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In 2007, Freeman pioneered the phrase "food oppression" to capture the state's perpetuation of socioeconomic and racial disparities in nutrient consumption and diet-related diseases in the United States. Amid an increasing awareness of the impact of intersecting identities in all facets of life, particularly in light of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement, this article argues that food oppression is an equally applicable, and necessary, characterization of the unequal enjoyment of the right to food in the United Kingdom. Patterns of food insecurity—chiefly, the overrepresentation of Black households among food bank users—are tied back to the austerity measures enacted by the Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition Government in response to the 2007/2008 financial crisis. These findings illuminate the race- and class-based barriers to access to adequate food in the United Kingdom that predate the pandemic as a manifestation of racial capitalism yet have increased in prominence. The article concludes that the adoption of a rights-based approach to household food security by the state is necessary to formulate policies that target the commodification of food and ensure a nutritious diet is available to all without discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Britain's Black Power movement challenged the political outlook of the anti-fascist left in the 1960s–70s. While the established left interpreted the National Front (NF) as an aberrant threat to Britain's social democracy, Black political groups foregrounded the systemic racial violence of the British state. By addressing intensifying racial oppression during a critical early phase in the transition to neoliberalism, they prefigured Stuart Hall's analysis of 'authoritarian populism'. The British Black Power movement especially criticised the high-profile Anti-Nazi League (ANL) for its singular focus on the NF, which was framed as a revived Hitlerite peril. For British Black radicals, the larger strategic problem was the populist racism, inflected by imperial nostalgia, which propelled Thatcher's New Right to power. Instead of narrow Nazi analogies, they related the re-emergence of white nationalism to British social democracy's racist treatment of Black immigrants, as well as its neocolonial role abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Minority shareholders in large companies, particularly where there is a majority/controlling shareholder, can be in a vulnerable position as they are not likely to be able to have much influence in the company or how its affairs are conducted. The position in which minority shareholders find themselves has caused many governments to provide protection in some form or another for minority shareholders. There are various corporate law or corporate governance mechanisms that have been embraced, one being a provision that allows shareholders to seek relief from the courts where oppression exists. China does not have a dedicated provision that gives minority shareholders such an action. This paper examines what China's company law does offer shareholders by way of protection through direct action and focuses on whether the UK's oppression provision, which has existed since 1948, (or elements of it) could be used in the Chinese context. An important contribution of the paper is that it identifies Chinese cases decided since 2012 in which shareholders have brought claims in situations where oppression was, effectively, alleged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: This systematic review aims to explore the lived experiences of young gang members to explore the processes that mediate gang membership and offending. Rationale: Gang membership disproportionately effects young people (Home Office, 2016). The link between gang membership and inordinately high levels of severe offending characteristics is well represented in research (Thornberry, 1998). However, the processes that mediate gang membership and offending are poorly understood (Melde & Esbensen, 2011). Young gang members are often passively conceptualised within research and need to have their voices uncovered to better elucidate the psychological processes that link gang membership to offending. Method: A systematic review of qualitative research was carried out following the Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) statement for reporting (Moher et al., 2009), Six papers were identified which represented samples from both the UK and US. These were reviewed using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme Checklist (2016) and were subsequently analysed using thematic synthesis. Findings: Young gang members associated offending with its role in reinforcing a community of belonging, providing material and non-material capital and as a response to living within an oppressive context. Conclusions: This research suggests that the internal psychological processes within a gang play an important interacting role with the external marginalised contexts they occupy. Implications of the need for policy, research and practice to better account for this are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question regarding the position of arbitration clauses within the context of shareholders’ protection under company law rules has been dealt with in a decision from the United Kingdom,Exeter,which upheld the inalienable right of the members to bring an oppression claim despite the presence of an arbitration agreement. The issue was recently revisited in several common law jurisdictions – United Kingdom, Malaysia, Singapore and Hong Kong with mixed results. The article discusses this development to clarify the scope, breadth and limits of the arbitration clause within company law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether it is possible to use a theoretical framework drawn from disability studies to understand experiences of social oppression on the grounds of mental distress. Thomas’ extended social relational theoretisation of disablism was used in a PhD project concerned with experiences of mental distress. The tentative conclusion was that Thomas’ conceptualisation of disablism and impairment could offer a way of improving understanding of mental distress and oppression on the grounds of mental distress. However, Thomas and Reeve’s theorisation of the different forms of disablism was not readily transferred to the field of mental distress. Thus, tentative definitions of the different forms of disablism in relation to the field of mental distress were created. Perceived impairment type and disablism appear to be interconnected, and one has to acknowledge what kind of perceived impairment type one is focusing on when theorising disability and the different types of disablism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Scottish Social Services Council (SSSC) has noted that a higher percentage of black and minority ethnic (BME) students fail or take longer to complete their social work degrees, compared with the white majority student population. In response to this and related evidence, a national study was carried out in 2013 to explore this phenomenon and ways to support BME students in social work education in Scotland. BME students from five Scottish universities were interviewed, along with lecturers from six Scottish Universities, and practice educators from around Scotland. The background to the study is discussed and a review of the literature on race, whiteness, diversity and a strengths-based perspective is provided. The methodology of the study is explained, followed by a presentation of some of the key findings covering the themes of cultural difference, discrimination and valuing student strengths. To prepare social work students to practice in a culturally diverse and culturally aware workforce the paper argues for framing of social work education within a strengths-based perspective, of valuing diversity and other knowledges and for this approach to be embedded within a critique of both race and whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A course based on psychosocial theory and students' experiences in practice has been taught in the UK, Norway and Quebec. It departs from the classical social work concept ‘use of self’ and aims to help novices in health and social work to understand how the social world is internalised and re-produced and the value of thinking from experience. International developments such as, competency-based education, New Public Management and evidence-based practice reduce opportunities for experiential learning. This trend has been exacerbated by a focus on anti-oppressive practice without a corresponding understanding of how oppressive relations are internalized and enacted by defended and conflicted subjects. Attempts to rectify a relational deficit through traditions of reflective practice and critical reflection are important developments, but could be further strengthened by psychosocial and psychodynamic perspectives. The course combines critical, contextual and relational thinking for students in caring professions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite persuasive arguments pertaining to the importance of social class in the shaping of human life, this has and continues to be neglected within psychological research. Using primarily a UK focus, we begin by outlining some of the ways in which 'mainstream' psychology typically conceptualises class (e.g. socio-economic status) and argue that such an approach has a number of detrimental implications, for example, neglecting structural inequalities and oppression and 'othering' the working class. We then present a selection of 'critical' and feminist-informed research on social class which, we argue, offers a more holistic and sophisticated understanding of class and, in particular, draws attention to the complexities involved in how people experience, understand and construct class, classed identities and class transitions. Further, such work provides insight into the many ways in which people reproduce, re-work and resist classed discourse in everyday contexts such as the home, work place and beyond. However, we acknowledge the need for investigation into how those with more economic power justify class privilege and discursively protect and maintain their status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK primetime seriesMy Big Fat Gypsy Wedding(Channel 4, 2010, 2011, 2012) offered audiences the opportunity to be armchair matrimonial ethnographers, to reveal the courtship curiosities of “one of the most secretive communities in the UK.” In spite of claims to social realist documentary, however, we argue that this programme has clearer resonances with “sexposé” reality television, producing and circulating a moral, visual economy premised upon the cultural figuration of “the gypsy bride.” The gypsy girl and gypsy bride are marked as victims of male gypsy oppression, of “backwards” and repressive cultural practices, of age-inappropriate sexualisation and “excessive” consumerism, and is thus defined by her failure to be a good aspirational postfeminist subject. In this paper, we explore the intersecting discourses around gender, sexuality, class, and race operative withinGypsy Weddingand analyse online forums responding to the programme. We use psychosocial methodologies and theories of affect to argue that the gypsy bride becomes a figure of abjection, desired and despised, and that the (readily accepted) invitation to be appalled by her “oppression” reveals the strategic potency of postfeminist notions of empowerment and the racist, sexist, and classist agendas it can serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a close reading of the reports of racial oppression that appeared in issues of two periodicals, Anti-Caste and its successor Fraternity, between 1888 and 1895. Edited in Street, Somerset, these periodicals created an extensive political geographical imagination by mapping international cases of racial prejudice. Although critical of the British empire, neither Anti-Caste nor Fraternity demanded the destruction of the British empire. In a tactic similar to that used by early Pan-Africanists, the papers' narratives desired an end to the expansion of the British empire and an increase in the respect for and conditions of those who were ruled 'under the British Flag'. However, Anti-Caste's focus upon racial inequality across the United States as well as the British empire enabled it to create a distinctive critique of racial prejudice across the English-speaking world. Its criticism of the imperial project combined with support for human brotherhood allowed the paper to develop a framework for debates on racial prejudice that drew together criticisms of labour laws in India, the removal of people from their lands in Southern Africa, the racial segregation of public transport in the United States and the restriction of Chinese labour in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roma and Irish Traveller communities have endured centuries of persecution and enforced assimilation, whilst remaining under-represented within dominant sedentarist discourses. This has contributed to their suspicion and mistrust of mainstream societies. They have maintained a distinct identity characterised by their Romani or Celtic languages, communal solidarity, close extended family bonds, and cultural traditions surrounding health, morality and social codes. The lives of such groups are grounded in multifaceted poverty stemming from health disparity, inadequate housing provision, and low educational attainment within an inter-generational cycle of social exclusion. This paper discusses health disparities as interlinked with housing situations. It is grounded in the authors’ respective Irish and UK contributions to an EU-wide comparative housing report, ‘Housing Conditions of Roma and Travellers in the European Union’, and associated research materials (commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 2009). An inclusive and consultative approach is of paramount importance for these groups to address housing and health care provision, grounded within a culturally sensitive assessment of ethnic, individual, and familial needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roma and Irish Traveller communities have endured centuries of persecution and enforced assimilation, whilst remaining under-represented within dominant sedentarist discourses. This has contributed to their suspicion and mistrust of mainstream societies. They have maintained a distinct identity characterised by their Romani or Celtic languages, communal solidarity, close extended family bonds, and cultural traditions surrounding health, morality and social codes. The lives of such groups are grounded in multifaceted poverty stemming from health disparity, inadequate housing provision, and low educational attainment within an inter-generational cycle of social exclusion. This paper discusses health disparities as interlinked with housing situations. It is grounded in the authors’ respective Irish and UK contributions to an EU-wide comparative housing report, ‘Housing Conditions of Roma and Travellers in the European Union’, and associated research materials (commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 2009). An inclusive and consultative approach is of paramount importance for these groups to address housing and health care provision, grounded within a culturally sensitive assessment of ethnic, individual, and familial needs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the common law crime of misconduct in a public office from its ancient origins, and considers the difficulties in defining the crime. These difficulties arise from the crime being very widely defined as it includes non-feasance, misfeasance, frauds and deceits,malfeasance and oppression. It is unclear whether these are separate categories or if they run into one another. It is also unclear if the crime is a conduct crime or whether material damage is required. It appears that the DPP requires material damage before a prosecution can take place. The article argues that as the elements of the crime are so uncertain, it should no longer be prosecuted especially in view of the availability of alternative statutory offences which could be charged instead of the misconduct crime. These statutory offences have the certainty which the misconduct crime lacks and they thus enable public officials to judge their future conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information regarding minority shareholder oppression in the U.S. in relation to the British Law Commission. It mentions several causes of action and cure to minority shareholder oppression in Great Britain and in the U.S. It examines the Law Commission's recommendation to codify an assumption of biases in Great Britain. It states that allege oppression would better the U.S. oppression doctrine.

Objectives. Many people flee their countries of origin after suffering severe trauma and there is a need to explore how socio-cultural factors are implicated in the experience of both trauma and posttraumatic growth. Interpreters who have been through a trauma are in a unique position to be able to reflect on cultural context. This study explored how interpreters working in the UK who had formerly suffered trauma in their country of origin, and who identified themselves as coping well, managed their experience of trauma. Design. The qualitative method Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was used. Nine interpreters were interviewed following a semi-structured guide and the resulting transcripts were analysed according to IPA principles. Results. Three key themes emerged from the data that were labelled as: trauma in the context of wider shared oppression; resisting and responding; and cultural protection and growth. Many participants described their lives prior to arriving in the UK as involving a collective traumatisation as a result of being a victim of oppression related to their cultural identity. The participants described the importance of staying connected to their culture. Giving and providing social support, religious practices, and the role of interpreter facilitated remaining connected. Conclusions. A sense of shared victimisation provided a protective backdrop from which the participants could make sense of the personal traumas they had experienced. The role of interpreting was important as it helped maintain cultural identity. The findings are discussed in relation to theories of both PTSD and Posttraumatic Growth. The results have implications for the work of clinicians supporting non-Western people who have been traumatised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women with disabilities, like non-disabled women, are at risk of experiencing abuse perpetrated by those closest to them. This paper reviews what is known about the domestic abuse of disabled women, explores some of the dynamics of that abuse and considers why this issue has not been high on the agenda of either the movement against domestic violence or the disabled people's movement in the UK, taking into consideration several points that disabled women have raised. In doing so it focuses on the concept of compound oppressions as a potential explanation for the failure of this problem to have widespread recognition as a social issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the divergent responses of the radical Left in Britain and France to the emergence of Muslims as a political subject in the advanced capitalist countries. It takes the case of a recent book by Daniel Bensaïd to illustrate the influence of a secular republican ideology that acts as an obstacle to French Marxists' recognition that assertions of Muslim identity should not simply be dismissed as reactionary but understood as potentially a rejection of the oppression suffered by Muslims in Western societies. The article calls for a recognition of the positive aspects of postcolonial theory and concludes that the Marxist interpretation of religion as a search for an other-worldly solution to real suffering and injustice should be applied consistently to all expressions of faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) website. It explores the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. It finds that the discourses and identities produced are played out through a radical reformation of the concepts of power, culture and oppression. Drawing on the post-colonial notion of the Other, the BNP seeks to present itself, its activities and its members as responses to racism and oppression that, it argues, are practised by the Other. While this discourse is constructed through the everyday experiences and attitudes of its members, the hierarchically-determined nature of the site prevents those members from sustained, active involvement in the construction of their own identities. For this reason, the study concludes, the BNP's site is far from the more open, non-hierarchical practices of `progressive' alternative media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the connection between lesbian identity and lesbian experience of the heterosexist British educational system. Lesbian women's experiences of education frequently occurs within a contradictory public relationship: their identity woman is usually visible whilst their identity lesbian remains generally invisible, both in educational settings and within wider educational discourses. The British compulsory educational system does not positively acknowledge difference to the norm of heterosexuality; it does not publicly tolerate lesbian and gay identities. This system is oppressive to those who identify themselves, or are identified by others, as lesbian, gay, or as different to the heterosexual norm. The way that this oppression is experienced, made sense of, and responded to, varies according to situation and context and to other aspects of identity. Lesbian women, or girls who are different to the heterosexual normative assumption, negotiate their lesbian identity in relation to a complex and interconnected relationship between the social constructions of their gendered, ethnic and class identities.

This article focuses on current crisis in English schooling in the mid-1990s. At present, attempts to understand the limitations of an anti-oppressive problematic are hindered by a confusion over terms that different social and cultural analyses employ. Much of this work has taken place in the U.S., where social movement theory has suggested, that such a confusion may be overcome by understanding anti-oppressive positions in terms of collective identity formations. Within a British context, there is a need to be sensitive to the socio-historical development of New Social Movements. For example, contemporary accounts of anti-oppressive positions tend to fuse different moments in social and cultural analysis. It is important to hold onto a distinction between an earlier moment that came to be identified as identity politics and a later moment, that of the new politics of cultural difference. This is not to suggest a linear development from one to the other. Thus, this paper focuses on accounts of schooling that are premised upon an anti-oppressive problematic.