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Predicting how populations may respond to climate change and anthropogenic pressures requires detailed knowledge of demographic traits, such as survival and reproduction. However, the availability of these data varies greatly across space and taxa. Therefore, it is common practice to conduct population assessments by filling in missing values from surrogate species or other populations of the same species. Using these independent surrogate values concurrently with observed data neglects the life‐history trade‐offs that connect the different aspects of a population's demography. Consequently, this approach introduces biases that could ultimately lead to erroneous management decisions.We use a Bayesian hierarchical framework to combine fragmented multi‐population data with established life‐history theory and reconstruct population‐specific demographic data across a substantial part of a species breeding range. We apply our analysis to a long‐lived colonial species, the black‐legged kittiwake Rissa tridactyla, that is classified as globally Vulnerable and is highly threatened by increasing anthropogenic pressures, including offshore renewable energy development. We then use a projection analysis to examine how the reconstructed demographic parameters may improve population assessments, compared to models that combine observed data with independent surrogate values.Demographic parameters reconstructed using a hierarchical framework can be utilised in a range of population modelling approaches. They can also be used as reference estimates to assess whether independent surrogate values are likely to over or underestimate missing demographic parameters. We show that surrogate values from independent sources are often used to fill in missing parameters that have large potential demographic impact, and that resulting biases are driven in unpredictable directions thus precluding assessments from being consistently precautionary.Synthesis and applications. Our study dramatically increases the spatial coverage of population‐specific demographic data for black‐legged kittiwakes. The reconstructed demographic parameters presented can also be used immediately to reduce uncertainty in the consenting process for offshore wind development in the United Kingdom and Ireland. More broadly, we show that the reconstruction approach used here provides a new avenue for improving evidence‐based management and policy action for animal and plant populations with fragmented and error prone demographic data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal effects of Brexit on health and health care will fall within the United Kingdom, and all forms of Brexit have overwhelmingly negative implications for health care and health within the UK. This article focuses on the external effects of Brexit ("Brexternalities") for health and health care. The EU is a particularly powerful institutional and legal arrangement for managing economic and political externalities in health policy as in any other policy. Equally, when a state leaves the EU, the manner of leaving will result in better or worse management of relevant externalities. Brexternalities thus involve questions about policy legitimacy and accountability. Health Brexternalities do not fall equally in all EU countries. They are felt more distinctly in the context of those elements of health policy that are most closely entwined with the UK's health policy (e.g., on the island of Ireland, certain areas of Spain, and other parts of southern Europe). Some health Brexternalities, such as in medicine safety, will be imposed on the whole population of the EU. And some health Brexternalities, such as communicable disease control, will be felt globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Technology for minimal access surgery is rapidly progressing in all surgical specialities including Gynaecology. As robotic surgery becomes established in increasing numbers of hospitals, there is no set curriculum for training in robotic gynaecological surgery or the assistant role in use in the UK. The purpose of this study was to determine a list of competencies that could be used as the basis of a core robotic gynaecological surgery curriculum, to explore its acceptability and the level of interest in undertaking training in robotics among obstetrics & gynaecology (O&G) trainees. Methods: A four-round Delphi study was conducted using members and associates of British & Irish Association of Robotic Gynaecological Surgeons (BIARGS). In Round 1 respondents were asked to propose standards that could be used in the curriculum. In the following three rounds, the respondents were asked to score each of the standards according to their opinion as to the importance of the standard. Items that scored a mean of 80% or above were included in the final proposed curriculum. Following this, a national survey was conducted to explore the interest among O&G trainees in undertaking a formal robotic training for the first assistant and console surgeon roles. Results: The items proposed were divided into three separate sections: competencies for a medical first assistant; competencies for a console surgeon; continued professional development for trained console surgeons. From the national survey; 109 responses were received of which 60% were interested in undertaking a formal training for the first assistant role, and 68% are expressing interest in training for the console surgeon role. Conclusion: Undertaking a Delphi exercise to determine a core gynaecological robotic training curriculum has enabled consensus to be achieved from the opinions of BIARGS members/associates. There is interest among O&G trainees at all levels of training to gain experience and develop their skills in robotic surgery by undertaking a formal training in robotic surgery at both the first assistant and console surgeon level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metagovernance refers to a theory of how governments steer decentralised networks by indirectly shaping the rules and norms of those networks. This article develops metagovernance conceptually and empirically by looking at the use of ‘hands-off’ metagovernance tools in the case of English devolution, which encompass the ‘designing’ and ‘framing’ of local governance networks in the process of their reconfiguration. These concepts provide insights into how a Conservative-led Coalition Government subtly centralised power in the process of devolution to city-regions. Our analysis shows how discursive framing, fiscal conditioning and the recomposition of local governance networks produced a reworking of centre-local and intra-local power relations in a way which allowed the Treasury to shape the priorities of a set of ‘devolution deals’ with regional authorities, emphasising boosting economic growth and improving public services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Declining voter turnout has been highlighted as problematic for a number of western democracies. However, in this article we argue that whether an election is seen as ‘legitimate’ or not depends crucially upon interpretations of the levels of turnout by elite actors. Through comparing two recent democratic ballots in the UK we demonstrate how elections with lower turnouts can come to be seen as holding more legitimacy than those with higher turnouts. The cases demonstrate, we argue, a distinction between actual legitimacy, defined as a binary concept, and the process of legitimization – a process through which the authority of an institution is discursively constructed and conferred. This suggests a new research agenda which extends beyond the current literature to focus upon how the legitimacy of a ballot is socially constructed in a broader context of unequal socioeconomic power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Existing research on depoliticisation emphasises how blame is shifted away from governments due to tactics employed by politicians. The argument of this article is that the analytical utility of this approach can be significantly enhanced by also examining the conduct of non-state actors, and broader contextual factors. Using a detailed case study of record flooding in the UK in 2007, the article shows how, despite significant failures in flood preparation, the agenda-setting and preference-shaping actions of politicians and the media, and the 'path-shaping' effects of a benign political context and volatile and unstable policy area, the government was largely absolved of blame in the eyes of the public. In particular, the article highlights a paradox of drivers that appear simultaneously politicising and depoliticising, but lead ultimately to depoliticisation. It is argued that these 'paradoxical' factors can be conceptualised usefully through a distinctive model of depoliticisation and securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Highlights and Abstract This article: Covers new empirical terrain in the study of depoliticisation, with an in-depth case study of health technology regulation;, Analyses depoliticisation from a novel analytical perspective, examining how depoliticised institutions are resilient to external pressure for politicisation;, Posits a distinctive framework for analysing resilience, drawing on cognate literatures on policy networks and agencification;, Raises interesting and distinctive questions about the nature of depoliticisation in advanced liberal democracies, arguing it is more contested than commonly acknowledged., Depoliticisation as a concept offers distinctive insights into how governments attempt to relieve political pressures in liberal democracies. Analysis has examined the effects of depoliticisation tactics on the public, but not how those tactics are sustained during moments of political tension. Drawing on policy networks and agencification literatures, this article examines how these tactics are resilient against pressure for politicisation. Using an in-depth case study of the controversial appraisal of cancer drug Herceptin in 2005/6 by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence ( NICE), the article examines how 'resilient' NICE was to external politicisation. It is argued that NICE was resilient because it was effectively 'insulated' by formal procedures and informal norms of deference to scientific expertise. This mechanism is termed 'institutional double glazing'. The conclusion suggests developments to the conceptual and methodological framework of depoliticisation, and highlights theoretical insights into the nature of 'anti-politics' in contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that scholars overestimate the ability of a methodologically 'pluralistic' political science to gain impact in policymaking, which in Britain is increasingly 'positivist', privileging quantitative evidence. This 'relevance gap' between pluralistic political science and positivistic policymaking means that political scientists are disadvantaged in achieving 'impact' compared to disciplines like behavioural economics. The article proposes two solutions to bridge this 'gap': improving the 'accessibility' of research and stimulating 'interaction' between researchers and policymakers through methodological workshops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the attitudes of senior British civil servants towards academic research, focusing the types of information policymakers want when formulating decisions. Topics include civil servants' preference for quantitative research; a discussion of their sources of academic knowledge; and the degree of collaboration between academics and policymakers.

The UK's relationship with the European Union (EU) is now embodied in two principal legal instruments: the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement, which formally entered into force on 1 May 2021; and the Withdrawal Agreement, with its Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, which continues to apply. Using a 'building blocks' framework for analysis of national health systems derived from the World Health Organisation, this article examines the likely impacts in the UK of this legal settlement on the National Health Service (NHS), health and social care. Specifically, we determine the extent to which the trade, cooperation and regulatory aspects of those legal measures support positive impacts for the NHS and social care. We show that, as there is clear support for positive health and care outcomes in only one of the 17 NHS 'building blocks', unless mitigating action is taken, the likely outcomes will be detrimental. However, as the legal settlement gives the UK a great deal of regulatory freedom, especially in Great Britain, we argue that it is crucial to track the effects of proposed new health and social care-related policy choices in the months and years ahead.