. Traditional and fundamental anti-Western rhetoric has turned into Anglophobia in the ideology of contemporary Russian nationalism. The most profound evidence might be found in Galkovskii's conception of the history of international relations. This idea is also used when defining the internal enemy. Caucasians have taken the place of Russian nationalism's previous main internal enemies, Jews, and are treated as representatives of the British colonial administration. The third enemy of modern Russian nationalism is migrants. They are seen as tools of the degradation policy toward Russians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the fundamental issues in the philosophy of Russian culture is the relationship between the common people [narod] and the intelligentsia. This issue was discussed by academic philosophers in the pre-Soviet period, but only to a certain extent. Yet, it became a major focus of classical Russian philosophical fiction. The century-long era of the serfdom of peasants and the long dominance of the landlords caused the two groups to view each other with suspicion and disbelief. The centuries-old serfdom of peasants and the same prolonged domination over them by the landlords made the relationship between the two castes so complicated that the only appropriate term to describe it would be the term "strangers." The revolutionaries of the 1870s, known as the Raznochintsy, were also seen as strangers by the peasants. Could this relationship have been changed by regicide or revolutionary education? Or, could perhaps the unexpected charity of the landowners have inspired a sense of mutual trust and compassion among these social castes? Ivan Turgenev, Leo Tolstoy, and Yuri Trifonov were preoccupied with this issue in their works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing the new reality that arose in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century, Turgenev identified different anthropological cross-sections of Russian society. His novels are dominated by the idea of a dialogue of cultures—the obvious dialogue between Western and Russian cultures and a less obvious dialogue played out within Russian culture itself, occurring among the nobility, the people, the raznochintsy, the merchants, and the petit bourgeois. Each of these groups had distinct styles of speech, which are depicted by Turgenev within a single literary work. One salient feature of the new Zeitgeist described by Turgenev is the argument that Russia's problems can be solved arationally, not by reason but by abrupt changes of fortune. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on Russian intelligentsia and the views and quotations on them. Topics discussed include the views of comedian Gennady Khazanov on Russian intelligentsia, as told to a student audience at the Moscow International University; artist Nikas Safronov, who represents Russian creative intelligentsia; and the moral obligations and moral constraints of the intelligentsia.

The article offers information on contemporary Russian intelligentsia and the nationalist trends among them. Topics discussed include the conflict between faith and reason in Russia; the influx of Anglo-American neologisms into Russian language; and the services offered by intelligentsia as political consultants, geopolitical gurus, and human technologists.

The article discusses how Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society, shaped the emigration policies. Topics discussed include postmodern role of Russian intellectuals and political activists; role of intelligentsia in unification of society; ways in which Soviet intelligentsia guaranteed for itself a higher quality of life; and contribution of intelligentsia.

The article offers information on the interrelationship between communication, democracy and intelligentsia in Russia and its impact on society. Topics discussed include Gorbachev's reform of Soviet society; the forms of public discourse isolated by philosopher Jürgen Habermas; and the criticism faced by intellectuals trying to challenge the normative assumptions of Russian society. Also mentioned is the encouragement of self-censorship by ultranationalists.

The article offers information on Russian intelligentsia, its role in societal change and its diminishing value in the country. Topics discussed include the authoritarianism of the Russian president Vladimir Putin; the mass culture of urban consumers in the country; and the reforms by Russian president Boris Yeltsin in the country. Also mentioned is the fall of communism and the Soviet Union.

The article offers information on Russian intelligentsia and the reading of uncensored Russian literature. Topics discussed include the poetry of Joseph Mandelstam and the depiction of fear in it; the censorship of anti-Soviet literature in the country; and the poet Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin. Also mentioned are the banned books in the country.

The article discusses how Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society, affected the society in 21st century. Topics discussed include postmodern role of Russian intellectuals and political activists; role of intelligentsia in unification of society; ways in which Soviet intelligentsia guaranteed for itself a higher quality of life; and contribution of intelligentsia.

The article explores relation between cynicism and Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society. Topics discussed include postmodern role of Russian intellectuals and political activists; role of intelligentsia in unification of society; ways in which Soviet intelligentsia guaranteed for itself a higher quality of life; and contribution of intelligentsia.

The article explores the objective situation among Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people engaged in the complex mental labours that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society. Topics discussed include Russian intellectuals and political activists' work; role of intelligentsia in unification of society; ways in which Soviet intelligentsia guaranteed for itself a higher quality of life; and contribution of intelligentsia in collapse of Communist system.

The article explores the history of Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people engaged in the complex mental labours that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society. Topics discussed include Russian intellectuals and political activists' work; role of intelligentsia in societies in Russia and America; and ways in which intelligentsia members can make a decisive contribution to the unification of humankind.

The article explores the history of Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people engaged in the complex mental labours that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society. Topics discussed include Russian intellectuals and political activists' resemblance to Marcus Tullius Cicero, a Roman consul and public intellectual, who ran into political headwinds; governance of Russian president Vladimir Putin; and views of movie-maker Andrei Konchalovsky on the Putin.

The article explores the history of Russian intelligentsia, a status class of educated people engaged in the complex mental labours that guide, and lead in shaping the culture and politics of society. Topics discussed include Russian intellectuals and political activists' resemblance to Marcus Tullius Cicero, a Roman consul and public intellectual, who ran into political headwinds; governance of Russian president Vladimir Putin; and views of movie-maker Andrei Konchalovsky on the Putin.