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Japan and the United States have agreed to discuss a post-Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) bilateral trade framework during the Abe-Trump meeting in February 2017. The bilateral trade talks will be a significant step for Japan to remain economically connected to America. To reward Japan's support of Trump's economic agenda, the United States has promised to defend Japan, including the disputed Senkaku islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that as opposed to the conventional wisdom of Japan’s hedging policy, Japan has been constantly taking balancing behavior vis-à-vis China since the end of the Cold War; however, the incremental shift to explicit balancing began after the 2010SenkakuBoat Collision Incident. The shift was accelerated by the 2012 Japanese Government Purchase of theSenkakuIslands. Since then, Japan has attempted to engage in both internal and external balancing by taking more security burden-sharing with the United States through the relaxation of Japan’s constitutional and political constraints on its military capabilities and the enhancement of security linkages with other regional states, such as Australia and India. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines Russia's position on the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute. It focuses particularly on the claim that Russia and China are forming an anti-Japanese territorial front. Looking closely at official statements and actions, as well as Russian-language media and scholarship, it finds that Russia, while retaining a position of formal neutrality, clearly considers China's claims more favourably. While this could be seen to have alarming implications by arraying China and Russia on one side against Japan and the USA on the other, the article also finds that Russia's support is not without qualifications and that its place in the conflict is not yet entrenched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on the "demographic onus effect" to challenge established cognitions of rising China. The country's demographic dynamics, especially the trade-off between a military build-up and welfare spending, will most probably lead to what might be called a "geriatric peace" by around 2030. This is because, due to its longtime one child policy, China is set to confront an unprecedented ageing population before becoming an advanced industrial country. Until then, however, the Chinese will have the fiscal wherewithal to continue the country's formidable military accrual. China is also likely to become far more belligerent by manipulating nationalist sentiments at home, alongside using foreign policy to divert growing popular discontent. This paper will analyze China's demographic dynamics and explore the implications of the ageing population to Japan's security, with the focus on a possible contingency over the Senkaku Islands as the most likely flash point. It will conclude with policy recommendations for Japan and the U.S. to weather possible China's bellicosity during the next ten to fifteen years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this analysis of the Senkaku/Diaoyu, including the US role, I employ the framework of Western theories of international relations (IR). The analysis turns to the prisoner's dilemma to find a possible solution to the present impasse. The key task for negotiators and IR theorists is to find an equation that satisfies three factors simultaneously: China does not enter Japan's territorial vt/aters; Japan continues the three nos of "not to land, not to investigate, and not to build"; and confidence-building measures are instituted to avoid direct military collisions. So far, the prisoner's dilemma has not succeeded in finding that equation, so perhaps more attention should be paid to the Eastern concept of face saving or giving face, which in addition to the other three factors might enable the two sides to reach a modus vivendi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, Japan has been increasing tensions with China regarding the Pinnacle Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Due to the Chinese military development, Japan has been working on its political and military strengthening in Asia. This essay presents two possible scenarios for Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a maritime boundary dispute and potential naval conflict between China and Japan regarding the Senkaku Islands or Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea as of January 2014. Topics include the modernization of China's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), conflict between the China Coast Guard (CCG) and the Japan Coast Guard (JCG), and China's creation of an East China Sea area Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ). Japan's naval policy and its alliance with the U.S. are addressed.

The article discusses the significance of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Island group in the East China Sea in creating tension in relations between China and Japan. It examines the deterioration of relations between the two nations following the September 11, 2012, purchase of the island group by the Japanese government in agreement with Japanese businessman Kunioki Kurihara. The article discusses the history of contention over the islands, including U.S. administrative responsibilities for the islands, and the Ryukyu Island Chain, following World War II. The article discusses the geopolitical aspects of sovereignty of the islands, particularly the concept of residual sovereignty, negotiations between the U.S. and Japan concerning the reversion of the Ryukyu Islands, including Okinawa, during the administration of former U.S. president Richard Nixon, and the U.S. neutrality doctrine.

This article first examines specific recent issues facing the two countries, namely the Senkaku Islands fishing boat incident and the relocation of the Futenma Marine air base in Ginowan city, Okinawa, and then proceeds to make some observations on the larger issue of the future of the alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]