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Despite their geographical distance, the UK and Australia share proximity with their hostile immigration policies and managed migration practices, characterised by inhumanity under the guise of deterrence. People Seeking Asylum (PSA) who seek sanctuary typically endure protracted temporariness, which denies them access to state resources and imposes limitations on access to post-compulsory education. Despite state-endorsed exclusion, universities in both countries have developed approaches to circumventing immigration barriers by offering access via scholarships. The case of PSA, therefore, offers insights into the ways that Derrida's notion of 'hostipitality' – a conceptualisation of the tangled binary of hospitality and hostility – operates in higher education. In this article, we explore the types of hospitality that universities across the UK and Australia have invited PSA to cross the threshold into university study and transcend barriers imposed at the national level, and question how these modes of 'welcome' work to counter sector and state-level apparatus of rejection or reinforce existing barriers. We construct our argument around the disruption of three key binaries: host/stranger; settled/unsettled immigration status; and deserving/undeserving migrant. In doing so, we navigate the complexity of the conditions shaping access and welcome as forms of sanctuary within universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the implementation of the United Kingdom's "hostile environment" immigration policies, many members of the Windrush Generation were wrongly classified as illegal immigrants by the U.K. Home Office. Those affected lost access to housing, employment, medical care, and more. In 2018, the U.K. Home Office publicly apologized and promised to compensate victims. The Windrush Compensation Scheme launched in 2019. As of January 2023, it has compensated just under thirteen percent of the anticipated claimants. The failures of the Scheme are inextricable from the historically complex relationship between the Home Office and the Windrush Generation. Evidence of this distrust manifests most prominently in allegations of racial bias within the Scheme, insufficient support for claimants from the Home Office, and unreasonable delays in the compensation process. The Home Office has yet to meaningfully address the systemic racial bias that caused the Windrush Scandal in the first place and is thus unfit to administer the scheme. The Windrush Compensation Scheme can only be justly administered by an independent body. Such an independent body should be comprised of professionals who have been supporting the Windrush community while this community's rights were stripped away by hostile environment policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special collection examines how immigration and asylum policies have evolved since Britain left the European Union. The referendum was won on the promise of 'taking back control', yet, since Brexit, immigration has increased to record levels and the nationalities of people coming to the UK have become more diverse. The increase in immigration was driven by a liberalisation of work and study visas and the creation of new humanitarian schemes. Although some aspects of immigration policy have evolved in a liberal direction, others have become increasingly restrictive. The Conservative government has pursued a draconian agenda on asylum, borders and irregular migration, including a scheme to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, and legislation that effectively abolishes the right to seek asylum in the UK. This introduction argues that recent immigration and asylum policies reflect the ambivalent, unstable and unresolved meanings of Brexit itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the European Union referendum in 2016, UK net migration has increased to record levels. Despite the Leave campaign's promise to 'take back control'—and a Conservative government that has adopted increasingly negative rhetoric about immigration—growing numbers of workers and international students have migrated to the UK. This apparent puzzle can be explained by examining the political economy of immigration policy. The UK economy is structurally dependent on migrants who take up jobs that British citizens shun and who address skills shortages caused by under‐investment in training and education, as well as international students who help finance UK universities. As free movement came to an end, the Johnson government responded by liberalising immigration policy selectively. More recently, political pressure from the right has prompted the Sunak government to adopt policies that restrict the rights of migrant workers, international students and many British citizens to live with their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike most immigration policy areas amidst Brexit, the government's 'hostile environment' approach has changed little since 2014, despite it making no measurable impact on the migration statistics the government prioritises, while landing it in hot water over the Windrush scandal. Why does the hostile environment nevertheless persist? Despite its strong association with today's Conservatives, the hostile environment extends a decades‐long trend of deepening various social systems' involvement in UK immigration control, creating increasing problems when long‐settled immigrants face suspicion at vulnerable life stages. Yet, the hostile environment provides a way to pursue legitimacy in immigration control given the UK state's particular limitations and pressures: it demonstrates action against 'illegal immigration', avoids revealing earlier control lapses and averts difficult reforms, like national identification cards, to monitor the population more thoroughly. The risks of this approach have only increased as Brexit has unsettled migration statuses, yet the hostile environment will likely remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Politik (GWP) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the rationale behind the United Kingdom's decision to offer Hongkongers new immigration routes and assess whether Britishness constitutes part of Hong Kong's identity, influencing this policy choice. It explores the concept of Britishness and how Hong Kong developed a distinct identity through its colonial history and experiences under British rule. Perspectives from the British administration, Hongkongers, and Chinese government on Hong Kong's Britishness are considered. The article argues the United Kingdom action stems from two factors – perceiving a shared Britishness between Hongkongers and Britons mitigating public backlash, and viewing Hongkongers' Britishness as crucial to their integration. Ultimately, Britishness remains integral to Hong Kong due to shared social and political values with Britain from over 150 years of colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(JAMES IVOR WADLOW / SHUTTERSTOCK) After an audit into the details of the Windrush scandal, the Home Office admitted that, between 2002 and 2018, it wrongly deported or detained at least 164 Caribbean-born lawful Black British residents, 11 of whom died in other countries after deportation. The Long Shadow of Britain's Anti-Black Immigration Policy: Seventy-five years ago, the British government recruited the first Caribbean migrants of the Windrush generation to England. The media investigation revealed how Caribbean-born Black people who were longtime legal residents of the United Kingdom were unlawfully detained, threatened with deportation, and in some cases wrongly deported by the Home Office. The report stopped short of accusing the Home Office of institutionalized racism, but a review of British government policies from 1948 to 2023 regarding Black and Brown immigration and settlement only leads to one conclusion. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates how Germany and the United Kingdom (UK) have governed international student mobility (ISM) over the last two decades. While both are among the most popular destinations for international students and have experienced similar political trajectories during this period, they have pursued divergent education and immigration policies in regulating ISM. Driven by a mix of educational universalism and fear of future labor shortages, Germany offers financial benefits and generous right to stay opportunities. The UK, by contrast, combines high tuition fees with restrictive immigration policies, favoring students who will leave the country upon graduation. Drawing on a variety of parliamentary reports, policy documents, and interviews with politicians and civil servants, I argue that this divergence is rooted primarily in the different politicizability of ISM: international students are discursively treated as students (belonging to the non-politicized field of education) in Germany but as internationals (belonging to the hyperpoliticized field of immigration) in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the causal impact of terrorism on immigration policy preferences? Under what circumstances and due to which psychological micro-mechanisms does this impact materialize? To answer these questions, we provide evidence from pre-registered and well-powered experiments for Germany and the United Kingdom. We find that anti-immigration responses to terrorism follow an emotional proximity rationale: terrorism leads to more restrictive migration policy preferences only among individuals with high levels of perceived insecurity, especially when terrorism occurs in their own country. Policy preferences are not affected by terrorism abroad or by information cues on the objectively low probability of being victimized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's legislation on immigration in the 2010s has been defined by a hostile environment. This essay traces the ways in which two poets in the UK have responded to, and intervened in, this violent political climate. Through a close examination of Nat Raha's Of Sirens, Body & Faultlines and Jay Bernard's Surge, the essay demonstrates how both poets understand the present hostile environment in a wider historical context, and how they consequently make possible a new understanding of our contemporary moment, as well as possible pathways towards resisting the UK's necropolitical immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialized countries have increasingly used skill-based selective migration policies to reduce labor and skill shortages. But are these policies effective? This paper uses Japan and the United Kingdom to illustrate how immigration policy and employment, training and labor practices influence labor and skill supply. Until recently, these two countries had different migration policies and labor practices. Yet data shows similar patterns of labor and skill shortage profiles in both countries. This paper draws on empirical research to argue that such outcomes suggest that immigration policies will not alleviate labor and skill shortages unless accompanied by the transformation of employment and training practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains different rates of positive asylum decisions in Western democracies? Legislators and bureaucrats respond to public preferences on immigration, though studies have not accounted for salience amplifying preferences. Using autoregressive models, I find relationships between salience, preferences, and asylum recognition rates in Germany and the UK, indicating that asylum administration responds to public opinion. High salience and more open immigration preferences are associated with increased asylum recognition rates in Germany, while lower rates in the UK follow high salience and restrictive preferences. Applications rejected under these adverse conditions precede increases in successful appeals, suggesting political pressure or their own preferences lead bureaucratic actors to reduce rates in the UK. These results do not support lobbying or a culture of disbelief as influences on immigration policies. Rather, they raise questions about Western democracies' adherence to an international rules-based asylum system and highlight mechanisms by which policy responds to public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on narrative interviews with irregular Chinese migrant workers (ICMWs) in the United Kingdom (UK) to show how the UK's immigration policies foster forms of illegal working and labour exploitation that they are supposed to combat. It argues that the binary conceptualisation of 'forced labour' as the polar opposite of 'free labour' leaves those migrants working without a right to do so at the risk of both criminalisation and exploitation. The article shows how the fear of criminalisation, together with the pressure to become economically successful in the West, among ICMWs diminishes their capacity to leave exploitative work, reinforcing the unequal power relations between them and their employers, landlords, advisers, and translators. Many ICMWs who are officially cast as 'illegal immigrants' need protection, not from 'snakeheads' and 'traffickers', but the exploitative and precarious work UK government policies render them economically reliant upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of intra‐company transfers in the United Kingdom government's labour immigration policy over the last quarter century. It demonstrates their role in determining the number of non‐European Economic Area foreigners working in the country and examines the way policy, both generally and specifically, has developed. It presents new statistical data and uses that evidence to examine the interplay between the government and multinational corporations in the determination of a significant element of foreign labour immigration. Its findings demonstrate that intra‐company transfers have consistently played a major role in the management of UK labour immigration with a small number of occupations and countries of origin characterizing the system at various times. It concludes that the system has operated through a symbiotic relationship between government and major companies to the mutual benefit of both. However, 'Brexit' and the COVID‐19 pandemic are leading to reassessment of political and corporate objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International student mobility contributes to a knowledge‐based economy and forms an important component of a highly educated migration. This paper aims to identify how far political factors—including political discrimination, restrictions, freedom, UK migration policies and social cultural norms and policies—enhance or inhibit individuals' capabilities to become mobile. It offers a novel conceptualisation of mobility, drawing on structuration theory and the capability approach, to reveal the link between structure, capability and agency in the mobility process. Semi‐structured in‐depth interviews were conducted with 40 PhD students, two professors from Turkey in the United Kingdom and three international education experts. A capability list established shows how mobility occurs when students' capabilities (freedoms) fail to flourish and they lose their power (capacity) to influence society due to the political environment in the home country. 'Impo‐mobility', derived from the word 'imposed', is proposed to refer to highly educated people having to become mobile as a result of impositions placed upon them by home and host‐government political practices. An appealing political environment is necessary if Turkey is not to lose highly educated individuals and the United Kingdom is to remain a global player in international higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the experience of asylum seekers and refugees in Northern Ireland against the background of different periods of non-governance, arguing that consociationalism is hindering the implementation of an integration strategy. Northern Ireland is one of the only regions in the UK without a dedicated refugee integration strategy, in spite of one existing in draft form. As a devolved region, it sits outside the UK policy of asylum dispersal, but has to adhere to UK immigration legal policy. Northern Ireland has, however, the power to create and embed refugee integration policies and strategies as a devolved region. We seek to problematize the notion of refugee 'integration' within the context of a divided society, thereby questioning what it is asylum seekers and refugees are being asked to do within this discourse of integration. In a context where sectarianism continues to shape the spatial and social infrastructures, this is even more complex an aspiration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the UK government's Rwanda Plan which sought to deport the country's illegal immigrants to Rwanda. Topics include a criticism of the plan by progressive commentators by comparing it to Nazi Germany's idea to send European Jews to Madagascar in 1940, the impact of the UK policies designed to provide education and training on the influx of Black Rhodesian migrants to the country, and the projected failure of the Rwandan Plan due to costs and legal issues associated with it.

This article argues a previously little-discussed policy shift, the individualization of UK immigration control, is key to understanding the Windrush Scandal and the wider governance of racialized immigrants in Britain. Drawing on official records from 1963 to 1973, this article identifies how the UK shifted from an initial aggregate model of governing postcolonial immigrants, deemphasizing individual policing, to a model centred on scrutinizing individual compliance. Through interviews with 1980s–2010s UK policy actors, it identifies three policy legacies of this shift. First, it naturalized increasing individual scrutiny as the mechanism for reducing immigration, making immanent the "hostile environment" logic. Second, it gradually increased expectations of individual immigrant documentation, after many Windrush victims arrived under document-light control systems. Third, centring immigrants' individuality accorded with declining policy deliberation about immigration control's potential impacts on already-settled minorities. Even absent formal changes to their status, this shift eroded the rights of long-settled immigrants in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the hidden world of extraterritorial liaison officers, mid-level civil servants posted abroad whose agency influences UK visa implementation within a global framework. Specifically, we unpack their influential role in translating vague policy objectives into specific institutional justifications, norms, and practices, which bureaucrats apply when implementing visa decisions on location. 'Risk' knowledge production is crucial: they mobilise, broker and communicate so-called 'immigration risks' applied to specific foreign nationals across institutional levels and national boundaries. Liaison officers are intermediaries, 'risk' brokers, who: (a) interpret (and feedback on) the Home Office's supposedly objective central 'risk' assessments; (b) construct 'risk' assessments based on local knowledge and intelligence to guide and legitimate street-level bureaucrats' (consulate, airline) decisions; and (c) co-operate to a surprisingly high degree over 'risk' assessments with peers in Global North multi-state frameworks. Importantly, their interventions for the UK state effectively reinforces an unequal North–South global mobility regime. To examine how ally and target states are treated differently, we compare across France, USA, Thailand, Ghana, and Egypt. High state secrecy makes studying liaison officers difficult. Our original research applies document analysis of public policy statements, interventions via freedom of information requests, and interviews with twenty mid-level operational officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1960 to 1973, opponents of Britain joining the European Economic Community (EEC) made an unsuccessful case for the "Commonwealth alternative" — a renewed program of economic, strategic, and political cooperation that would allow Britain to remain outside the Common Market. This article examines two of the leading proponents of this idea in Australian politics — the Liberal MP James Killen and Australia's High Commissioner in London from 1963 to 1972, Sir Alexander Downer — and examines how their arguments for cooperation among Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United Kingdom relate to the historical and contemporary opposition to European integration in Britain. It further considers how the idea of a Commonwealth alternative to the EEC conflicted with the changes to immigration policy that took place in Australia and the United Kingdom during the 1960s and early 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of free movement as a consequence of the United Kingdom (UK)'s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) meant that it was necessary for the UK to devise a new migration system when the transition period came to an end. One aim of this article is to determine in what respects the new system, which came into force on 1 January 2021, draws on or differs from the previous immigration system. To the extent that this inquiry reveals some similarities, another aim is to uncover how the policymaking process produced these continuities. Drawing on the concept of path dependency from the 'new institutionalism' literature, the analysis reveals that two critical decisions taken by the New Labour government (1997-2010) set in train a path dependent policy process that has shaped immigration law and policy today. Two mechanisms of path dependency are identified. First, there were continuities in the operation of conceptual frameworks, methodologies and conclusions amongst organisations tasked with designing the new immigration system. Second, the position adopted by employing enterprises favoured the retention of key features of the previous system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of convergent media and the film, Windrush Betrayal (2020), in representing and challenging borders, mobilities and UK government immigration policies. Print and digital news provide important contexts for exploring media geographies of current events. Documentary film is also a provocative medium for investigative analyses that go beyond more general headline reporting. This study seeks to expand on earlier studies by examining how complementary mediums such as digital news media and film can respond to each other and become part of dynamic transnational conversations around place and identity. Media formats have been pushed to incorporate new settings and styles as Covid-19 restrictions have been implemented and alternative approaches utilised in media production. Adopting innovative techniques for filming in response to pandemic restrictions, Windrush Betrayal illustrates the ongoing impacts of immigration policies on Caribbean Diaspora populations in the UK. This paper provides a timely opportunity to tease out the ways in which changes in government immigration policies, media work practices and the production of migration narratives can highlight hidden geographical stories and marginalised voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the need for the Labour Party to support migrants amidst the alleged inhumane policy of the ruling Conservative Party against them to show that it stands up to workers in the United Kingdom (UK). Also cited are how the conservatives are deporting asylum seekers to Rwanda under the Nationality and Borders Act of 2022, and how the deportation to Rwanda was prevented by protesters and the European Court of Human Rights.

The UK has recently adopted a policy of granting digital-only proof of immigration status for certain groups of migrants. More than 4.5 million individuals are reliant on this form of status and the number is growing. In this paper, we argue that this policy, as currently operationalised, is unlawful as a result of its discriminatory impact. If it remains unchanged, the roots of digital discrimination in immigration policy and administration will be allowed to spread, with potentially disastrous consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores why and how the British and Australian authorities monitored their British Cypriot communities and how this impacted upon their respective immigration policies in connection with British Cypriots. Both the British and Australian authorities monitored sections of the British Cypriot community for similar reasons, especially political, using similar techniques, yet adopted different immigration policies on more Cypriots arriving. While the historiography for this period claims that the British were moving towards restricting immigration from their Empire and Australia was opening its borders, the opposite is in fact the case for the British Cypriots. The British did not alter their policies or procedures very much on the immigration of Cypriots from the 1930s, and even opened their border to Cypriot informers during the EOKA period. On the other hand, the Australian authorities progressively placed restrictions on Cypriots until they suspended immigration in 1956. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the key questions facing immigration policy-makers is which jobs should be eligible for work visas. This question has dominated discussions about the post-Brexit immigration system, which has focused in particular on the issue of shortages. While the UK government resisted calls to open labour migration routes in low-wage or low-skilled jobs with high demand for foreign workers, workers in middle- and high-skilled jobs that are deemed to face a labour market shortage can qualify with significantly lower wages. This paper examines the arguments for and against using immigration policy to prioritize labour migration in 'shortage occupations'. It argues that the idea is politically appealing but problematic in practice. Shortages are more difficult to measure satisfactorily than policy-makers may imagine, and different methodologies produce different results. This makes it unwise to develop an immigration policy that depends too heavily on the notion that the shortage list is an accurate reflection of what is really happening in the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an example of betrayal, El-Enany rightly highlights that after Britain joined the European Economic Community, Commonwealth citizens found themselves with fewer rights to migrate to the UK than white Europeans. El-Enany starts with a wider discussion of Britain's "bordering and ordering", and its use of immigration policy to create identities and order within the UK. [Extracted from the article]

The entanglements of the colonial-imperial efforts with historical and present-day movement, dispersal and displacement of people across the globe cannot be overstated, and yet they are often overlooked in discussions of contemporary immigration policies. As once the most powerful empire in the world, Britain's immigration and citizenship regime is intimately imbricated with its colonial-imperial ambitions. The paper investigates the making of the racialised subject through movement and membership control, historically tracing the production of race in Britain's policies related to border control, immigration, citizenship and race relations. The author argues that the salience of race is sustained to a great measure through border and membership management, whose subject is marked by racial markers that are unstable and transformative, while always remaining linked to a single basic logic of racial difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK continues to see increasingly restrictive and repressive immigration policies aiming to secure the imagined nation and its citizens, who can claim a genuine right to belong. Underpinning these policies and modes of bordering is a statist framework of governance where relational encounters underpinning belonging and home are ordered hierarchically. The presumption is that legal, temporal and spatial forms of belonging take priority over other emotional and intimate forms of attachment. This article presents findings from a photovoice project carried out in collaboration with people from the asylum seeker and refugee population in the North West of England, and focuses on two themes drawn out of the photographs: bordering and home. The visual methodology was valuable because the photographs made visible often invisible borders such as racism. It was also valuable because participants represented their subjective experiences of the border and relationships with home and belonging, which highlighted the fluid, messy, multiple and contested nature of these relationships. Moreover, it was not possible to order their relationships with different 'homes'/places hierarchically. Therefore, participants' self-representations undermine the limited way statist approaches to bordering understand belonging and home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Across the political spectrum of different historical periods, welfare deterrence has shaped social security and immigration policy in both Australia and the United Kingdom. Deterrence discourages access to state welfare through the production and mobilization of negative affect to deter specific groups from claiming state support, and by crafting public affect (of fear and disgust) about these target populations in order to garner consent for punitive policies. In this paper, we argue that deterrence works as a human technology where the crafting of negative affect operates as a technology of statecraft. Through critical juxtaposition and multiple genealogies of deterrence, this paper meshes time and space, and colony/colonizer and metropole, to show the historical and contemporary connectivity of the affective nature of deterrence. We identify five main operations that produce the 'feel' of deterrence: stigmatization by design, destitution by design, deterrent architecture, the control of movement, and the centrality of labour; as well as tracing the political economy of deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explain the correct libertarian approach to immigration, a thought-experiment posits a minimal-state libertarian UK and then the introduction of several relevant anti-libertarian policies with their increasingly disastrous effects. It is argued that the reverse of these imagined policies, as far as is politically possible, must be the correct way forward. This framing is intended to counter the tendency for many articles to misapply libertarian principles to the current messy situation on the mistaken assumption that a state need only stop interfering without rectifying or adjusting for its previous interferences. The relevant parts of various open-border texts are then criticised in light of this and for other errors, in particular for overlooking the likely huge scale of immigration as indicated by Gallup surveys. Additional criticisms are addressed in footnotes throughout. The conclusion outlines three broad options on immigration and suggests that directionally-libertarian policies are both more libertarian and practical than having states open their borders. The readers that might be interested in this subject matter include those engaging in libertarian philosophy, economics, and political theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1860 to 1913 the six colonies that became states of Australia strove to attract migrants from the UK with a variety of assisted passages. The colonies/states shared a common culture and sought migrants from a common source, the UK, but set policy independently of each other. This experience provides a unique opportunity to examine the formation of assisted immigration policies. Using a panel of colonies/states over the years 1862 to 1913 I investigate the association between measures of policy activism and a range of economic and political variables. Assisted migration policies were positively linked with government budget surpluses and local economic prosperity. They were also associated with political participation including the widening of the franchise and remuneration of members of parliament. While the reduction in travel time to Australia reduced the need for assisted migration, slumps in the UK increased the take-up of assisted passages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Challenges of weak economic growth, population decline, and labour shortages led many countries across the world to introduce immigration policy changes in order to attract foreign migrants. This paper focuses on Japan (Tokyo) and the UK (Birmingham, Edinburgh and Glasgow) given common concerns over long term demographic trends and the burgeoning lack of labour supply in particular sectors of the economy through use of foreign labour. The paper shifts the focus from efforts focused on attracting and selecting foreign labour to the retention of such individuals. Drawing on research with EU migrants in Japan and the UK, the paper highlights how staying may occur after a period of mobility, rather than only being of relevance to those who never left their home region. The paper develops a new conceptual framework, which helps to identify different dimensions that shape migrant staying as a temporal process. It is highlighted how staying is shaped incrementally and facilitated or undermined over time in relation to the reciprocal importance of diverse assets, anchors and the changing biographies of migrants and the places in which they live – as well as the relational aspects of migrants' 'linked lives'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western European states have increasingly linked immigration and welfare policy. This trend has important implications for European welfare-state trajectories, but accounts of the policy reasoning behind it have diverged. Are policymakers attempting to delimit social citizenship to secure welfare-state legitimacy? Pursuing new, market-oriented welfare-state goals? Symbolically communicating immigration control intentions to voters? Or attempting to instrumentally steer immigration flows? These accounts have rarely been tested empirically against each other. Redressing this, we employ 83 elite interviews in a comparative process-tracing study of policies linking welfare provision and immigration status in Germany, France, and the UK during the 1990s. We find little evidence suggesting welfare-guided policy reasonings. Rather, this policy linkage appears "immigration-guided:" meant to control "unwanted" immigration or resonate symbolically in immigration politics. Differences in exclusions from welfare support for migrants grew from existing national differences in welfare-state design and politicizations of immigration, not from policy intentions, which were largely shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extraterritorial migration management perspectives on how states try to enforce immigration controls beyond their juridical borders are strongly influenced by 'remote control' metaphors. This is conceptually limited and outdated. Most research fails to sufficiently acknowledge agency by a destination state's officials acting abroad, foreign states and their officials, when evaluating extraterritorial measures and 'outcomes'. We study UK liaison officers abroad, specifically, how they see their efforts to implement extraterritorial immigration control through interactions with foreign state officials. Our approach links inter-state relations to the social world of on-the-ground 'street-level' interactions between officers abroad and their foreign counterparts. The empirical analysis draws from original interviews and official sources. We compare factors accounting for the UK's activities and perceived 'outcomes' across USA, France, Thailand, Egypt and Ghana. Findings show the UK's extraterritorial migration management results from a very long chain of decisions and actions, by foreign and UK state actors, operating at different institutional-levels, with uncontrollable local circumstances abroad. Realising extraterritorial goals depends strongly on liaison officers' agency, 'soft power' over foreign officials and foreign officials' willingness to cooperate. Meanwhile liaison officers' 'feedbacks' importantly influence Home Office decision-making. Against the simplistic one-way causality of 'remote control', this is 'street-level' agency beyond 'remote control'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike previous studies, we estimate the native-migrant substitution elasticity (NME) differentiated by sector. To do so, we employ a straightforward estimation strategy that consists of adding slope-shifters to the reduced form of the labour demand equation to allow for sectoral differentiation and adjusting the restrictions on the efficiency parameters consequently. Our study contributes to the literature in three ways. First, this is the first example that estimates NME differentiated by industry. Second, previous studies assessed the effect of the past migration on wages. In contrast, we assess the impact of potential restrictions to unskilled EU labour in the UK and this can useful to design future immigration policies in the country. Third, our results contribute to understand the dynamics between migration and the domestic labour market in the UK and provide a lesson for other developed economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has increased public awareness of the extent to which the economy relies on a low-wage workforce. Many of those lower-waged occupations that have been recognized as essential in the emergency are heavily dependent on migrant workers. We explore the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for future immigration policies and provide an example using data for the UK. We suggest that there are three key considerations for governments in this context. First, whether the management of emergencies themselves requires a certain type of immigration policy. Second, whether the experience of the current pandemic brings to light new information about the 'value' of certain types of immigration. Finally, whether immigration is the right response to pandemic-driven increases in labour demand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to problematise the historical significance of the EU for British governing strategy with reference to immigration policy and the concept of depoliticisation. Situating British governing strategy in terms of the crisis-prone nature of capitalist society, this paper argues that British immigration policy has been depoliticised through, initially, the invocation of globalisation and, more recently, the EU. Through this strategy, the British state has been able to repeatedly claim that immigration policy is largely out of its hands, as they have no control over workers wishing to enter Britain looking for work. This paper makes three claims: firstly, immigration policy has been used as a means by both Conservative and Labour governments to manage inflation and labour; secondly, successive governments have sought to depoliticise immigration policy through reference to external forces; thirdly, this strategy of depoliticisation ultimately failed, politicising Britain's relationship with the EU and creating conditions for Britain's exit from the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issues of migration and the allocation of passports is a contentious issue in twenty-first-century Britain. This paper offers a timely assessment of Chila Kumari Burman's diptych, Convenience, Not Love, 1986–7, which uses the passport motif to present a scathing indictment of British immigration policy in the post-1945 era, which champions the resilience of the British South Asian diaspora in the face of persistent racial discrimination. Taking issue with the stereotype of South Asian women as 'meek and passive victims', the paper concludes with a discussion of Burman's self-portraits from the 1990s, proposing them as 'radically narcissistic'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A relevant question within the growing debate on immigration policy concerns the impact of granting immigrants free access to the welfare system. I analyse the case of the European 2004 Accession (A8) countries and the lift of the temporary limitations to benefit eligibility that citizens from these countries faced until April 2011 in the UK. When the restrictions are relaxed A8 immigrants claim more benefits, but labour supply adjustments occur mainly for those who are more in need for assistance, namely women and the less educated, especially in the presence of children. Moreover, I provide evidence on two potential indirect effects. First, my results support the absence of magnet effects, as arrivals do not change from before to after the change in eligibility rules. Second, I show that granting immigrants access to welfare does not change the composition of the incoming flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the Windrush scandal, a British political scandal in 2018 concerning people who were wrongly detained, denied legal rights, threatened with deportation and wrongly deported from Great Britain by the Home Office. Topics discussed include Commonwealth migration to Great Britain, the country's 2012 immigration policy conceived by then home secretary Theresa May, and the scandal's impact on Great Britain's socio-political landscape.

This article examines the use of Country of Origin Information (COI) by the Immigration and Asylum Chamber of the United Kingdom Upper Tribunal in country guidance determinations. The article assesses which standards regarding the use of COI are set by the Tribunal. Furthermore, it examines how these standards are applied by the Tribunal while it assesses the general situation or the situation of a particular group of persons at risk in Iran, Somalia, and Sri Lanka. The examination of country guidance determinations shows that the Tribunal's assessments are based on a comprehensive range of COI, including information from expert witnesses, governmental agencies, United Nations agencies, non-governmental organizations, and news agencies. However, the country guidance determinations would benefit from a more uniform, structured approach to improve the transparency of the assessment of the reliability of information and the balancing process of COI. This would ensure a visibly 'effectively comprehensive' decision. 1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children experiencing persecution, torture, ill-treatment, exploitation and violence are compelled to flee across international borders to seek protection in another state. When a child seeks international protection, the framework of rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees should guide a state to determine the child's status and protection needs. However, a child's best interests and right to protection may clash with a state's interest in immigration control. Increasingly, states are implementing strict laws to discourage irregular migration and to encourage those without leave to remain to return to their countries of origin. Such laws or policies have an impact on people seeking international protection, including children. The UK government's 'hostile environment' policy is an example of this and applies to all adults and children who enter the UK irregularly and have no right to remain. I argue that the UK's approach violates its international obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This article analyses how the children's rights framework, in particular the 'best interests' principle, is able to challenge the UK's 'hostile environment' policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]