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This essay explores the growth of boxing among the African populations on the Witwatersrand region of South Africa between 1924 and 1959. It details how the sport's jump in popularity with Africans paralleled migration to Johannesburg. Africans increasingly saw boxing as an activity and skill conducive with survival in this new environment, and thus the sport grew in popularity, stature, and skill-level amongst this emergent urban population. The essay further explores the various ways that the sport was disseminated and popularized during the era, thus detailing how the sport reached both the African masses and petit-bourgeois educated elite. As their presence in Johannesburg became more and more permanent, boxing came to encompass various meanings and ideals, such as notions of discipline, independence and civility, to these urban populations.

As practitioners of the imperial sport of the Victorian age, cricketers rallied whenever war descended upon England and its colonies. The South African War of 1899-1902 was no different. Adding to existing work on cricket's imperial development within South Africa, this study marks a significant contribution to research on the link between masculinity, war and sport during the Victorian era. A concept emerging from the English public schools of the mid- to late nineteenth century, the masculine ethos of sport and military honour had reached colonial South Africa by the outbreak of war in 1899. In its analysis of cricket and masculinity, this essay examines the events surrounding the war in South Africa and provides an example of the distinct relationship that existed between the military and the masculinity of sport and its organisation during this era.

This paper explores the political, economic, and social life of Nelson Mandela through his food choices from 1918 to the present. A description of the minutiae of one particular 1950s Sunday lunch is used to examine the broader role of first colonial and later apartheid legislation in determining the dietary choices and options of South Africans past and present. How such policies shaped attitudes and access to Nelson Mandela’s ancestral Xhosa cuisine is assessed. The long-term cultural, economic, and political impact of a lack of access to core indigenous African ingredients is evaluated. Most of all this paper offers a snapshot portrayal of two families (one white, one black) trying to sustain a normal friendship within a grossly abnormal society.

This article draws together unusual characteristics of the legacy of apartheid in South Africa: the state-orchestrated destruction of family life, high rates of unemployment and a high prevalence of HIV/AIDS. The disruption of family life has resulted in a situation in which many women have to fulfil the role of both breadwinner and care giver in a context of high unemployment and very limited economic opportunities. The question that follows is: given this crisis of care, to what extent can or will social protection and employment-related social policies provide the support women and children need?

A rich literature exists on local democracy and participation in South Africa. While the importance of participation is routinely built into the rhetoric of government, debate has increasingly focused on the dysfunctionality of participatory mechanisms and institutions in post-apartheid South Africa. Processes aimed ostensibly at empowering citizens, act in practice as instruments of social control, disempowerment and cooptation. The present article contributes to these debates by way of a critique of the approach used by the South African state, in partnership with the non-governmental sector, in what are called abortion "values clarification" (VC) workshops. This article examines the workshop materials, methodology and pedagogical tools employed in South African abortion VC workshops which emanate from the organization Ipas — a global body working to enhance women's sexual and reproductive rights and to reduce abortion-related deaths and injuries. VC workshops represent an instance of a more general trend in which participation is seen as a tool for generating legitimacy and "buy-in" for central state directives rather than as a means for genuinely deepening democratic communication. The manipulation of participation by elites may serve as a means to achieve socially desirable goals in the short term but the long-term outlook for a vibrant democracy invigorated by a knowledgeable, active and engaged citizenry that is accustomed to being required to exercise careful reflection and to its views being respected, is undermined. Alternative models of democratic communication, because they are based on the important democratic principles of inclusivity and equality, have the potential both to be more legitimate and more effective in overcoming difficult social challenges in ways that promote justice.

Sport is a social institution that perpetuates gendered ideologies in the wider society through appealing to discourses of the naturalness of men's privilege and domination in society. Heteronormativity regulates the roles, behaviours, appearances and sexualities of, and relationships between and among, women and men. Moreover, heteronormative discourses normalise a particular relationship between sex, gender and sexuality that posits woman/feminine/heterosexual (and man/masculine/heterosexual) as a natural order from which variance is considered a punishable deviance. This paper outlines the effects of heteronormative discourses in the lives of women footballers in South Africa, through drawing on interviews with a wide range of women footballers. The paper shows how heteronormative discourses nurture homophobic attitudes that serve to regulate the appearances and performances of South African women.

During the Second World War (1939-1945), South African military authorities employed various regimes to mould white South African soldiers as citizens of a particular type. These coincided broadly with traditions of racial statehood identified by David Goldberg, and included attempts at ideological control – through the liberal Army Education Scheme, a compulsory adult education project – as well as disciplinary interventions, which concentrated on soldiers' sexuality. The ways that ordinary soldiers responded to these divergent discourses reminds us that whiteness in a racial state was elaborated not just from above, but also below. This observation raises some cautionary points for the writing of 'post-social' history, and just as it demands that ordinary servicemen's actions, experiences and ideologies need to be related to the state and other modes of power, it reaffirms Geoff Eley's appeal for a 'new history of society'.Lines of investigation that explore attempts to educate, discipline and control white soldiers begin to challenge some of the conventional periodizations of SA history, particularly the notion that South Africa's 1940s represented an optimistic 'world of possibilities'.

In January of 2000, spectacular fires burned in the natural veld of Cape Town, South Africa. As the fire-fighting effort finished, a theory emerged: invasive alien species, trees from other countries, such as Australia and the United States, were to blame for the fires. While the invasive alien hypothesis captured the attention of media and policy makers alike, there was little ecological evidence to support it. This article places the fires of 2000 in a longer history of post-apartheid policy and science surrounding invasive alien floral species, arguing that the fires allowed for a synergy between concerns over poverty relief, nature conservation, and scientific research. The most visible example of this synergy was an increased commitment to the Working for Water programme on the Cape Peninsula, a large-scale employment programme utilising unskilled labour to clear invasive alien species in order to conserve South African water resources. In addition to providing employment for South Africa's poorest citizens, Working for Water provided funding for ecological research about invasive alien species. The studies that resulted from this funding focused on gathering information to make practical suggestions for invasive species control. Although the focus of these studies was on management, the science used was itself as rigorous as it had ever been. In the post-apartheid era, as poverty relief and nature conservation came together, scientists ensured that they would continue to play a role in nature conservation by making their research relevant to both invasive species control and to poverty relief.

The population census is one of the major statistics gathering exercises undertaken by the state, when information on a wide range of personal attributes is demanded. None is more problematic than occupation, which, for clarity, requires the subsequent simplification and classification of the myriad of self-descriptions collected. Nowhere is this more evident than in South Africa before 1958. Conflict between British imperial directives and local peculiarities, notably the issue of race, resulted in the adoption of widely fluctuating classification schemes. Consequently, direct comparisons between the published occupational statistics of successive enumerations are highly problematic, if not impossible.

South Africa was the third largest exporter of asbestos in the world for more than a century. As a consequence of particularly exploitative social conditions, former workers and residents of mining regions suffered--and continue to suffer--from a serious yet still largely undocumented burden of asbestos-related disease. This epidemic has been invisible both internationally and inside South Africa. We examined the work environment, labor policies, and occupational-health framework of the asbestos industry in South Africa during the 20th century. In a changing local context where the majority of workers were increasingly disenfranchised, unorganized, excluded from skilled work, and predominantly rural, mining operations of the asbestos industry not only exposed workers to high levels of asbestos but also contaminated the environment extensively.

In the present study findings from interviews on the background of street children in Pretoria, South Africa are presented, discussed, and compared with research done in the past on South African street children. Findings from the investigation indicate that the average age of South African street children is approximately 13 years, predominantly of male African origin. Most have been on the streets for three years or longer, and they cited family violence, parental alcoholism, abuse, and poverty as the main motivating factors for leaving home. Most of these findings are common among street children all over the world.