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The political trajectories in Southeast Asia are much more complex than neat theoretical models would suggest. In particular, the diverse experience of post-authoritarian states are far from linear – often moving forward, backward, and forward again, or stalling for a number of years. Political trajectories can thus be uneven and erratic, as exemplified by Thailand's military coups, graduating from hegemonic to competitive electoral authoritarian rule in Singapore and Malaysia and lingering within the zone of low-quality democracy as characterized by Indonesia's poor governance and neo-patrimonial dynamics. Indeed, since 2014, Freedom House no longer classifies Indonesia as ‘Free’, following the passage of legislation restricting the activity of civil society and the human rights violations against religious minorities. Similarly, Thailand lost its ‘Free’ ranking in 2006 and the Philippines in 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the authors highlight the themes published within the issue including economic trends, Southeast Asia and the three major Southeast Asian countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand.

The article discusses the future of Indonesia's foreign policy following the 2014 election of former Jakarta, Indonesia governor Joko Widodo, or Jokowi, as the country's president, often referencing Indonesian history during the early 21st century. An overview of the tenure of the former Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, including his efforts to restore the country's power and leadership in the Southeast Asian region and within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), is provided. An overview of the economic conditions in Indonesia, including economic growth in the country, is also provided.

This study argues that well organized labor movements and increasing labor mobilization played a crucial role in the democratic transitions in Indonesia in 1998 and the Philippines in 1986. In contrast, the presence of less active and less organized labor unions in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Singapore appears to be an important reason for the durability of authoritarianism in those countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2006 coups in Fiji and Thailand—as well as the 2012 incident in Papua New Guinea—have sent timely reminders that military coups remain a threat to vulnerable democracies in South-East Asia and the Pacific. This article explores the interplay between structural factors that can create coup risks, the ‘coup-proofing’ strategies of political leaders and the occurrence of military coups. While the article examines the region as a whole, it pays particular attention to Myanmar (Burma), Thailand, Indonesia, Fiji and Papua New Guinea. Borrowing from the work of Belkin and Schofer, it argues that the level of coup risk in each country can be assessed by analysing the extent of regime legitimacy, the strength of civil society and the frequency of military coups in the past. By combining this analysis with an evaluation of coup-proofing strategies, the study discusses likely scenarios for the five focus countries as far as the likelihood of coups or, alternatively, the establishment of stable civilian control is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the passing of Jamie Mackie in April 2011, the intellectual and policy community in Australia lost a scholar, mentor and advocate who charted understandings of Indonesia, Southeast Asia and Australia's relations with Asia for over half a century. Mackie provided effective leadership and quiet inspiration for the development of Indonesian and Asian studies in three of Australia's top universities and throughout the nation. His intellectual contribution ranged across politics, international relations and economics. He urged students, fellow scholars, policy makers and the broader community to remember the historical basis of events in the region, strove to understand what 'makes things tick' in Indonesia and promoted racial tolerance in Australia. His style was low-key and personal, mentoring individuals and bringing together groups of like-minded people. While not dodging difficult issues, he was generally optimistic that sensible and sensitive approaches would enable Australia to live in greater harmony with its neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that the abortive PKI-FDR uprising in Indonesia during the last quarter of 1948 marked an important turning point in the American policy toward the Indonesian struggle for independence against the Dutch. Before 1948, American policy toward Southeast Asia was almost exclusively dictated by the imperatives of European considerations, hence was pro-Dutch. The outbreak of the PKI-FDR not only raised the scepter of Communism in Indonesia but also underscored the belief Indonesian nationalism had to be settled in a just and practical way as a precondition to fight communism. In the final analysis, however, it cannot be said that the PKI-FDR revolt was ultimately responsible for the American decision to support the Indonesians. When threat of sanction was finally instituted against the Dutch, it was again European considerations which dictate the move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a structuralist approach to understanding social trajectories following the demise of authoritarian regimes. It does so by analyzing the case of Indonesia in the context of debates about democratization more broadly, whether in Southeast Asia or elsewhere. The paper presents the argument that although Indonesia today is clearly a democracy, it is important to comprehend the kind of democracy that has been entrenched, and why this has been possible. Prevalent actor-based approaches, such as that found within "transitology," as well as "goodgovernance" perspectives, tend to emphasize institutional change based on either elite pacts or technocratic crafting. More important, however, is to understand the power relations that underlie institutions and thereby determine the way they actually operate--often in ways that are different from design or intention. This requires analyses of the nature of specific constellations of social power and interest, and the sorts of coalitions that actually preside over institutions of governance--a hallmark of structuralist approaches [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the political outlook for Southeast Asia for 2008-2009. In Brunei, the governmental system will remain to be highly centralized despite the fact that the district and village level councils have been provided some semblance of participatory parties. In Indonesia, it is predicted that there may be another Cabinet reshuffle in 2008 which relates to potential political splits between parties that supported the Yudhoyono-Kalla presidential ticket in 2004. In the Philippines, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is anticipated to encounter new street protests asking for her resignation and attempts to impeach her.

The signal performances of Southeast Asian countries in attaining economic growth and political stability are frequently explained by cultural and policy factors. Recent research suggests, however, that the role of the state is extensive and central to economic and political goals. The present approach to the comparative evaluation of state capacities attempts to account for the variations and nuances of the performance of Southeast Asian states. The structure of political support and available means of social control provide relatively greater capacity to state elites in Singapore and Malaysia, and less capacity to state elites in the Philippines and Indonesia; Thailand is an intermediate case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the 2015 Southeast Asian haze caused by forest fires in Indonesia that led to the declaration of state of emergency in the country. Topics include the acute respiratory infections caused by the haze, the criticisms on the failure of the Indonesian government to control forest fires and the studies conducted on the causes of fires and harmful effects of the particulates in the haze.