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Technological innovations offer opportunities for governments to connect with citizens and improve service provision efficiency and effectiveness, but why do some governments adopt these innovations while others do not? Using a mixed methodological approach, including interviews with city officials and multivariate analysis of a novel data set of municipal e-government service offerings, we examine what factors motivate or impede city officials from innovating. Overall, we find that cities with the council–manager form of government, with larger populations, and with more financial resources adopt more e-government services. Specifically, as total revenue per capita increases, cities are more likely to adopt payment-based services and informational services. Increased spending on central staff is associated with higher rates of adoption of interactive services and social media. The results suggest that council–manager governments are more innovative and that local governments consider both the up-front costs and the need for ongoing staff associated with particular innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 presidential election was one of the most watched campaigns in American history, and prominently featured the vice presidential candidates, Governor Sarah Palin and Senator Joseph Biden. This election contest presents an exciting opportunity to expand and test our current understandings of the relationship between gender and media coverage. We examine this relationship using computer-assisted content analysis of major newspapers, television news broadcasts, and political blogs. These three media are analyzed in terms of both quantity and substance of coverage received by Palin and Biden. Using a multiple medium perspective in our investigation of the contest between Palin and Biden, this article finds differences in volume of coverage (Governor Palin receives more), substance of coverage (roughly reflecting gender-based stereotypes), and medium (with differences in volume and substance of coverage across newspapers, television, and blogs). Implications for future contests and for American politics in general are discussed. Related Articles:'Women Candidates and the Media: 1992-2000 Elections.' (2006) 'The Influence of Female Candidates' Campaign Issues on Political Proselytizing.' (2008) 'Incumbent Responsiveness to Female Challengers.' (2010) Related Media: Blogs at , and La elección presidencial del 2008 fue una de las campañas más vistas en la historia de los Estados Unidos, dando un lugar destacado a los candidatos para la vicepresidencia, la gobernadora Sarah Palin y el Senador Joseph Biden. Esta contienda electoral presenta una gran oportunidad para ampliar y poner a prueba nuestra comprensión actual de la relación entre el género y la cobertura de los medios de comunicación. Este artículo examina esta relación usando un análisis de contenido de los principales periódicos, programas de televisión y blogs políticos. Estos tres medios son analizados en términos de cantidad y sustancia de la cobertura recibida por Palin y Biden. Usando una perspectiva de múltiples medios en nuestra investigación de la competencia entre Palin y Biden, este estudio encuentra diferencias en el volumen de cobertura (la gobernadora Palin recibió más), sustancia de la cobertura (más o menos reflejando estereotipos de género), y de medio (con diferencias de volumen y sustancia de cobertura entre periódicos, televisión, y blogs). Las implicaciones para futuras contiendas y la política estadounidense en general son discutidas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tailored within the increasingly competitive news environment, political talk shows have adopted a range of styles, heralding a rise in "combatant" and "comic" hosts to complement the conventional "correspondent." Using an experimental design to rule out self-selection biases, this study isolates the impact of host style on media judgments. In comparison to the other styles, the correspondent host increases perceptions of informational value, enhances host and program credibility, and reduces erosion of media trust, while a comic host mitigates some of the negative impact compared to a combatant host. Implications for media accountability and democratic functioning are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]