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In this study, the coercive diplomacy practices implemented by Türkiye and the TRNC in the S-300 Missile crisis are discussed. The crisis that caused the waters in the Eastern Mediterranean to warm up and brought Türkiye to the brink of war was examined from the perspective of the TRNC Press. Awareness was raised and social consciousness was created by the news in the print media that global and regional actors were involved in the problem. In a painful process that followed a multilateral course, Türkiye and TRNC overcame the crisis by acting in cooperation and using multiple elements of coercive diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cyprus Question, which Türkiye treats as a national cause and which many states attach importance to as an international problem, has so far been an extensively studied topic in the literature with its different dimensions. Within these dimensions, the official Greek Cypriot propaganda carried out during the cleavage among Greek Cypriots in the process leading to the 15 July 1974 coup d'état has not been adequately addressed. This study aims to contribute to the literature by addressing this point. The study examines the new propaganda of the Greek Cypriot leader Archbishop Makarios, who had to change tactics and put the Enosis propaganda in the background in order not to attract the reaction of Türkiye in 1967, and the way this propaganda treated the anti-Makarios armed Greek Cypriot groups that accused their leader as being a "traitor to the national cause". The study benefited from the official archives of Cyprus, United Kingdom and the USA, and the Turkish and Greek Cypriot newspapers of the period, and followed a historical and qualitative document analysis method. The main finding of the study is that Makarios separated the fanatical groups who opposed him from the rest of the Greek Cypriot community by accusing them of "serving partition, not Enosis". Makarios was aware that Türkiye's patience had reached the breaking point due to the violence against Turkish Cypriots during the 1963-1967 period. The continuation of these provocations would push Türkiye to intervene militarily. According to the Greek Cypriot leader, a "reasonable" citizen was the one who did not get impatient for the Enosis and did not provoke Türkiye. Thus, terrorists who did not fit this mold were "unreasonable". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A main objective of this article is to examine the underlying reasons behind the collapse of the reunification talks on Cyprus aimed at a federal model. Another aim of the article is to analyze Türkiye’s assertive policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. A major argument is that the disruption of the balance of power with respect to the Cyprus problem in favor of the Greek Cypriots after 2004 and the lack of a shared Cypriot identity were fundamental causes of the failure of the talks. The study also contends that the emergence of a siege mentality after the July 2016 coup plot in Türkiye, together with its economic and military strengthening, the rise of multi-polarity in international politics, and diminishing EU political sway in the country, incentivized Türkiye to pursue an active foreign policy agenda in the Eastern Mediterranean. This study concludes that the failure of long-standing negotiations to reach a federal settlement on the island and the comfortable position obtained by the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA) in the negotiations vis-à-vis the Turkish side following the accession to the EU together with Türkiye’s nationalist posture after 2016 and the deepening of the identity dilemma among the Greek and Turkish Cypriots over the course of time induced Türkiye to shelve a federal solution to the Cyprus issue and return to a pre-2002 two-state solution. The article also concludes that Türkiye was further prompted to take an independent course in the Eastern Mediterranean by the combination of a number of factors: the rapprochement between the AKP Government and nationalist elements in the country after the 2016 coup plot, the militarization of its foreign policy, Türkiye’s perception that the West was in decline, the decreased credibility and thus leverage over Türkiye of EU political conditionality, Brussels’ shortcomings regarding a common security and foreign policy and the rise in Türkiye’s military and economic capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Rural-vernacular house is shaped in line with the needs of the physical and socio-cultural environment and according to socio-economic factors; inevitably, it is undergoing an accelerated change. From this point of view, this study aims to focus on Cyprus, which is a quite interesting context, and targets to investigate the spatial change of rural-vernacular housing. Accordingly, it first aims to introduce basic housing typologies supported by unique spatial use. Following this, it primarily aims to introduce the basic housing and related space typologies supported by the original spatial use; to determine and discuss to what extent these typologies have changed; and how this change differs regarding to the peculiar characteristics of the basic types. Within the scope of this study, Büyükkonuk Village (Kom-i Kebir), which has sustained the characteristics of rural-vernacular architecture in Cyprus to the present, was chosen for field research. The houses here were built mainly by Turkish and Greek Cypriots. Today, they are used by Turkish Cypriots and Turks that emigrated from Turkey after 1974 who possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship. It is a known fact that, due to changing living conditions and the change in user profile, they are facing serious spatial and functional changes. Within the village dwelling texture, housing units that displayed identifiable changes were selected among the three most common types of Cypriot ruralvernacular residential architecture. In this context, the space syntax analysis method was used, in order to compare the original spatial organization of the 'units without halls' formed by closed spaces around courtyard, 'units with inner halls' and 'units with outer halls' formed by both closed spaces and semi-open spaces around courtyard, with their current changed states. The field study, which includes the determination of the space organization of the selected houses, was supported with observations on site and interviews with the users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman in 1570 and from this time to 1878, until the Ottoman administration ended, it had two societies and two identities: Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. This social and cultural structure of the island was maintained under the British rule (1878-1960). Although above mentioned structure did not cause an important social problem during the Ottoman period, by the 19th century onwards in modern times, two main societies of Cyprus, Turks and Greeks, began to separate from each other through their national identities. While Turkish Cypriots followed Turkey as language, religion, culture and education, Greece was taken as model by Greek Cypriots. This attitude continued even when the Ottoman Empire was destroyed and the Republic of Turkey was established. Turkish Cypriots accepted the national and cultural experiences in Turkey, supported the Turkish Army fighting to Greece and other western powers and adopted new ideals and reforms of the Turkish Republic. When Turkish National Anthem was approved by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on 12 March 1921, it was published in İrşad the journal, shortly afterwards. From this date onwards the Turkish National Anthem was the national anthem for the Turkish Cypriots. When the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was proclaimed in 1983, a search for a new anthem was started and a march competition was held. As for today, the Turkish National Anthem is the national anthem both in Turkey and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. This research seeks to explore the developments depending on the press and archive documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discovery of natural gas and oil reserves in Israel and Cyprus’s adjoining Exclusive Economic Zones laid the foundations for wide-ranging cooperation between Tel Aviv and Nicosia in the areas of economy, energy and defence. But it also unveiled big challenges. The Cyprus problem became entangled in the broader international discord over both offshore energy and the increase in Israeli–Turkish tensions. Renewed negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, first in February 2014 and then in April 2015, were mainly driven by the discovery of natural gas reserves off Cyprus and the wish of the EU and USA to reconcile the Republic of Cyprus with Turkey and facilitate a Turkey–Israel rapprochement, as the latter might be vital for a ’pro-western’ method of exploitation of the natural wealth. This article, however (relying on primary sources: archives and interviews from Israel, Turkey, Greece, Cyprus, Lebanon and United Kingdom), studying the background of the Turkish–Cypriot–Israeli relationship as well as certain political and economic parameters of the geopolitical complex in the Eastern Mediterranean, questions the feasibility of this option in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this article is to describe young people's awareness of their parents' and grandparents' stories of the events of 1974 in Cyprus and to evaluate the extent to which they perceive teachers as other key figures in their lives endorsing family accounts of history. The article is based on focus group discussions with 20 Turkish Cypriot and 20 Greek Cypriot teenagers from two schools in Cyprus. The article describes how in some cases, young people appropriate these memories as their own, while in other cases, they acknowledge how the passing of time dilutes the significance of past events and allows some young people to envisage a different collective future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explore young people’s constructions of national identity in Cyprus. The article is based on focus group discussions with 20 Greek-speaking and 20 Turkish-speaking young people between 13 and 15 years of age, drawn from two schools in the divided capital city of Nicosia. The article explores both the ways in which Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot young people understand their own identity and the degrees of their allegiance to an overarching identity as ‘Cypriot’, rather than Turkish/Greek Cypriot. The article reflects on the contradictions young people face in divided societies where there are competing discourses around national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)