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Objectives: Following decades of mainstream bipartisan support, contraception has reemerged as a controversial political issue in the United States. At the same time, opposition to abortion has intensified. State legislatures across the country have enacted highly visible policies limiting access to family planning. Perhaps the most striking example occurred in 2011 in Texas, when legislators instituted unprecedented requirements on abortion providers and cut public funding for contraception by two thirds. Yet, despite popular interpretations of this phenomenon as a simple byproduct of increasing partisan divisions, little is understood about the factors underlying such policy shifts.Study Design: We fit Bayesian ideal-point models to analyze correlation patterns in record-vote data in the Texas House of Representatives in the 2003 and 2011 Legislatures. Both sessions had large Republican majorities and saw the passage of restrictive abortion bills, but they differed markedly with respect to public funding for contraception.Results: We demonstrate that variation in voting on family-planning issues cannot be fully attributed to partisanship in either session. However, the politics of abortion and contraception have converged over time, and - at least for Democrats - the correlation between constituency characteristics and voting behavior on family-planning legislation is markedly higher in 2011 than in 2003. These shifts have been partly driven by legislators from high-poverty, majority Latino districts near the US-Mexico border.Conclusions: Recent dramatic shifts in family-planning policy go beyond simple partisan divisions. As the politics of abortion and contraception have converged, policies that are increasingly hostile to reproductive health and that disproportionately affect low-income minority women have emerged.Implications: Recent shifts in family-planning policy restrict women's access to contraception and abortion, yet little research has examined why such shifts are occurring. This paper analyzes factors underlying voting behavior on restrictive policies in Texas. Identification of these factors helps us to better understand the current political climate surrounding our field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A rapid increase in restrictive abortion legislation in the United States has sparked renewed interest in self-managed abortion as a response to clinic access barriers. Yet little is known about knowledge of, interest in, and experiences of self-managed medication abortion among patients who obtain abortion care in a clinic.Objectives: We examined patients' knowledge of, interest in, and experience with self-managed medication abortion before presenting to the clinic. We characterized the clinic- and person-level factors associated with these measures. Finally, we examined the reasons why patients express an interest in or consider self-management before attending the clinic.Materials and Methods: We surveyed 1502 abortion patients at 3 Texas clinics in McAllen, San Antonio, and Fort Worth. All individuals seeking abortion care who could complete the survey in English or Spanish were invited to participate in an anonymous survey conducted using iPads. The overall response rate was 90%. We examined the prevalence of 4 outcome variables, both overall and separately by site: (1) knowledge of self-managed medication abortion; (2) having considered self-managing using medications before attending the clinic; (3) interest in medication self-management as an alternative to accessing care at the clinic; and (4) having sought or tried any method of self-management before attending the clinic. We used binary logistic regression models to explore the clinic- and patient-level factors associated with these outcome variables. Finally, we analyzed the reasons reported by those who had considered medication self-management before attending the clinic, as well as the reasons reported by those who would be interested in medication self-management as an alternative to in-clinic care.Results: Among all respondents, 30% knew about abortion medications available outside the clinic setting (37% in Fort Worth, 33% in McAllen, 19% in San Antonio, P < .001), and among those with prior knowledge, 28% had considered using this option before coming to the clinic (36% in McAllen, 25% in Fort Worth, 21% in San Antonio, P = .028). Among those without prior knowledge of self-management, 39% expressed interest in this option instead of coming to the clinic (54% in San Antonio, 30% in McAllen, 29% in Fort Worth, P < .001). Overall, 13% had sought out or tried any method of self-management before presenting to the clinic (16% in McAllen and 15% in Fort Worth vs 9% in San Antonio, P < .001). Experiencing barriers to clinic access was associated with having considered medication self-management (odds ratio, 2.2; 95% confidence interval, 1.7-3.0) and with seeking or trying any method of self-management before attending the clinic (odds ratio, 1.9; 95% confidence interval, 1.3-2.7). Difficulty affording the cost of in-clinic care was the most commonly cited reason for having considering medication self-management before attending the clinic. Reasons for interest in medication self-management as an alternative to clinic care included both access barriers and preferences for the privacy and comfort of home.Conclusion: Considering or attempting self-managed abortion may be part of the pathway to seeking in-clinic care, particularly among those experiencing access barriers. However, considerable interest in medication self-management as an alternative to the clinic also suggests a demand for more autonomous abortion care options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asthma exacerbations exhibit a consistent annual pattern, closely mirroring the school calendar. Although respiratory viruses--the "common cold" viruses--are implicated as a principal cause, there is little evidence to link viral prevalence to seasonal differences in risk. We jointly fit a common cold transmission model and a model of biological and environmental exacerbation triggers to estimate effects on hospitalization risk. Asthma hospitalization rate, influenza prevalence, and air quality measures are available, but common cold circulation is not; therefore, we generate estimates of viral prevalence using a transmission model. Our deterministic multivirus transmission model includes transmission rates that vary when school is closed. We jointly fit the two models to 7 y of daily asthma hospitalizations in adults and children (66,000 events) in eight metropolitan areas. For children, we find that daily viral prevalence is the strongest predictor of asthma hospitalizations, with transmission reduced by 45% (95% credible interval =41-49%) during school closures. We detect a transient period of nonspecific immunity between infections lasting 19 (17-21) d. For adults, hospitalizations are more variable, with influenza driving wintertime peaks. Neither particulate matter nor ozone was an important predictor, perhaps because of the large geographic area of the populations. The school calendar clearly and predictably drives seasonal variation in common cold prevalence, which results in the "back-to-school" asthma exacerbation pattern seen in children and indirectly contributes to exacerbation risk in adults. This study provides a framework for anticipating the seasonal dynamics of common colds and the associated risks for asthmatics.