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In recent years, children's involvement in County Lines drug trafficking (CL) has been of increasing concern to national government, the police and safeguarding agencies. However, few studies have explored how child victims of county lines are identified by the police. This exploratory research study provides insights into the police decision-making process for identifying child victims of CL. Interviews with eight police officers from three police forces in South England were conducted to understand how they came to recognise children involved in CL as victims and in turn, how this related to decisions to refer children into the UK's formal victim-identification system – the National Referral Mechanism (NRM). The research found decisions to recognise children as victims and later refer them into the NRM varied amongst the police officers in the sample. This was because officers had different understandings of what constitutes modern slavery, considered different factors in their decisions about signs of exploitation, displayed varying attitudes towards children involved in CL and viewed their duties in CL cases differently to one another. The research also identifies various barriers in the process of victim-identification. The most significant barrier appeared to be the over-reliance on victim accounts, compounded by the inability of children to disclose exploitation. The notion that children involved in CL may have experienced differing levels of exploitation and display varying levels of willingness to facilitate CL drug dealing, further complicated understandings of what constitutes a victim and in turn an NRM referral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on narrative interviews with irregular Chinese migrant workers (ICMWs) in the United Kingdom (UK) to show how the UK's immigration policies foster forms of illegal working and labour exploitation that they are supposed to combat. It argues that the binary conceptualisation of 'forced labour' as the polar opposite of 'free labour' leaves those migrants working without a right to do so at the risk of both criminalisation and exploitation. The article shows how the fear of criminalisation, together with the pressure to become economically successful in the West, among ICMWs diminishes their capacity to leave exploitative work, reinforcing the unequal power relations between them and their employers, landlords, advisers, and translators. Many ICMWs who are officially cast as 'illegal immigrants' need protection, not from 'snakeheads' and 'traffickers', but the exploitative and precarious work UK government policies render them economically reliant upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regulation and governance of labour exploitation is a well-researched area across numerous disciplines. Common approaches towards regulating labour exploitation in businesses and supply chains include state interventions to tackle organised crime via the criminal justice system. However, due to strict criminal-legal definitions, these interventions are only possible when targeting severe exploitation. This emphasis means that a large amount of non-criminalised exploitation risks being overlooked. The purpose of this paper is to argue that non-state regulation is an important element in preventing routinised forms of labour exploitation, whereby a criminological perspective would help to understand and better prevent such practices. The paper examines state regulation, self-regulation of businesses, and trade union activity, which together addresses a wider range of labour exploitation. Semi-structured interviews from workers and supply chain stakeholders in the UK agri-food industry are used to inform this discussion. The governance of labour exploitation in relation to business activities has broader implications for the disciplinary areas of regulation and (corporate) criminology, whereby the former tends to prioritise restorative and persuasive approaches, whereas the latter focuses on deterrence and coercion. Ultimately, drawing together different strands of regulation into a hybrid approach is useful not only due to socio-political processes, but is arguably the most helpful in addressing routinised exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the UK as a case study, this article argues that having the choice to enter into an international commercial surrogacy arrangement can be harmful, but that neither legalisation nor punitive restriction offers an adequate way to reduce this risk. Whether or not having certain options can harm individuals is central to current debates about the sale of organs. We assess and apply the arguments from that debate to international commercial surrogacy, showing that simply having the option to enter into a commercial surrogacy arrangement can harm potential vendors individually and collectively, particularly given its sexed dimension. We reject the argument that legalizing commercial surrogacy in the UK could reduce international exploitation. We also find that a punitive approach towards intended parents utilizing commercial rather than altruistic services is inappropriate. Drawing on challenges in the regulation of forced marriage and female genital cutting, we propose that international collaboration towards control of commercial surrogacy is a better strategy for preserving the delicate balancing of surrogate mothers' protection and children's welfare in UK law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of "county lines" drug dealing, a supply model which sees drug dealers travel from urban hubs to provincial locations to retail heroin and crack cocaine, is now established in the United Kingdom. This market trend has been associated with novel and evolving distribution practices, yet arguably most problematic is its reliance on forms of exploitative labor undertaken by vulnerable populations. Drawing principally on interviews with local drug-involved adults, this article is the first to undertake in-depth analysis of their experience of risky street-level labor in "host" towns. Findings suggest that despite violence and intimidation, many saw county lines labor as preferable to other income generating activity, and contrary to popular enforcement narratives, they often became involved though constrained choice. As such, it is argued that the policy response might resemble one of building resilience through multiagency support, which better equips "structurally vulnerable" populations to exit exploitative relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exploitation of workers can be understood on a spectrum of 'less severe' to 'severe' acts or omissions, where less severe exploitation can create conditions for severe exploitation to develop. Exploitation is not an isolated phenomenon perpetrated solely by 'criminals', but is closely related to developments in the economy, labour markets and society at large. Exploitation is enabled through otherwise legitimate business practices that disadvantageously affect vulnerable workers in product and labour supply chains. In this article, labour exploitation - and ultimately human trafficking - is framed as a form of corporate crime due to the significant role that businesses and supply chains have in facilitating exploitation. This corporate crime lens therefore argues that labour exploitation is driven by common market factors and business processes, which are closely associated with inadequate regulatory oversight of exploitation in local supply chains. The article draws on qualitative, semi-structured interviews conducted with workers and supply chain stakeholders in the UK agri-food industry, as well as the Finnish cleaning industry. Through thematic analysis, the dynamics of industry, labour subcontracting, and a lack of regulatory oversight are discussed, which are framed as key factors that enable exploitation to occur. Ultimately the corporate crime lens emphasises the economic, political and societal context in which exploitation takes place, and by doing so, uncovers the structural nature of such crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the British film industry's conversion to sound in 1929 in the context of the related conversions in Germany and France. Encouraged by the English language's global spread, and bolstered by predominantly American sound technology, Britain's industry took the lead, launching continuous production of talking features in the spring of 1929 with the talkie version of Hitchcock's Blackmail. By the beginning of June, work had begun on Atlantic, the world's first talking feature to be shot in two languages, English and German. Germany itself, its progress delayed by patent disputes, swung into action in the autumn with multi-lingual films made at Ufa's newly converted Neubabelsberg studios. Held back by lack of industrial, financial, and technological muscle, France was the slowest to convert. The essay also investigates the creative limits of Britain's advance, and the relative caution of its exploitation of sound compared to the bolder, more rigorously designed sound features emerging from Germany and, eventually, France – countries with less domineering theatrical traditions and stronger traditions in cinematic experimentation. Britannia's dominance over the sound waves turned out to be brief, and incomplete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK’s Immigration Act 2016 is an assemblage of carceral elements targeting illegal working by migrants and their employers, and regulatory elements designed to enforce labour market regulation. This combination of immigration, criminal and labour law raises questions about how the UK government has framed the issue of labour exploitation. This article adopts a sociolegal approach in order to appreciate how making ‘illegal working’ a crime features in a specific governance project. Situating the Immigration Act 2016 within the context of neo-liberal globalisation, it develops a productive account of migrant illegality to which it adds a conception of liminal legality that emphasises both the agency of actors and the gap between legality and legitimacy. Using official documents, it shows how the Immigration Act 2016 is a response to a specific governance crisis, which is how to maintain the ‘British way’ of light touch labour market regulation in the face of deteriorating outcomes for many workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child sexual abuse and exploitation material has drawn concern and legislative attention since the turn of the century, and the work to identify children in the images has been a prioritised task through international cooperation. The International Child Sexual Exploitation Image Database (ICSE DB) includes more than 8000 identified victims from nearly 50 countries. The database contains considerable important information about child abuse image crimes. The general aim of this study was to quantify the characteristics of children in identified illegal images from the UK ICSE DB (n = 687) with the subsidiary aim to describe differences between cases of self‐taken images and those whose images had been taken by others. The analysis showed an increase in identified victims during the study years 2006–2015. Almost two‐thirds were female, the majority were white and 44.3 per cent of images were self‐taken (34.4% taken in a coercive and 9.9% in a non‐coercive relationship). Since 2010, the number of self‐taken images each year has exceeded more than 40 per cent of the total number of images in the database. Although self‐taken images may be perceived as less worrisome, two‐thirds were classified as coercive. This is an important argument in favour of continuing to investigate these cases under victim identification programmes. ‘The general aim of this study was to quantify the characteristics of children in identified illegal images from the UK ICSE DB’ Key Practitioner Messages: The ICSE DB includes more than 8000 identified victims and contains important information about child abuse image crimes. A majority of the identified victims were female and white children. Almost half of all images were self‐taken and had been taken in a coercive relationship. Parents and practitioners need to recognise that even if a child sends sexual images these should be considered worrisome and therefore investigated further. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Jonathan Simon’s concept of ‘governing through crime’ as a framework to argue that the state has framed sex work, and its surrounding problems, as issues of crime. There has been a privileging and proliferation of criminal justice responses to sex work in England and Wales, at the expense of more social or welfare-based responses and at the expense of creating safer environments for sex workers to work. Criminal law is used to manage and control sex work, to reinforce other policies, such as immigration and border control, and to appear to be doing something about the ‘problem’ of sex work without providing rights to sex workers. By framing sex work as an issue of crime, with sex workers being both the perpetrators of crime and the potential victims of exploitative crime, the state is able to legitimise its actions against sex workers, while ignoring the harm done to sex workers by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concern in this article is to challenge the rhetorical push toward criminalisation, which has tended to dominate discussion of the state's response to exploitation of persons. This article argues that there are overlooked limitations in using the criminal law to respond to exploitation of persons. It first highlights imprecision regarding the relationship between exploitation of persons and principles for criminalisation. It is argued that the logically prior question of the role of the state must be addressed, and that one strong normative basis for state action arises from republican political theory. Secondly, it exposes a set of five current challenges concerning the use of the criminal law in England and Wales to penalise exploitation, putting forward suggestions as to how they can be addressed with principled arguments. The argument in this part is that it is only by exposing and confronting these difficulties that clarity in the criminal law can be strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Modern slavery' is increasingly being recognized by the international community as having the potential to circumvent the rule of law by virtue of the impunity with which many exploiters operate. The threat posed by exploiters is not, however, restricted to the state; the horror stories often shared by victims as to the grave nature of the exploitation they typically have to endure suggest that both victims and the wider community must be prepared to confront the phenomenon of modern slavery in a robust and concerted fashion. In view of the quickly evolving dynamics of modern slavery and the corresponding threats posed to the state and its citizens, the Westminster Parliament recently passed the Modern Slavery Act, some two-and-a-half months after the Northern Irish Assembly passed the Human Trafficking and Exploitation Act. To the extent that the nuances of the Modern Slavery Act have not been comprehensively examined in the existing literature to date, this article aims to provide a critical legislative commentary of its myriad provisions, in an effort to determine their relative strengths and weaknesses, as well as their likely impact in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates the close and complex connection between the demonisation, exploitation and exclusion of new migrant workers. In so doing, it testifies to the blurred boundaries between the categories of severe labour exploitation, forced labour and slavery. This study highlights the absence of citizenship rights as crucial to understanding the vulnerability to demonisation, exploitation and exclusion that characterises the embodied experience of such workers. It also highlights the key role of citizenship as a means for such workers to make rights claims. In the UK, new migrant workers, particularly those arriving from Eastern Europe since 2004, have been increasingly designated by government and media as interlopers in a tight labour marketplace. Whilst their collective economic contribution is sometimes welcomed, they are regarded as ‘external’ to UK society and citizenship, a potential threat to indigenous values and culture, and in competition with British workers. Rarely are migrants afforded the space in public and private spheres to express their individual needs, wants, cares or perspectives. UK migrants have variously been portrayed by the tabloid media and irresponsible politicians as rapacious opportunists, as benefit scroungers, criminals and potential terrorists. The predominant discourse around new migrant workers in the UK is that they are not citizens, but temporary residents who are expected to work industriously and to remain otherwise unseen and unheard until they return to their country of origin. No further contribution to social and political life is required or expected. It is within such an unsupportive environment that new migrant workers in general, and undocumented migrants in particular, have become highly susceptible to employer and gangmaster abuse and exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Within the commercial performance industry, the actor's body often acts as a product with a certain exchange value. The lived experience of this is an aspect of the acting profession that is undeniable, perhaps inevitable, and yet remains relatively unexplored in discussions of actor training. Through case study research in five UK drama schools this article examines the dynamics of physical capital and self-exploitation which can play a part in student actors' relationship with their body and their strategies of appearance-management. The article argues that the actor's submission to aesthetic labour processes, and what has been described as their ‘acceptance and expectation of discrimination’ on the basis of their physicality, are predicated on a deeply embedded and embodied conceptualisation of the Body as Servant which can be found in training as well as the profession. The discussion draws upon findings in the field of cognitive science, thus aiming to give an account of the actor's aesthetic labour which avoids the problematic mind–body split that can be seen to limit existing aesthetic labour literature. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article highlights the importance of examining physical and psychological health in the context of youth sexual exploitation by drawing on findings from an empirical research study undertaken between 2006 and 2011. Data were drawn from interviews with 24 sexually exploited young people and 61 professionals working in agencies supporting sexually exploited young people. A sequential mixed-method approach was employed to address the research study aims using interviews and a questionnaire survey. A significant range of physical and psychological health problems were reported alongside risks to health and barriers to health support for sexually exploited young people. Intentional self-harm and substance abuse were concordant themes from phases 1 and 2. Psychosocial vulnerability factors appear to undermine health and affect health-seeking behavior. Novel themes that emerged from this study included taxonomy of risk behaviors related to health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens in the criminal justice system when 'offenders' are also victims? Between May 2010 and November 2011, we carried out research on the criminalisation of migrant women (ESRC funded). The overall aim of this research was to further our understanding of migrant women, that is, foreign national women who enter the UK from overseas to seek work or asylum, voluntarily or under coercion, and who end up in custody on criminal charges. We have been looking at this in the context of economic and political debates around migration and asylum and the increasing awareness of the scale of international crime that profits from the illegal movement of people across borders, their sale as commodities, and their exploitation and abuse within organised crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a critical analysis of the manner in which prostitution and trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation was 'framed' by official discourses in order to support the reforms in England and Wales contained within the Policing and Crime Act 2009. Drawing upon the recent work of Judith Butler, emphasis will be placed on how the schema of the vulnerable prostitute was fundamental to invoking emotional affects, which justified certain political effects, especially the move towards criminalising the purchase of sexual services. However, on closer analysis the article will uncover an agenda influenced by law and order/morality, immigration and a 'fear of the enemy. Furthermore, it will be argued that New Labour's framing of the problematic enabled the State to avoid dealing with the more difficult, but more urgent, issues of the differential distribution of wealth, precarity and the engendering of an ethical and global responsibility for the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I interrogate how the UK government constructs and manipulates the idiom of the vulnerable female, trafficked migrant. Specifically, I analyse how the government aligns aspects of its anti-trafficking plans with plans to enhance extraterritorial immigration and border control. In order to do this, I focus on the discursive strategies that revolve around the UK's anti-trafficking initiatives. I argue that discourses of human trafficking as prostitution, modern-day slavery and organised crime do important work. Primarily, they provide the government with a moral platform from which it can develop its regulatory capacity overseas. It is not my intention to suggest that the government's anti-trafficking plans are superficial, and that extraterritoriality is the sole driver. On the contrary, I argue that complex interrelationships exist and while the government's interest in protecting vulnerable women from sexual exploitation may seem to be paramount, I assert that in fact it intersects with other agendas at key points. I consider how government action to protect vulnerable women in trafficking 'source' and 'transit' countries such as development aid and repatriation schemes relate to broader legal and political concerns about protecting the UK from unwanted 'Others'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2007, the numbers of UK Parental Orders granted following surrogacy have markedly increased. More recently, eligibility criteria have been extended to unmarried heterosexual couples and same-sex couples rather than only married couples. Numbers seeking fertility treatments, including through surrogates, outside their country of residence have also increased. This paper presents the limited data currently available - from UK General Register Offices, Child and Family Court Advisory and Support Service for England and the UK surrogacy agencies: COTS, Surrogacy UK, British Surrogacy Centre - to consider potential reasons for the increase and to consider policy and practice implications. It charts the apparent decline in involvement of surrogacy agencies and suggests the potential for exploitation where scmtiny of arrangements and follow up are limited. It recommends improvements to data collection and argues the need for a more integrated approach to review of surrogacy arrangements both nationally and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work of a number of key organisations, such as the International Organisation for Migration, means that there is now greater awareness of the extent of national and international people trafficking and exploitation by smugglers or agents of people seeking to leave their country to seek work or asylum. Within the UK, public knowledge has been influenced by the setting up of the UK Human Trafficking Centre in October 2006, the work of a number of human rights organisations and media interest in some cases. However, to date, there has been no formal recognition of the numbers of potential victims in custody on criminal charges, nor systematic prison based research that provides evidence of how these individuals have been managed within the Criminal Justice System and by the United Kingdom Border Agency (UKBA). Our research on the criminalisation of migrant women, funded for 18 months by the ESRC, aims to fill this knowledge gap.1 In this article we outline the background to this work, our research design, and initial findings as we approach the final phase of this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates Laibman's reformulation of Marxian exploitation theory, and compares it to two preference-based analyses of household time use (advanced by Becker and Hakim). Using a quantitative Marxist approach, and the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), we show profound dissatisfaction with working hours for members of dual-career households, and inequality, by gender, vis-à-vis pure consumption time. The results support exploitation-based theories of the household, and cast doubt on such preference-based theories of time use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prostitution is not a subject that regional newspapers like to dwell on - apart from in the 'Personal Services' classified ads columns. This paper examines some of the brazen examples of semi-display ads promoting indecent premium phone lines and the small text advertisements to be found in a random sample of regional daily, Sunday and weekly newspapers sold in London, the North-West and the Midlands. Responses from the Home Office, the Human Exploitation and Organised Crime Unit of the Metropolitan Police and the Newspaper Society are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author discusses the employment policies of the New Labour party. The author argues that New Labour's employment policies made a way for the policies of the Coalition Government. She remarks that the heritage of New Labour, despite of the positive intentions, can further employed workers' exploitation. Meanwhile, the author argues that the policy of Coalition Government concentrates on welfare budget cuts and greater poverty for the unemployed.

Starting from the assumption that the Western culture sees itself as essentially superior to the Eastern one (the eternal distinction between the Occident and the Orient), the present article attempts to analyse the manifestations of a specific Western ethnocentric discourse, reinforced by the history of colonial expansion and exploitation. The Orient, represented as the Other, is constantly subjected to essentialist generalizations, securing and reasserting the supremacy of the West. The main reason behind this attitude, the need to control a primitive and backward culture, prefigures a reductive representational framework of categorizing the Other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the representation of the case of the Zong within the British campaign to abolish the slave trade. It traces the ways in which the case produced an iconic narrative for the movement by paying particular attention to Granville Sharp's original accounting of the event, and then to the ways in which the latter was transformed in key abolition propaganda documents. It is argued that the legal implications of the trial fell away as the Zong was appropriated, and mythologised, in its adaptation to the abolitionists' agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anita Rupprecht's paper in this number, the first detailed discussion of the role of the Zong massacre in abolitionist writings to be published, raises a number of interesting questions. Perhaps the boldest suggestion is that the Zong served, in its above-decks visibility, as a stand-in for the below-decks invisibility of an experience of which there are almost no eyewitness accounts left by those who experienced it: the Middle Passage itself. In Rupprecht's account it circulates in the writings of Thomas Clarkson and others, both as an emblem of the horrors of slavery and, in descriptions of the court case, of the cold-blooded equation of persons and property. The conclusion of the paper is also arresting in its shift in focus from the traumatic memory of slavery to the legal and political actions involved in recent campaigns for 'reparations' and the discovery of documents related to the legacy of slavery. I want, in this response - which is offered from the perspective of cultural history, though it touches on the legal issues at points - to explore these two aspects of her discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first research on cases where offenders initiate contact with other individuals over the internet and incite, or conspire (IIIC) with, them to commit child sexual abuse (CSA). Interviews and record searches were carried out among local police services in the UK. IIIC cases were found to be diverse in terms of their typology but rare with regard to the extent of known cases. They were similar to other CSA in relation to victim and offender characteristics but were distinct with regard to offenders' modi operandi. IIIC cases should be viewed as an additional and serious category of internet-related CSA, and one about which there needs to be much more awareness and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The doctrine of informed consent (IC) exists to protect individuals from exploitation or harm. This study into IC was carried out to investigate how different researchers perceived the process whereby researchers obtained consent. It also examined researchers' perspectives on what constituted IC, and how different settings influenced the process. Methods: The study recorded in-depth interviews with 12 lecturers and five doctoral students, who had carried out research in developing countries, at a leading school of public health in the United Kingdom. A purposive, snowballing approach was used to identify interviewees. Results: Although the concept and application of the doctrine of IC should have been the same, irrespective of where the research was carried out, the process of obtaining it had to be different. The setting had to be taken into consideration and the autonomy of the subject had to be respected at all times. In areas of high illiteracy, and where understanding of the subject was likely to be a problem, there was an added responsibility placed on the researcher to devise innovative ways of carrying out the study, taking into consideration the peculiarities of the environment. Conclusion: The ethical issues for IC were the same, irrespective of where the research was conducted. However, because the backgrounds, setting, and knowledge of populations differed, there was the need to be similarly sensitive in obtaining consent. The problems of obtaining genuine IC were not limited to developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are elite athletes exploited in terms of the health risks they are expected to accept? What are the health risks of elite sport? Are appropriate steps taken to safeguard athletes' health? This essay draws on a study of English professional football which found that players are expected to 'play hurt'. Injured players may be subject to pressures to return to play before they have fully recovered. Information about their injuries may be deliberately withheld from players. Many clubs fail to meet the requirements of health and safety legislation. However, it is argued that the concept of exploitation is not helpful in understanding the situation of professional footballers and that the situation of professional footballers and other elite sportspeople is better understood in terms of the concept of 'risk transfer'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with the relationship between research, policy and service development. It outlines some of the findings of a two-year research study exploring the extent of, and responses to, the service needs of young people at risk of sexual exploitation in London. The study is described as a case study in conducting policy-relevant research into a ‘hidden’ social problem. Some challenges of such research are identified. In particular, we discuss our utilisation of the Multiple Indicator Method as a means of estimating a ‘hard to count’ population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the phenomenon of trafficking for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) in the context of a changing Europe and pays particular attention to the situation in the UK. It discusses difficulties with defining the issue of trafficking and the reasons for an apparent increase in this phenomenon in recent years. It then considers trafficking as a process and the challenges of measuring the scale of the problem. The paper goes on to consider trafficking routes and examines the situation in Britain. Finally, official responses to the problem in Britain are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on the bilateral terms of trade between Great Britain and British India during the period 1858-1947. This period is significantly important because Britain imposed crown rule in India in 1858. During the entire period, these terms of trade leaned towards Great Britain. There were allegations of exploitation of India by Great Britain and the flow of resources from colony to the motherland. As a consequence to these allegations British exports to India increased from 1858 until the late 1880s and early 1890s and then declined slightly until 1900. The compound annual average rate of increase of British exports to India from their 1858 value to their 1947 value was 1.9%. Imports into Great Britain from India increased dramatically in the early years of this period, then declined noticeably, and next stayed relatively constant.

The article reports on the situation of student workers from Latvia and Lithuania who come to Great Britain for summer work on farms and in factories. Low wages and high unemployment in Eastern Europe make a summer of work in Britain seem like an attractive option, and is for some the only way to pay tuition, but unscrupulous employment agencies make life difficult for these workers. The article profiles a young woman from Latvia who was promised work by a well-known employment agency only to have the agency close its doors after taking her registration fee. Many workers go to Britain in spite of incidents like these and are stuck with the very low-paying jobs, exploitative management, and poor living conditions they were trying to avoid at home.

This article presents a perspective on the ethnicization of Labor in British culture. The management of the Irish-English relationship on the London stage created the standard for managing the problem of labor exploitation. The narrative that the Irish were consigned exclusively to the very bottom of the British labor pool has been contested by historians. Furthermore, British labor were a more important impetus for the changes in the dramatic representation of the Irish in the 18th century.

Examines several issues related to the sexual abuse and exploitation of children through prostitution in Great Britain. Definition of child prostitution; Routes into prostitution; Indications that a child is involved or at risk of becoming involved in prostitution.

The central concern of this article is the relationship between changes in corporate governance and the exploitation of scale and scope economies by British firms. in order to explain this relationship, a theoretical model integrating the main aspects of corporate governance with strategy and structure is developed. It is then applied to examine changes in the British corporate economy in the period 1950-2000. British business has been criticized for its limited exploitation of scale and scope economics, adoption of scientific management, the multi-divisional structure and the associated benefits of large-scale high throughput production. These practices revolutionized US corporations in the early part of the twentieth century, but it was not until the period 1950-80 that they were most closely emulated by British businesses. Since 1980, however, there has been a pronounced trend towards divestment of subsidiaries in multi-divisional organizations, driven by changes in the institutions of British capitalism that have had an impact on managerial behavior via alterations in governance and monitoring arrangements. At the same time. there is recent evidence pointing to the persistence of diversification and the conglomerate form in the British economy. Nonetheless, the perceived value of flexibility in smaller scale production has received greater attention in the research literature. Changes in the structure of the British economy since 1980 also suggest a relatively limited scope fur diversification beyond certain levels. Meanwhile, another set of research findings suggests British companies performed poorly relative to international competition in the post- war period, which was also the period of greatest M-Form adoption, but that performance improved during the 1980s. These issues raise several important questions for British business history. First, what were the conditions that led British firms to expand the scope of their activities and adopt the multi-divisional from the 1950s onwards? Second was diversification and multi-divisional adoption linked to the poor performance of the economy? Third, what were the reasons for apparent reductions in diversification after 19801? Fourth, what were the performance consequences of these most recent changes? For the purposes of answering these questions, the debates referred to above can he reduced as follows. The essence of the debate on industry structure is the contrast between Chandler's model of how organizations successfully capture scale and scope economies and the alternative model of flexible specialization. On productivity and industry structure the essence of the debate is between the (evolutionary, neo-Schumpeterian) view that markets failed to allocate goods and services efficiently and the (neo-classical) view that vested interests trapped important sectors in low output equilibrium through collusion and political lobbying. There have been recent attempts to synthesise these perspectives. When applied to British business history by Broadberry and Crafts, this synthesis examined the question of incentives, but concentrated on the bargaining environment and collusive practices. This analysis was criticized for promoting the assumption of rational 'maximizing' behavior but ignoring subjective elements and for concentrating on labor rather than managerial responsibility, although these issues remain a question of debate. More recently, Broadberry and Crafts acknowledged the role of shareholder monitoring and cited empirical evidence from the period 1985-94 illustrating the relationship between share ownership structure and productivity. However, agency costs in the large firm arc taken as given in order to examine the relationship between the degree of competition and productivity performance. An alternative, hitherto unexplored, is to examine changes in agency cost and their impact through time. A corporate governance-based analysis offers a fresh perspective on these debates other reasons. For example, it provides a framework that accommodates rational hut non-profit maximizing managerial behavior and identifies constraints on entrepreneurial behavior. Moreover, whilst the above debates may be satisfactory parameters for discussions about the pre- 1980 period, it is difficult to extend beyond that period without considering the institutional and governance-based changes that have occurred since. Indeed, governance is central to the process of innovation and technological progress, since encouragement of creativity through decentralization simultaneously gives rise to free-riding and opportunistic behavior. Nonetheless, little research has been conducted on the effects of corporate governance, and the changes implemented in British during the Thatcher experiment there fore form a particularly useful case study. Moreover, if institutional changes in governance arrangements were important post-1980, it seems likely that governance arrangements before then were also significant, even though neglected in the main debates. This returns us to the central issue of the article, how important were changes in systems of corporate governance, relative to changes in scale and scope economies in the evolution of British business in the period 1950-2000? To address these questions, this article proceeds as follows. The second section. below, reviews relevant theory incorporating scale and scope-based determinants of strategy and structure, information cost, voice and exit components of corporate governance, and proposes a synthesis. This synthesized view is then tested with reference to two contrasting historical episodes: diversification, conglomeration and the multi-divisional, 1950-80; and divestment and restructuring, 1980-2000. A final section evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the proposed framework, indicating a possible research agenda that could provide useful insights into the nature of British business evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Susan Cueva is a member of Lingap ('to care'), a grassroots organisation of Filipina migrants to the UK. Migration for work, either to a different region or to another country, is a transition faced by increasing numbers of women and men throughout the world. Currently, an estimated 1.5 million Filipina women are migrant workers overseas. Most are employed in areas traditionally associated with women- including domestic work, nursing, and 'sex work'. The dream of all migrant workers is to return home, having saved enough money for financial security. For the majority, this hoped-for transition proves unattainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about victims of modern slavery in general practice. Topics discussed include gross infringement of human rights in human trafficking, domestic servitude, and labor exploitation of the slavery; talks about people with speak poor English, have suspicious looking document are presented in general practices; and mentions about slavery victims who experience several physical symptoms such as injuries and neurological symptoms.