Search

Basque nationalism is singled out in the literature as a case of minority nationalism that faces an ongoing struggle between those in support of a liberal-inclusive definition of the nation and those favouring an exclusive-racialist one. Nevertheless, Basque nationalist parties have been welcoming of immigration and have legislated to create a regional citizenship based on residence rather than ethnicity. This article argues that, at least in part, the ‘positive’ response of Basque nationalists to the immigration wave that began in the early 2000s is an attempt to strengthen national solidarity by contrasting Basque values of openness and tolerance against the restrictive nature of the reforms to the immigration law in Spain that were initiated in 2000. This argument challenges the notion that sub-state nationalists are hostile to immigration because of the threat diversity poses to the nationalist project. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Versified slander, particularly that addressed to converted Jews orconversos, is best understood within a social exercise of rhetoric asars bene dicendithat channels ethnic and religious tensions through the practice ofmaldecir. Slanderous discourse ormaldeciris both a flexible and a dangerous tool in the hands of an author, who becomes aggrandized through the poet's ethical responsibility to denounce social evils. However, slander can destabilize authorship due to the required use of despicable language. The result is a complex interplay among slandered authors and their critics that shows the flexible uses of slander in the context of ethnic and social strife. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Psicoperspectivas is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Escuela de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses political approaches to inequalities in three south European countries: Italy, Portugal, and Spain. Analysis is based on Crenshaw's (1991) concept of political intersectionality, McCall's (2001, 2005) broader structures of inequality and “configuration of inequality,” and scholarly works on the institutionalization of multiple inequalities ( Hancock 2007; Kantola and Nousiainen 2009; Weldon 2008). Focusing on gender, ethnicity, and sexuality, the article comparatively explores the ways in which multiple inequalities have been institutionally treated in the selected cases, often as a response to European Union policies. It then draws on empirical findings of this institutionalization to categorize types of political approaches to inequalities, including practices that intersect different inequalities. This comparison contributes to theoretical progress in understanding the political treatment to address inequalities by sharpening the distinction between intersectional policy practices and those of multiple inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers an analysis of the slave market in Cádiz, Spain, between 1650 and 1750. The volume of slaves sold during the time period is discussed, including a chronology providing the number of slaves sold every five years. The author focuses on the characterization of the slaves sold, including their ethnicity, ages and countries of origin. Also included are the variations in prices for the slaves, including their age relating to average price and the total invested capital between 1650 and 1750. Charts are provided by the author, including those on slave sales, prices and ages.