Search

Abstract: When Franklin D. Roosevelt became president in 1933, he used radio to reach millions of people with his "fireside chats." This study analyzes coverage of Roosevelt's radio addresses by The New York Times, Chicago Tribune, and Time Magazine. The results indicate that the three print media provided coverage of the president's radio addresses, but that coverage waned by the end of his presidency. The results also indicate that the Chicago Tribune and Time were much more critical of the president, but all three print media showed restraint during World War II. All three media also accurately reported his radio addresses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: Scholars are engaged in a long-running dispute regarding the merits of "politicizing" the Office of Management and Budget (formerly the Bureau of the Budget). In this debate, Franklin Roosevelt's BoB and Richard Nixon's OMB are often characterized as exhibiting "neutral" and "responsive" competence, respectively. Despite these organizational differences, however, we suggest that the administrative strategies utilized by FDR and Nixon vis a vis the BoB/OMB are driven by similar motives: both presidents sought to make the budget agency more responsive to their leadership needs. However, because they presided in different political and policy contexts, their administrative strategies took distinctly different forms. Our analysis suggests that the meaning of responsiveness varies over time and political context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presidents seem to scorn the ?neutral competence? political scientists insist they need. Franklin Roosevelt (1933-45), however, evidently embraced this administrative approach ? even at a time when the demands for presidential leadership were arguably greater than that experienced by any of his successors. Roosevelt thus offers an important historical test case for both critics and advocates of neutral competence. Focusing specifically on the Bureau of the Budget (BoB), we ask what historical circumstances dictated FDR?s use of this agency; how, if at all, that use comported with the more abstract notions of a neutrally competent presidential staff; and what lessons, if any, result for modern presidents. We argue that the BoB under FDR epitomized neutral competence, but that this orientation responded to his political needs. More generally, we conclude that what constitutes responsiveness varies greatly depending on a president?s political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the pre-World War II legitimation process of American internationalism in the post-WWII era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that acts of executive power are essential for maintaining and preserving the rule of law in American democratic politics. Based on history we might think that executive actions erode the rule of law, but I demonstrate how presidential prerogatives can actually strengthen it. Drawing on Lincoln's response to the Supreme Court decision in Dred Scott, and FDR's Court packing plan, I discuss the way in which executive actions can advocate a respect for the impartiality of the rule of law. Lincoln and FDR demonstrate ways in which good institutional design requires executive actions that consciously teach, defend, and protect an impartial rule of law. I argue that executive action can stabilize democratic politics, by respecting the give and take quality of political conflict, and keeping political conflict in perspective. I suggest that executive power may actually teach people how to more fully participate as democratic citizens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]