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This article employs critical discourse analysis of the Spear's Schools Index of 'the best private schools in the world', the first such global ranking of schools, to understand representations of elite education in globalised societies. It argues that the Index is a powerful text that exemplifies a global gaze -- an imagined perspective from which education is judged independent of context. Six assumptions about education inherent in this global gaze are identified, through which schools and parents are subjectified while students are objectified, namely that: good education can be judged independent of context; education is a competition; the best schools are supranational; private and Western schools are best; good parents choose globally; and children are an investment. The article demonstrates the fertility of analysing online sources to examine elite schools [Howard, Adam, and Jane Kenway. 2015. "Canvassing Conversations: Obstinate Issues in Studies of Elites and Elite Education." "International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education" 28 (9): 1005--1032.].

School-choice programs may increase schools' incentives for marketing rather than improving their educational offering. This article systematically reviews the literature on the marketing activities of primary and secondary schools worldwide. The 81 articles reviewed show that schools' marketing has yet to be tackled by marketing academics or other social scientists outside the education field. Market-oriented U.S. charter schools and their international equivalents have stimulated recent research, but geographical gaps remain, particularly in countries with long-established school-choice policies and in rural areas. Schools deploy a range of marketing techniques with the intensity of activity directly correlated to the level of local competition and their position in the local hierarchy. Studies have analyzed schools' use of market scanning, specific words and images in brochures, branding, segmentation, and targeting. These marketing activities are rarely accompanied by substantive curricular change, however, and may even contribute to social division through targeting or deceptive marketing activity.

Following Bourdieu's tradition of examining the reproduction of the class structure, this article seeks to fill gaps in research on the class differentiation and educational situation of Polish communities in the UK. The article treats Polish post-accession migration to the UK as a social laboratory. Such an approach facilitates examination of class attitudes toward the education and educational practices of Polish migrants, whose prior experiences with the Polish educational system came to be re-evaluated in a differing national context. The article explains how Polish communities in the UK develop mechanisms for validating their cultural capital and negotiating migrant institutions and networks. The article argues that such processes are able to reorganize the class differentiations of migrant communities and to recontextualize their 'national capital' (e.g. Catholicism) within the framework of the receiving society's educational system. The article is based on forty-five interviews with Polish parents and teachers in the UK.

Motivated by empirical reality of differences in the scope and meaning of school choice and private schooling this article focuses on the public demand for increasing diversity of educational options In Europe and the division of public and private provision in it. We aim to test self-interest and ideology-driven logics of education policy preferences in different educational contexts. We operationalize this variety of contexts by the share of private education spending and between-school inequality. We show that, on average, more resourceful individuals are less pro-private-education and those that are ideologically right-leaning are more so. At the system level, private schooling feeds back positively, and this does not differ across educational or ideological divides. Educational inequality, at the same time, de-legitimizes the support for private schooling and its effect differs -- higher educated and ideologically right-leaning turn to prefer more public schooling the higher the educational inequality. Thus, the more equal the educational provision, independent of public-private mix, the more entrenched pro-private school preferences will become.

This paper presents findings from a recent study on choice-making among teachers, school leaders and parents in a for-profit British international school in Kuwait. Using a Bourdieusian field analysis, the choice-making of the various stakeholders is investigated to reveal their positionality within the school's social space, to examine the resources they hold and the capitals in which they are willing to invest. We find that choices made by, and within, an international school reveal symbolic violence, and a 'taken-for-granted understanding' that this form of schooling (British- rather than American-style international schooling) is superior. Participants in the study included teachers, parents, graduating class students and school leaders. Teachers and parents were a representative mix of local (both Arab and non-Arab) and expatriate. The study makes an important contribution to the body of knowledge relating to international schools, in its theoretical framework and its inclusion of the wider stakeholder population, which together generate a deeper understanding of professional practice in the international school context.

The quantitative literature on parental reasons of school choice for their elementary school children was systematically reviewed using all major databases. The quality of the studies was assessed through a modified version of the Newcastle-Ottawa scale. Among 3982 references reviewed, 26 studies were included from 14 countries. Although large heterogeneity in the data precluded a formal meta-analysis, our findings document that school academic quality was the only reason reported in more than 50% of the studies. In studies from low-income countries or composed predominantly of families from low SES, logistic reasons assume relevance aside teacher quality. The methodological quality of the literature in this area is poor. Although the literature is not of enough quality to confidently define what the most important factors are, our findings provide an overview of the reasons parents gave for selecting elementary schools for their children worldwide. In addition, we present the needed data for constructing an instrument to assess parent reasons for elementary school choice, something not yet available in the literature.

This article argues that contemporary conceptual frameworks for understanding religion may not be adequate for the arena of religion and school choice. Successive published research suggests that people are choosing religious schools for reasons other than religion. But what if the reasons why people might be religious and their motivation for choosing a religious school are more complex? This article considers some of the latest theoretical conversations around religion and social science. In particular it discusses approaches developed by U.K. Catholic sociologist of education, Gerald Grace. The article proposes some new contours for researching religion and school choice in North America.

In the UK, the law places a lot of emphasis on parental rights and choice--the right to choose the school that suits the needs of your child. Parents can list in order of preference and this ranked order is lodged with the education authority (through one common application form), and hope that within the complexities of the admissions process, the system mitigates in their favour. For some black parents, the oversubscription criterion is often perceived as the hurdle within the allocation procedure. Their children will loose out. This paper provides an insight into the views of some black parents in the London Borough of Hackney and through a personal and critical engagement; analysis is brought to bear on a terrain of current educational debate. An attempt is made here to address the role of education in a capitalist society.

The European Convention on Human Rights has been signed by both the UK and Sweden as well as other European states, providing legal justification for accommodating the educational needs of religious minorities. This legal entitlement is explored in the paper, with particular reference to parental choice for schools based on an Islamic ethos. How the UK and Sweden have responded to accommodate the religious convictions of Muslim families is the focus of discussion, drawing on historical and policy backgrounds. The paper also draws on the theoretical work of Kumashiro and the concept of "Education for the Other", examining the positioning of minority groups within the broad context of a multicultural society and the challenge of accommodating religious convictions in a climate of increasing support for cultural assimilation.

Bringing international students to study at U.S. campuses is increasingly viewed as the best option to globalize the campus, yet the United States lags behind other countries in providing opportunities for international students, particularly at the undergraduate level. Although the one million international students studying in the United States in 2015 represents an increase of 7 percent over the previous year, these students are not dispersed evenly among the over 4,500 U.S. institutions. There are a number of factors influencing international students and their families as they make choices about where to study. Many of these students are first-generation college students, and often no one in their family has traveled or studied abroad; coming to the United States is a big step for them. Increasingly, parents and families of international students are becoming concerned about possible travel bans, and also about what they learn in the news about hate crimes, guns on campus, and stereotyping that has led to violence on some campuses and in some communities. Given the current state of suspicion and fear from many quarters about those who are "different," some proposed national policies threaten opportunities for colleges and universities to recruit international students. Those campuses that use agents or partner with a company to recruit and deliver students often find that some of the work of enrolling international students can be made less burdensome. The world benefits when colleges and universities partner with experts who know how to provide "added value" to the campus through recruitment and retention of international students. Other advantages to partnering with a known and successful pathway provider include access to regional offices throughout the world that can provide services to visiting faculty and administrators and often set up interviews and meetings that can enhance the campus brand. Internationalization efforts are most likely to be successful when senior administrators and faculty are committed to the goal.

The United Kingdom's 2010 Academies Act further widened the school and State relationship with free schools, in particular, becoming a model separately identified as endorsing and celebrating the neoliberal ideology of competition informed by market principles. The main features of the model are described and complemented with illustrative evidence from Ofsted inspections and research strongly suggesting that, rather than delivering an informed and inclusive approach as claimed by the government, they in fact are socially divisive and serve only to further accentuate class structures and prejudice. It is concluded that they should be replaced by open access, non-selective and fully State owned and funded approaches based on principles of equality and anti-discrimination.

The entrenching of competitive values within the public-market field of secondary education has led to the formation of academically focused institutions whose budgets and reputations are based on gaining large numbers of students who have the best chance of attaining highly in public examinations. Although parents have become savvier about their consumer rights, and as regards the use of advertisements that schools produce, the medium and long term impact of the deployment of the majority of marketisation tools on students has yet to be assessed. A consequence of this over-marketing process may be that some students prove to be less successful academically after transfer. If the government continues with a policy based on the market model, the impact of marketing tools that schools implement needs to be assessed so that parents can be secure in the knowledge that first and foremost their child is happy and safe at school.

This research considers implications of planned reform of the education system in Northern Ireland for school choice and travel behavior. The school system is currently segregated on the basis of religion and academic ability at age 11. Discrete Choice Models based on a Stated Preference experiment included in a program of parental surveys yielded insights into likely responses of parents to both current options and potential reforms. Surprisingly, most parents would not be adverse to the removal of religious segregation from schools while availability of free school transport is not a significant factor in the school choice process. Aspirations of academic quality are higher among more affluent parents.

This commentary suggests that a countermovement for educational and social justice must learn from the dominant global neo-liberal movement and its successes in creating institutions and knowledge-making processes and networks. Local struggles for educational justice are important, but they need to be linked to a broader educational justice movement. Such a movement itself has to be seen as part of a struggle for genuine democracy.

Deciding on a secondary school for children with autism is notoriously difficult for parents. While current UK legislation emphasises the choice that parents of children with special educational needs should have in educational decision-making, there is a dearth of research in this area, which means that little is known about how parents come to make decisions about secondary school placements and the types of support, if any, they receive from professionals. The present study aimed to determine the factors that immediately influence secondary school choice for young people with autism in one London local authority from the perspectives of multiple informants. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with parents of children with autism (n?=?7), young people themselves prior to secondary school entry (n?=?6), parent advisors (n?=?5) and secondary school professionals (n?=?5). Parents emphasised the anxiety and burden of the decision-making process. There was, however, substantial agreement among adult groups on the factors necessary for a successful secondary school placement: a nurturing, flexible and inclusive environment that emphasised both academic and life skills. Few adults, however, mentioned the importance of children's social relationships--a factor that featured prominently in the reports of young people. These findings highlight both the different perceptions of those involved in making decisions about the educational placements of children with autism and the challenges associated with weighing up these potentially conflicting perspectives. More work is needed to ensure both that information is transparent and accessible to all parents and that young people are actively involved in decisions that ultimately affect their lives.

Existing studies on the role of schooling in the formation and (re)production of elite identity have focused almost entirely on the reproduction strategies of Western elites. Consequently, the distinction strategies employed by non-western elite parents to maintain and/or advance their class positioning--via their children--have remained largely unexamined. Using rare qualitative data from a broader study of the educational preferences of elite Nigerian families, this paper critically examines the key processes involved in Nigerian elites' attempts to protect and/or enhance their children's future elite status. Combining the theoretical frameworks of Bourdieu and Fanon, the paper argues that a significant proportion of elite Nigerian parents opt for UK-based private boarding schools because they believe that these schools will bestow their children with "attributes of excellence" through a highly selective exposure to elite White British lifestyles and practices. These parents believe that placing their children in White (elitist) spaces would allow them to acquire the right dispositions and deportment such as "respectability" and a "refined accent," essential for the (re)production and/or formation of "genuine" elite identity in modern-day Nigerian.

This paper uses data from the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) to examine house moves that take place in the pre-school years, focusing on families who move for the education of their children. We present results showing that education- related house moves do indeed occur in the pre-school years with particular types of parents making these education-related moves to ensure their children attend a good primary school. We then examine whether this demand for high quality schooling is associated with a house price premia by linking the MCS data to Land Registry data and show that parents are prepared to pay significantly more to buy a house located near to better performing primary schools, even before their children reach school starting age. We interpret this as evidence of demand for school quality in the early years as parents (especially more educated and advantaged parents) "gear up" their quest for what they perceive to be better schooling for their children before they start school.

The 2010 Academies Act was significant in introducing Free Schools to the English education system. Opening up funding to new, non-profit entrants on the basis of demand, the policy has aroused support and controversy on political, philosophical and practical educational grounds with implications for social justice in terms of equity and freedom. Given the ostensible quality and empowerment goals of the enacted new (limited) freedoms, the extent of activity towards them is evaluated alongside the Department for Education application procedure's fitness for purpose. Opinions and experiences of free school proposers were gathered through four in-depth interviews and a wider questionnaire yielding data from 19 of 55 successful proposers opening schools in September 2012. Wider policy issues are considered, notably concerning concepts of social justice. While successful applicants appeared to meet the policy's demand and educational quality prerequisites, procedural uncertainties and inefficiencies hampered their progress. Furthermore, political and philosophical opposition and practical limits to time, expertise and resources have constrained the policy's systemic impact. Regarding social justice, whether Free Schools enhance choice or reduce equity remains largely a moot point given the obstacles to system-wide change.

This paper takes Mary Warnock's paper in the first issue of the "Oxford Review of Education" as its starting point, and explores how both philosophical thinking about equality in education and the landscape of educational provision have changed. It articulates a view of justice in education that emphasises benefiting the least advantaged; and shows that detailed philosophical thinking about values can be valuable for making policy decisions, while also showing that deploying careful value considerations is not a straightforward exercise.

This article examines the minefield that now surrounds admissions starting with a comparison of the relatively easy system of the 1950s and early 1960s and the complexity of multiple admission authorities of today. Taking evidence from a range of agencies, including government official bodies, and admission issues, the article aims to show that a major factor in non-compliance with good and fair admissions practice is the rise of 'own admission authorities'. Their increase comes directly from structural changes to the provision of schools. The article concludes that to deal with the problem, an incoming Labour government cannot ignore those changes. The article supports the proposal of Comprehensive Future for a root and branch review of admissions.

The decision by ex-Secretary of State for Education Michael Gove to send his daughter to a state school caused much press comment and was discussed in a widely read article by Gove's spouse, the "Daily Mail" columnist Sarah Vine. In this piece, Vine praised non selective state education, drawing on her own personal experience and that of her friends to support this decision. Her arguments were, in many ways, sound but they also left a great deal unsaid. No reference was made to the long history of struggle within this country for high quality comprehensive education and the fact that it was the progressive left that largely fought for its introduction, often fiercely resisted by many within the Conservative Party. Thus Vine, rather like the government of which her husband is a prominent member, presents a distorted view of modern educational and political history.

This review presents the results of a literature scoping exercise looking at the decisions parents of children with special educational needs (SEN) make when choosing a secondary placement to send their child at change of phase. The review reports on studies that were conducted in England and other areas of the UK as well as in Australia and the USA because there has been only a limited amount of research into this area conducted in an English context. In addition, some of the papers do not discuss school choice specifically but cover related themes. The study identifies a number of broad factors that impact on parents' decision-making: the age of the child, the nature and degree of the SEN; the socio-economic status of the parents; the child's experience of inclusion in the primary phase; the secondary schools philosophy, capacity and perceived commitment to SEN; beliefs about teacher's skills, knowledge, capacity and attitudes; and the influence of other people, for example family, friends and professionals. (Contains 1 table.)

This article argues that the concept of rationality is undergoing significant revision in UK education policy-making, influenced by developments in several academic fields. This article focuses on the take up of behavioural economics in policy as one aspect of this revision of the concept of rationality, discussing how this has happened and its implications. Framed by a wider debate regarding the significance of a "crisis" in neoliberal approaches to social change, behavioural economics suggests that a reliance on rational choice is insufficient and individuals need to be "nudged" to make good choices. This revision and its impact on the subject of policy, the policy-maker and policy technologies are examined, and the discussion is supported by two illustrations from school choice and youth service policy texts from the 2000s. The potential use of "nudge" theory in education is also considered with respect to the Conservative-Liberal Democrat government's use of behavioural economics. In conclusion, we argue that the use of these ideas in policy, alongside others, marks a revision of the neoliberal idea of a rational chooser as the aim of policy-making, of which education policy sociology should take account. (Contains 6 notes.)

In the course of educational expansion, student populations have become more diverse. This paper represents an international literature review on the topic of first-generation students (FGS), i.e. students whose parents have not obtained a higher education qualification. On the basis of more than 70 research articles and reports on FGS from several countries, we find that the focal points in FGS research concern their pre-college characteristics, mobility factors, decisions about institution, degree and subjects, FGS' experiences at university, and academic outcomes. Summarising the state of research on these topics, we point to two problems: (1) the international incommensurability of data on FGS due to differences in how FGS are defined and researched; (2) the depiction of FGS' problems as individual rather than structural problems. We recommend that structural changes such as making organisational structures in higher education institutions more transparent are in order instead of offering special support programmes only for FGS.

Background: Political devolution occurred in the UK in 1998-99, following many years in which some degree of policy administration had been devolved to the four nations. Since devolution, all four countries of the UK have pursued increasingly divergent education policies. This is true in England in particular, where diversity, choice and competition have become a key focus of education policy. This political divergence between the four nations gives us the opportunity to appraise differences and similarities in educational policies and outcomes in the four UK nations. Purpose: This article is a comparative review of the education reforms of the constituent countries of the UK, with particular focus on value for money. The main aims of the article are to (1) outline the key differences in the educational systems in terms of school type, choice and competition, educational resources and pedagogy; (2) describe how the countries compare in terms of educational attainment during compulsory schooling years; (3) examine inequalities in educational attainment, such as by gender and socio-economic status, and how the different countries compare on these measures; and (4) examine existing evidence on the effectiveness and value for money of different education policies and programmes in the different countries. Sources of evidence: We use a variety of sources of evidence to achieve these aims. We undertake a literature review of the existing evidence on the effectiveness and value for money of different programmes and policies that have taken place across the UK. We also collate and undertake an analysis of data on educational outcomes from published statistics sourced from the national statistics offices of each country. It is easier to be confident about comparisons based on international data sets because in this case all students will have taken exactly the same test, so we also compile and analyse survey data from international surveys of educational attainment such as PISA, PIRLS and TIMSS. Main argument: We argue that while the systems of the four countries of the UK are becoming increasingly divergent, there are still many similarities. This is borne out in the evidence on educational outcomes, which show many similarities between the four countries. Because of these similarities, the positive impacts of many of the policies and programmes adopted in England may have relevance for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Conclusions: We find evidence that increasing school resources improves results, and also that more targeted spending benefits able pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds. We also find positive results of several programmes. Evaluating the education policies of the four nations in terms of value for money--and therefore whether they have scope to be adopted--represents a bigger challenge. Whilst the value for money of certain policies--such as the literacy hour--can be reasonably well measured, for many other policies, value for money is hard to pin down accurately. However, this forms an important direction for future research.

In this paper, we consider the relationship between the existence of private schools and public attitudes towards questions about educational provision. Data from the 2010 British Social Attitudes survey suggest that parents who choose to send children to private schools may become more entrenched in their support for more extensive forms of parental partiality, with potential ramifications for the future supporting of progressive education policy. We suggest that addressing questions about the existence of certain forms of education and school choice policies requires consideration of the broader ethical environment.

A review of American charter schools and Swedish free-school research is outlined, providing strong evidence that both free-market models are flawed in their claims of enhancing young people's educational experience. A substantial body of work is included that strongly indicates charter and free schools increase social segregation and lower educational attainment. It is also argued that the rationale for and commitment to competition undermines cooperation between schools and reinforces class differentiation, suggesting the view that the model facilitates choice is erroneous. It is also argued its inception in the UK is, like the academies model, driven by a narrow ideological stance and should be replaced by a non-selective, state-funded, comprehensive school model accessible to all.

This article argues that faith-based schools are a necessary feature of democratic and pluralistic societies and a legitimate expression of human rights as constituted in the European Convention in Human Rights (2000). It further argues that if the rights of parents to have a real choice for faith-based schools (regardless of ability to pay) are to be actualised, then state funding for such schools is required. The article concludes by saying that current arguments that faith-based schools are generative of social or community conflict have no basis in existing empirical research. These arguments, when examined, are not evidence based but rather based upon polemical and prejudiced assertions which give a superficial reading of the causes of community conflict, as in the case of Northern Ireland.

This paper reports the findings from two large-scale national online surveys carried out in 2009 and 2010, which explored the state of history teaching in English secondary schools. Large variation in provision was identified within comprehensive schools in response to national policy decisions and initiatives. Using the data from the surveys and school-level data that are publicly available, this study examines situated factors, particularly the nature of the school intake, the numbers of pupils with special educational needs and the socio-economic status of the area surrounding the school, and the impact these have on the provision of history education. The findings show that there is a growing divide between those students that have access to the "powerful knowledge" provided by subjects like history, and those that do not. (Contains 4 figures, 6 tables, and 8 notes.)

The South Asian diaspora and its impact on the lives of dispersed communities is a complex phenomenon finding expression in a range of issues and debates. However, the nature and scale of the challenges and issues vary in each case and context, and even over generations. These issues become more sensitive and poignant when underpinned by cultural and belief systems. This paper debates the impact of dominant discourses and values on schooling choices and the related concerns to explore issues linked to girls' education among Pakistani diaspora in England, drawing on relevant literature and the evidence from a recent study of single-sex schooling. It argues that multiple emotional, social, cultural, historical, political, economic and other affiliations influence the patterns of behaviour and the terms of civic engagement in the adopted country leading to a struggle over meanings and competing positions over values and practices that are fluid and dynamic. (Contains 4 notes and 3 tables.)