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Background: Since COVID-19 first appeared in the United States (US) in January 2020, US states have pursued a wide range of policies to mitigate the spread of the virus and its economic ramifications. Without unified federal guidance, states have been the front lines of the policy response.Main Text: We created the COVID-19 US State Policy (CUSP) database ( https://statepolicies.com/ ) to document the dates and components of economic relief and public health measures issued at the state level in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Documented interventions included school and business closures, face mask mandates, directives on vaccine eligibility, eviction moratoria, and expanded unemployment insurance benefits. By providing continually updated information, CUSP was designed to inform rapid-response, policy-relevant research in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and has been widely used to investigate the impact of state policies on population health and health equity. This paper introduces the CUSP database and highlights how it is already informing the COVID-19 pandemic response in the US.Conclusion: CUSP is the most comprehensive publicly available policy database of health, social, and economic policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in the US. CUSP documents widespread variation in state policy decisions and implementation dates across the US and serves as a freely available and valuable resource to policymakers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) excess deaths refer to increases in mortality over what would normally have been expected in the absence of the COVID-19 pandemic. Several prior studies have calculated excess deaths in the United States but were limited to the national or state level, precluding an examination of area-level variation in excess mortality and excess deaths not assigned to COVID-19. In this study, we take advantage of county-level variation in COVID-19 mortality to estimate excess deaths associated with the pandemic and examine how the extent of excess mortality not assigned to COVID-19 varies across subsets of counties defined by sociodemographic and health characteristics.Methods and Findings: In this ecological, cross-sectional study, we made use of provisional National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) data on direct COVID-19 and all-cause mortality occurring in US counties from January 1 to December 31, 2020 and reported before March 12, 2021. We used data with a 10-week time lag between the final day that deaths occurred and the last day that deaths could be reported to improve the completeness of data. Our sample included 2,096 counties with 20 or more COVID-19 deaths. The total number of residents living in these counties was 319.1 million. On average, the counties were 18.7% Hispanic, 12.7% non-Hispanic Black, and 59.6% non-Hispanic White. A total of 15.9% of the population was older than 65 years. We first modeled the relationship between 2020 all-cause mortality and COVID-19 mortality across all counties and then produced fully stratified models to explore differences in this relationship among strata of sociodemographic and health factors. Overall, we found that for every 100 deaths assigned to COVID-19, 120 all-cause deaths occurred (95% CI, 116 to 124), implying that 17% (95% CI, 14% to 19%) of excess deaths were ascribed to causes of death other than COVID-19 itself. Our stratified models revealed that the percentage of excess deaths not assigned to COVID-19 was substantially higher among counties with lower median household incomes and less formal education, counties with poorer health and more diabetes, and counties in the South and West. Counties with more non-Hispanic Black residents, who were already at high risk of COVID-19 death based on direct counts, also reported higher percentages of excess deaths not assigned to COVID-19. Study limitations include the use of provisional data that may be incomplete and the lack of disaggregated data on county-level mortality by age, sex, race/ethnicity, and sociodemographic and health characteristics.Conclusions: In this study, we found that direct COVID-19 death counts in the US in 2020 substantially underestimated total excess mortality attributable to COVID-19. Racial and socioeconomic inequities in COVID-19 mortality also increased when excess deaths not assigned to COVID-19 were considered. Our results highlight the importance of considering health equity in the policy response to the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Police kill more than 300 black Americans-at least a quarter of them unarmed-each year in the USA. These events might have spillover effects on the mental health of people not directly affected.Methods: In this population-based, quasi-experimental study, we combined novel data on police killings with individual-level data from the nationally representative 2013-15 US Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) to estimate the causal impact of police killings of unarmed black Americans on self-reported mental health of other black American adults in the US general population. The primary exposure was the number of police killings of unarmed black Americans occurring in the 3 months prior to the BRFSS interview within the same state. The primary outcome was the number of days in the previous month in which the respondent's mental health was reported as "not good". We estimated difference-in-differences regression models-adjusting for state-month, month-year, and interview-day fixed effects, as well as age, sex, and educational attainment. We additionally assessed the timing of effects, the specificity of the effects to black Americans, and the robustness of our findings.Findings: 38 993 (weighted sample share 49%) of 103 710 black American respondents were exposed to one or more police killings of unarmed black Americans in their state of residence in the 3 months prior to the survey. Each additional police killing of an unarmed black American was associated with 0·14 additional poor mental health days (95% CI 0·07-0·22; p=0·00047) among black American respondents. The largest effects on mental health occurred in the 1-2 months after exposure, with no significant effects estimated for respondents interviewed before police killings (falsification test). Mental health impacts were not observed among white respondents and resulted only from police killings of unarmed black Americans (not unarmed white Americans or armed black Americans).Interpretation: Police killings of unarmed black Americans have adverse effects on mental health among black American adults in the general population. Programmes should be implemented to decrease the frequency of police killings and to mitigate adverse mental health effects within communities when such killings do occur.Funding: Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and National Institutes of Health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tobacco taxes have reduced smoking and coronary heart disease (CHD) mortality, yet few studies have examined heterogeneity of these associations by race and gender. We constructed a yearly panel (2005–2016) that included age-adjusted cigarette smoking prevalence and CHD mortality rates across all 50 U.S. States and the District of Columbia using the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System and Wide-ranging Online Data for Epidemiological Research. We examined associations between changes in total cigarette excise taxes (i.e., federal and state) and changes in smoking prevalence and CHD mortality, using linear regression models with state and year fixed effects. Each dollar of tobacco tax was associated with a reduction in age-adjusted smoking prevalence 1 year later of −0.4 [95% CIs: −0.6, −0.2] percentage points; and a relative reduction in the rate of CHD mortality 2 years later of −2.0% [95% CIs: −3.7%, −0.3%], or −5 deaths/100,000 in absolute terms. Associations between tobacco taxes and smoking prevalence were statistically significantly different by race and gender and were strongest among Black non-Hispanic women (−1.2 [95% CIs: −1.6, −0.8] percentage points). Associations between tobacco taxes and CHD mortality were not statistically significantly different by race and gender, but point estimates for percent changes were highest among Black non-Hispanic men (−2.9%) and Black non-Hispanic women (−3.5%) compared to White non-Hispanic men (−1.8%) and White non-Hispanic women (−1.5%). These findings suggest that tobacco taxation is an effective intervention for reducing smoking prevalence and CHD mortality among White and Black non-Hispanic populations in the United States. • We examined effects of tobacco taxes on smoking and CHD mortality. • Tobacco taxes reduced smoking prevalence and CHD mortality. • Associations between taxes and smoking varied by race/ethnicity and gender. • Associations between taxes and CHD did not vary by race/ethnicity and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Income inequality in the USA has increased over the past four decades. Socioeconomic gaps in survival have also increased. Life expectancy has risen among middle-income and high-income Americans whereas it has stagnated among poor Americans and even declined in some demographic groups. Although the increase in income inequality since 1980 has been driven largely by soaring top incomes, the widening of survival inequalities has occurred lower in the distribution-ie, between the poor and upper-middle class. Growing survival gaps across income percentiles since 2001 reflect falling real incomes among poor Americans as well as an increasingly strong association between low income and poor health. Changes in individual risk factors such as smoking, obesity, and substance abuse play a part but do not fully explain the steeper gradient. Distal factors correlated with rising inequality including unequal access to technological innovations, increased geographical segregation by income, reduced economic mobility, mass incarceration, and increased exposure to the costs of medical care might have reduced access to salutary determinants of health among low-income Americans. Having missed out on decades of income growth and longevity gains, low-income Americans are increasingly left behind. Without interventions to decouple income and health, or to reduce inequalities in income, we might see the emergence of a 21st century health-poverty trap and the further widening and hardening of socioeconomic inequalities in health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To assess whether voting patterns in the 2016 US presidential election were correlated with long-run trends in county life expectancy. Methods: I examined county-level voting data from the 2008 and 2016 presidential elections and assessed Donald Trump's share of the 2016 vote, change in the Republican vote share between 2008 and 2016, and changes in absolute numbers of Democratic and Republican votes. County-level estimates of life expectancy at birth were obtained for 1980 and 2014 from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. Results: Changes in county life expectancy from 1980 to 2014 were strongly negatively associated with Trump's vote share, with less support for Trump in counties experiencing greater survival gains. Counties in which life expectancy stagnated or declined saw a 10-percentage-point increase in the Republican vote share between 2008 and 2016. Conclusions: Residents of counties left out from broader life expectancy gains abandoned the Democratic Party in the 2016 presidential election. Since coming to power, the Trump administration has proposed cuts to health insurance for the poor, social programs, health research, and environmental and worker protections, which are key determinants of population health. Health gaps likely will continue to widen without significant public investment in population health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores excess deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that between 15% and 34% of excess deaths that occurred in 2020 were not directly assigned to COVID-19 on death certificates. Topics discussed include the social and economic consequences of the pandemic, public health in the U.S., and the benefits of monitoring death certificates and death certificate data.

Aims: The aim of this study was to assess changes in alcohol use in the USA during the Great Recession. Methods: Drinking participation, drinking frequency, drinking intensity, total alcohol consumption and frequency of binge drinking were assessed in a nationally representative sample of 2,050,431 US women and men aged 18 and older, interviewed between 2006 and 2010. Results: The prevalence of any alcohol use significantly declined during the economic recession, from 52.0% in 2006-2007 to 51.6% in 2008-2009 (P<0.05), corresponding to 880,000 fewer drinkers (95% confidence interval [CI] 140,000 to 1.6 million). There was an increase, however, in the prevalence of frequent binging, from 4.8% in 2006-2007 to 5.1% in 2008-2009 (P<0.01), corresponding to 770,000 more frequent bingers (95% CI 390,000 to 1.1 million). Non-Black, unmarried men under 30 years, who recently became unemployed, were at highest risk for frequent binging. Conclusion: During the Great Recession there was an increase in abstention from alcohol and a rise in frequent binging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antiretroviral therapy for HIV may have important economic benefits for patients and their households. We quantified the impact of HIV treatment on employment status among HIV patients in rural South Africa who were enrolled in a public-sector HIV treatment program supported by the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. We linked clinical data from more than 2,000 patients in the treatment program with ten years of longitudinal socioeconomic data from a complete community-based population cohort of more than 30,000 adults residing in the clinical catchment area. We estimated the employment effects of HIV treatment in fixed-effects regressions. Four years after the initiation of antiretroviral therapy, employment among HIV patients had recovered to about 90 percent of baseline rates observed in the same patients three to five years before they started treatment. Many patients initiated treatment early enough that they were able to avoid any loss of employment due to HIV. These results represent the first estimates of employment recovery among HIV patients in a general population, relative to the employment levels that these patients had prior to job-threatening HIV illness and the decision to seek care. There are large economic benefits to HIV treatment. For some patients, further gains could be obtained from initiating antiretroviral therapy earlier, prior to HIV-related job loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act increased insurance coverage and access to care, according to numerous national studies. However, the administration of President Donald Trump implemented several policies that may have affected the act's effectiveness. It is unknown what effect these changes had on access to care. We used survey data for 2011-17 from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System to assess changes access to care among nonelderly adults from before to after the change in administration in 2017. We found that the proportion of adults who were uninsured or avoided care because of cost increased by 1.2 percentage points and 1.0 percentage points, respectively, during 2017. These changes were greater among respondents who had household incomes below 138 percent of the federal poverty level, resided in states that did not expand eligibility for Medicaid, or both. At the population level, our findings imply that approximately two million additional US adults experienced these outcomes at the end of 2017, compared to the end of 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US medical spending growth slowed between 2004 and 2013. At the same time, many Americans faced rising copayments and deductibles, which may have particularly affected lower-income people. To explore whether the health spending slowdown affected all income groups equally, we divided the population into income quintiles. We then assessed trends in health expenditures by and on behalf of people in each quintile using twenty-two national surveys carried out between 1963 and 2012. Before the 1965 passage of legislation creating Medicare and Medicaid, the lowest income quintile had the lowest expenditures, despite their worse health compared to other income groups. By 1977 the unadjusted expenditures for the lowest quintile exceeded those for all other income groups. This pattern persisted until 2004. Thereafter, expenditures fell for the lowest quintile, while rising more than 10 percent for the middle three quintiles and close to 20 percent for the highest income quintile, which had the highest expenditures in 2012. The post-2004 divergence of expenditure trends for the wealthy, middle class, and poor occurred only among the nonelderly. We conclude that the new pattern of spending post-2004, with the wealthiest quintile having the highest expenditures for health care, suggests that a redistribution of care toward wealthier Americans accompanied the health spending slowdown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Publicly funded family planning clinics provide preventive health services to low-income populations in the U.S. In recent years, several states, including Ohio, have restricted public funds for organizations that provide or refer patients to abortion care, often resulting in clinic closures. This research evaluates the effects of such closures on preventive service use and access to care among female adults in Ohio.Methods: With data from the 2010 to 2015 Ohio Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, trends in health service use were assessed for female respondents aged 18-45 years with household incomes <$50,000. Clinic locations were combined with restricted-access survey ZIP codes to compute respondents' driving times to the nearest family planning clinic. The association between changes in driving time and the use of routine preventive and unmet care owing to cost were assessed with linear probability models. Analyses took place from March 2019 to February 2020.Results: Each additional 10 minutes of driving time was associated with an 8.9 percentage point increase in the likelihood of avoided care owing to cost (95% CI=1.7, 16.2), a 10.4 percentage point decrease in the likelihood of mammogram receipt during the past 12 months (95% CI= -22.3, 1.5), and a 12.5 percentage point decrease in the likelihood of ever receiving a clinical breast examination (95% CI= -18.7, -6.3). Driving time had insignificant associations with other utilization outcomes. Similar results were obtained when using driving distance.Conclusions: Reduced access to family planning clinics was associated with unmet care due to cost and a reduction in preventive service use among low-income, reproductive-aged females. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Importance: Racial disparities in sleep health may mediate the broader health outcomes of structural racism., Objective: To assess changes in sleep duration in the Black population after officer-involved killings of unarmed Black people, a cardinal manifestation of structural racism., Design, Setting, and Participants: Two distinct difference-in-differences analyses examined the changes in sleep duration for the US non-Hispanic Black (hereafter, Black) population before vs after exposure to officer-involved killings of unarmed Black people, using data from adult respondents in the US Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey (BRFSS; 2013, 2014, 2016, and 2018) and the American Time Use Survey (ATUS; 2013-2019) with data on officer-involved killings from the Mapping Police Violence database. Data analyses were conducted between September 24, 2021, and September 12, 2023., Exposures: Occurrence of any police killing of an unarmed Black person in the state, county, or commuting zone of the survey respondent's residence in each of the four 90-day periods prior to interview, or occurence of a highly public, nationally prominent police killing of an unarmed Black person anywhere in the US during the 90 days prior to interview., Main Outcomes and Measures: Self-reported total sleep duration (hours), short sleep (<7 hours), and very short sleep (<6 hours)., Results: Data from 181 865 Black and 1 799 757 White respondents in the BRFSS and 9858 Black and 46 532 White respondents in the ATUS were analyzed. In the larger BRFSS, the majority of Black respondents were between the ages of 35 and 64 (99 014 [weighted 51.4%]), women (115 731 [weighted 54.1%]), and college educated (100 434 [weighted 52.3%]). Black respondents in the BRFSS reported short sleep duration at a rate of 45.9%, while White respondents reported it at a rate of 32.6%; for very short sleep, the corresponding values were 18.4% vs 10.4%, respectively. Statistically significant increases in the probability of short sleep and very short sleep were found among Black respondents when officers killed an unarmed Black person in their state of residence during the first two 90-day periods prior to interview. Magnitudes were larger in models using exposure to a nationally prominent police killing occurring anywhere in the US. Estimates were equivalent to 7% to 16% of the sample disparity between Black and White individuals in short sleep and 13% to 30% of the disparity in very short sleep., Conclusions and Relevance: Sleep health among Black adults worsened after exposure to officer-involved killings of unarmed Black individuals. These empirical findings underscore the role of structural racism in shaping racial disparities in sleep health outcomes.

Excess mortality is the difference between expected and observed mortality in a given period and has emerged as a leading measure of the COVID-19 pandemic's mortality impact. Spatially and temporally granular estimates of excess mortality are needed to understand which areas have been most impacted by the pandemic, evaluate exacerbating factors, and inform response efforts. We estimated all-cause excess mortality for the United States from March 2020 through February 2022 by county and month using a Bayesian hierarchical model trained on data from 2015 to 2019. An estimated 1,179,024 excess deaths occurred during the first 2 years of the pandemic (first: 634,830; second: 544,194). Overall, excess mortality decreased in large metropolitan counties but increased in nonmetropolitan counties. Despite the initial concentration of mortality in large metropolitan Northeastern counties, nonmetropolitan Southern counties had the highest cumulative relative excess mortality by July 2021. These results highlight the need for investments in rural health as the pandemic's rural impact grows.

The extent to which patients' risk for readmission after a hospitalization is influenced by local availability of postdischarge care options is not currently known. We used national, hospital-level data to assess whether the supply of postdischarge care options in hospitals' catchment areas was associated with readmission rates for Medicare patients after hospitalizations for acute myocardial infarction, heart failure, or pneumonia. Overall, readmission rates were negatively associated with per capita supply of primary care physicians (-0.16 percentage points per standard deviation) and licensed nursing home beds (-0.09 percentage points per standard deviation). In contrast, readmission rates were positively associated with per capita supply of nurse practitioners (0.09 percentage points per standard deviation). Our results suggest potential modifications to the Hospital Readmissions Reduction Program to account for local health system characteristics when assigning penalties to hospitals.

Importance: More than 50 million US residents have lost work during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, and food insecurity has increased., Objective: To evaluate the association between receipt of unemployment insurance, including a $600/wk federal supplement between April and July, and food insecurity among people who lost their jobs during the COVID-19 pandemic., Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study used difference-in-differences analysis of longitudinal data from a nationally representative sample of US adults residing in low- and middle-income households (ie, <$75 000 annual income) who lost work during the COVID-19 pandemic. Data were from 15 waves of the Understanding Coronavirus in America study (conducted April 1 to November 11, 2020)., Exposure: Receipt of unemployment insurance benefits., Main Outcomes and Measures: Food insecurity and eating less due to financial constraints, assessed every 2 weeks by self-report., Results: Of 2319 adults living in households earning less than $75 000 annually and employed in February 2020, 1119 (48.3%) experienced unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic and made up our main sample (588 [53.6%] White individuals; mean [SD] age 45 [15] years; 732 [65.4%] women). Of those who lost employment, 415 (37.1%) reported food insecurity and 437 (39.1%) reported eating less due to financial constraints in 1 or more waves of the study. Among people who lost work, receipt of unemployment insurance was associated with a 4.3 (95% CI, 1.8-6.9) percentage point decrease in food insecurity (a 35.0% relative reduction) and a 5.7 (95% CI, 3.0-8.4) percentage point decrease in eating less due to financial constraints (a 47.8% relative reduction). Decreases in food insecurity were larger with the $600/wk supplement and for individuals who were receiving larger amounts of unemployment insurance., Conclusions and Relevance: In this US national cohort study, receiving unemployment insurance was associated with large reductions in food insecurity among people who lost employment during the COVID-19 pandemic. The $600/wk federal supplement and larger amounts of unemployment insurance were associated with larger reductions in food insecurity.

State "shelter-in-place" (SIP) orders limited the spread of COVID-19 in the U.S. However, impacts may have varied by state, creating opportunities to learn from states where SIPs have been effective. Using a novel dataset of state-level SIP order enactment and county-level mobility data form Google, we use a stratified regression discontinuity study design to examine the effect of SIPs in all states that implemented them. We find that SIP orders reduced mobility nationally by 12 percentage points (95% CI: -13.1 to -10.9), however the effects varied substantially across states, from -35 percentage points to +11 percentage points. Larger reductions were observed in states with higher incomes, higher population density, lower Black resident share, and lower 2016 vote shares for Donald J. Trump. This suggests that optimal public policies during a pandemic will vary by state and there is unlikely to be a "one-size fits all" approach that works best., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Physical distancing has been the primary strategy to control COVID-19 in the United States. We used mobility data from a large, anonymized sample of smartphone users to assess the relationship between neighbourhood income and physical distancing during the pandemic. We found a strong gradient between neighbourhood income and physical distancing. Individuals in high-income neighbourhoods increased their days at home substantially more than individuals in low-income neighbourhoods did. Residents of low-income neighbourhoods were more likely to work outside the home, compared to residents in higher-income neighbourhoods, but were not more likely to visit locations such as supermarkets, parks and hospitals. Finally, we found that state orders were only associated with small increases in staying home in low-income neighbourhoods. Our findings indicate that people in lower-income neighbourhoods have faced barriers to physical distancing, particularly needing to work outside the home, and that state physical distancing policies have not mitigated these disparities.

Background: Health care access increased for low-income Americans under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). It is unknown whether these changes in access were associated with improved self-reported health., Objective: Determine changes in health care access, health behaviors, and self-reported health among low-income Americans over the first 4 years of the ACA, stratified by state Medicaid expansion status., Design: Interrupted time series and difference-in-differences analysis., Subjects: Noninstitutionalized US adults (18-64 y) in low income households (<138% federal poverty level) interviewed in the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System 2011-2017 (N=505,824)., Measures: Self-reported insurance coverage, access to a primary care physician, avoided care due to cost; self-reported general health, days of poor physical health, days of poor mental health days, and days when poor health limited usual activities; self-reported health behaviors, use of preventive services, and diagnoses., Results: Despite increases in access, the ACA was not associated with improved physical or general health among low-income adults during the first 4 years of implementation. However, Medicaid expansion was associated with fewer days spent in poor mental health (-1.1 d/mo, 95% confidence interval: -2.1 to -0.5). There were significant changes in specific health behaviors, preventive service use, and diagnosis patterns during the same time period which may mediate the relationship between the ACA rollout and self-reported health., Conclusion: In nationally-representative survey data, we observed improvements in mental but not physical self-reported health among low-income Americans after 4 years of full ACA implementation.