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Black immigrants and their children represent a significant and growing share of the U.S. Black population; however, their experiences of their multifaceted identities are often collapsed into the experiences of multigenerational Black youth. The current study investigates whether generalized ethnic-racial identity measures are equivalent for Black youth with an immigrant parent and Black youth with only U.S.-born parents. Participants were 767 Black adolescents (16.6% immigrant-origin; Mage = 16.28, SD = 1.12) attending diverse high schools in two regions of the U.S. Participants completed the affirmation, exploration, and resolution subscales of the Ethnic Identity Scale-Brief (EIS-B), along with the centrality and public regard subscales of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity-Teen (MIBI-T). The results indicated that, whereas the EIS-B demonstrated scalar invariance, the MIBI-T demonstrated partial scalar invariance. Accounting for measurement error, immigrant-origin youth reported lower affirmation than multigenerational U.S.-origin youth. Across groups, ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution scores were positively associated with family ethnic socialization; ethnic-racial identity affirmation was positively associated with self-esteem; and ethnic-racial identity public regard was negatively associated with ethnic-racial discrimination, supporting convergent validity. Conversely, centrality was positively associated with discrimination among multigenerational U.S.-origin Black youth, but the relation was not significant among immigrant-origin Black youth. These results fill a methodological gap in the literature, providing researchers with empirical support for considering whether to pool immigrant-origin and multigenerational U.S.-origin Black youth in analyses regarding ethnic-racial identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to examine how parents' documentation status informs their ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) practices and the subsequent implications for Latinx youths' psychological adjustment. The mixed-methods approach combined convergent and exploratory sequential designs to explore the breadth and depth of Latinx parents' messages to their children regarding race and ethnicity. Qualitative data were used to generate hypotheses that were tested quantitatively. Analysis of interviews revealed parents' concerns with obeying the law, avoiding interaction with others, teaching children how to deal with discrimination, the importance of transmitting their culture, and concerns for their children's ever-present fear and stress. Path analysis showed that undocumented parents utilized more cultural socialization and promotion of mistrust messages than their documented counterparts. More promotion of mistrust, in turn, was associated with higher levels of adolescent depressive symptoms. Given the current sociopolitical climate and ethnic-racial tensions in the United States, it is imperative to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the nuanced ERS practices Latinx families employ to both cope with and respond to this situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competing Interests: These authors declare no conflict of interest.

Competing Interests: These authors declare no conflict of interest.

Background: Plastic surgery has become an increasingly competitive, yet limited information is available in the literature on successfully matched plastic surgery applicants. The goal of this study was to analyze which factors predicted a successful National Residency Match Program match during the 2013 to 2014 cycle., Methods: An electronic questionnaire was distributed to successfully matched medical students in plastic surgery. Information obtained included (1) academic performance, (2) medical school criteria, (3) visiting subinternship rotation criteria, and (4) research performance. Match "success" was defined as matching into one of the applicant's top three ranked programs, Results: Data were available for 127 matched students. Average Step 1 score was 247.93 (95 percent CI, 244.3 to 251.56). Step 1 scores correlated with the number of interviews received (r(2) = 0.355; p = 0.039). An odds ratio of 2.2 was observed for residents who had a plastic surgery residency program affiliated with their medical school and match success. Step 1 score (r(2) = 0.045; p = 0.798), Step 2 score (r(2) = 0.131; p = 0.505), Alpha Omega Alpha membership (r(2) = 0.011; p = 0.905), and number of publications (r(2) = 0.121; p = 0.458) did not correlate significantly with match success., Conclusions: Successful applicants had a Step 1 score that was 1 SD greater than the U.S. mean. Having a plastic surgery residency program affiliated with an applicant's medical school was an important predictor of match success. Objective measures (step scores, Alpha Omega Alpha membership, and number of publications) were not predictive of match success.

Context: Each year, an estimated 15 million new cases of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV, occur in the United States. Women are not only at a disadvantage because of their biological and social susceptibility, but also because of the methods that are available for prevention., Methods: A nationally representative sample of 1,000 women aged 18-44 in the continental United States who had had sex with a man in the last 12 months were interviewed by telephone. Analyses identified levels and predictors of women's worry about STDs and interest in vaginal microbicides, as well as their preferences regarding method characteristics. Numbers of potential U.S. microbicide users were estimated., Results: An estimated 21.3 million U.S. women have some potential current interest in using a microbicidal product. Depending upon product specifications and cost, as many as 6.0 million women who are worried about getting an STD would be very interested in current use of a microbicide. These women are most likely to be unmarried and not cohabiting, of low income and less education, and black or Hispanic. They also are more likely to have visited a doctor for STD symptoms or to have reduced their sexual activity because of STDs, to have a partner who had had other partners in the past year, to have no steady partner or to have ever used condoms for STD prevention., Conclusions: A significant minority of women in the United States are worried about STDs and think they would use vaginal microbicides. The development, testing and marketing of such products should be expedited.

Results of a 1995 survey reveal that 1,437 local health departments-half of those in the country-provide sexually transmitted disease (STD) services and receive about two million client visits each year. Their clients are predominantly individuals with incomes of less than 250% of the poverty level (83%), women (60%) and non-Hispanic whites or blacks (55% and 35%, respectively); 36% of clients are younger than 20, and 30% are aged 20-24. On average, 23% of clients tested for STDs have chlamydia, 13% have gonorrhea, 3% have early-stage syphilis, 18% have some other STD and 43% have no STD. Virtually all public STD programs offer testing and treatment for gonorrhea and syphilis; only 82% test for chlamydia, but 97% provide treatment for it. Some 14% offer services only in sessions dedicated to STD care, 37% always integrate STD and other services, such as family planning, in the same clinic sessions, and 49% offer both separate and integrated sessions. STD programs that integrate services with other health care typically cover nonmetropolitan areas, have small caseloads, serve mainly women and provide a variety of contraceptives. In contrast, those that offer services only in dedicated sessions generally are in metropolitan areas and have large caseloads; most of their clients are men, and few provide contraceptive methods other than the male condom.

To explore the relationship between human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and AIDS services and reproductive health services, a survey was undertaken in 1994 of 30 health care facilities that are grantees under Title IIIb of the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resource Emergency Act, 19 family planning clinics that offer at least some HIV services, and two family planning agencies that are also grantees under Title IIIb. The Title IIIb providers and the family planning agencies offer similar sets of services, but they tend to view reproductive health and HIV and STD services as distinctly different categories. Eliminating the perceptual distinctions between these services and viewing reproductive health services as key components of HIV and AIDS prevention could result in a more integrated system of helping women with HIV infection or AIDS as well as those at risk of HIV infection.

During the first year and a half after the hormonal contraceptive implant became available in February 1991, an estimated 81,100 women obtained this method from family planning agencies in the United States. Nevertheless, according to a recent survey of family planning providers, implant availability through the family planning clinic system is still far from universal. By September 30, 1992, only 40% of all family planning agencies were offering implant services to their clients: That proportion ranged from 30% of health department family planning providers to 80% of Planned Parenthood affiliates. Some of the key reasons cited by agencies that do not yet provide implants include the special clinician training required to learn insertion and removal procedures, and the cost of the method. Furthermore, full accessibility of this method to low-income women attending family planning clinics has been limited primarily to those who receive Medicaid, which has paid for more than 60% of all hormonal implants inserted by family planning agencies.

According to results of a survey of state Medicaid, health and welfare agencies, these agencies spent $61 million in federal and state funds on the provision of the contraceptive implant to low-income women in FY 1992. Some $57 million of this was federal funds, with Medicaid accounting for 84% of all public funds spent on the implant; only nine states committed monies from their own coffers. The Medicaid agencies of 13 states reported restrictions on the number of subsidized implants a woman could receive over her reproductive lifetime. No Medicaid agency has provisions to cover required or requested removals of the device among users who become ineligible for Medicaid while the implant is in place; only eight health departments have policies ensuring subsidized removals for such women.

Surveys of state Medicaid agencies and maternal and child health programs were conducted in late 1991 and in 1992 to evaluate the extent to which states carried out a series of federal policy changes intended to improve low-income women's access to prenatal care. The results show a great deal of variability in the aggressiveness with which states implemented these Medicaid eligibility expansions. Overall, North Carolina, Maryland, Massachusetts, New York and Arkansas moved most aggressively to carry out the expansions; Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota and Wyoming were ranked least aggressive. States with relatively high levels of poor birth outcomes or low-birth-weight deliveries prior to the Medicaid expansions were generally more likely than other states to have undertaken reforms intended to increase the number of women eligible for assistance and ease their enrollment. In addition, expansion efforts were greater in states where the federal government paid more of the cost of caring for Medicaid recipients.

In FY 1990, the federal and state governments spent $504 million to provide contraceptive services and supplies, according to results of a survey of state health, social services and Medicaid agencies conducted by The Alan Guttmacher Institute. Medicaid accounted for 38 percent of all public funds spent on contraceptive services, Title X provided 22 percent, and two federal block-grant programs--Social Services and Maternal and Child Health--together were responsible for 12 percent of public expenditures. State governments accounted for the remaining 28 percent of public funding. Although public expenditures for contraceptive services have risen by $154 million over the past decade, when inflation is taken into account, expenditures have actually fallen by one-third. Since 1980, the proportion of public contraceptive expenditures contributed by Title X has been cut virtually in half, while the proportion contributed by state governments has nearly doubled. When inflation is taken into account, Title X expenditures for contraceptive services have fallen by almost two-thirds since 1980. The federal and state governments together spent $95 million to subsidize sterilization services in 1990, and $65 million to provide abortion services. The federal government was the major source of funding for sterilization services but provided less than one percent of the cost of abortion services. Because of changes over time in survey methodology and the difficulties some states had in separating out expenditures by type of care, these data are approximations.

In 1987, as in earlier years, women having abortions were predominantly white (65 percent), younger than 25 (59 percent), and unmarried (82 percent). A majority had no previous live births (53 percent), and most had no previous abortions (58 percent). About half the abortions were performed before nine weeks of gestation, and 97 percent were curettage procedures, usually suction curettage. Comparisons with 1980 data reveal a six percent decline in the U.S. abortion rate after changes in age, race and marital status within the population are controlled for; however, the decline occurred only among the white population and not among minority races. Among teenagers aged 15-19, the abortion rate declined slightly for whites and increased for minorities. The rate also increased among women younger than age 15.