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Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a policy paper that analyzes a significant new development in U.S. regulatory policy designed to enhance the effort to fight global corruption. In a bold attempt to protect and promote fair competition in the global economy, the U.S. has provided government regulators with a powerful new tool. In a reversal of previous policy, the U.S. now allows prosecutors to go after foreign officials who demand bribes, even if the act of bribery occurred outside the United States. The use of this new anti-bribery tool is considered a major political and ethical development in the field of international business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates that the current rivalry between economic-political power blocs has similarities and differences concerning the period before WW1. That phenomenon is relevant because the last ten years have witnessed a growing rivalry in different orders between East Asia, led by China and Russia, and the West, led by the United States and its allies. The text compares the similarities and differences of these two historical moments in a historical framework, using historical and documentary bibliographic information. The main conclusion is that there is a rivalry for institutionality and future governance, something that was absent in the early nineteenth century, in which liberal theses and territorial imperialism predominated. The constitution of the BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and the newly incorporated countries) constitutes a challenge in the consolidation of a new multipolar governance, a new phenomenon, and therefore, a geopolitical challenge for the construction of a new global order that replaces a single hegemonic power such as the one that occurred at the end of the WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the importance of innovations as a factor for economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring their sustainable development is a universal task for the country. The most intense race for innovation is observed among countries striving for global dominance. This article is dedicated to the study of the specific features of innovation development in the United States, where innovative potential has become one of the cornerstones of their economic strategy and a key driver of their success. The United States has significant distinctions from other countries in terms of culture, institutions, economic organizations, economic regulation, etc., which together create the basic conditions for innovation and require consideration. The focus on innovation development in the United States is driven by intensified competition with other global players, particularly from China. The main goal of the research is to summarize and characterize the systemic features of innovation development in the United States, as well as to identify the key factors intensifying innovation productivity in the country. The study of the systemic features of innovation development in the United States covered the analysis of 1) civilizational factors; 2) institutional system; 3) economic system; 4) innovation system; 5) state innovation policy. The main factors intensifying innovation productivity in the United States were identified as the combination of entrepreneurial and large-scale capitalism, venture capital investment, and territorial agglomerations of innovative structures. The need to consider the peculiarities of innovation generation in the military sector, universities, and non-profit organizations has been justified. The strength of the United States innovation system has been statistically demonstrated, however, the increasing competition in science and innovation from China has been confirmed. This has led to the intensification and change in the type of state innovation policy in the United States, with a focus on targeted support for innovation in industry in the context of the green transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, many states have undertaken to green their free trade agreements (FTA). As the pace of this evolution towards greener trade relations continues to accelerate, it has also been met with resistance. The inclusion of environmental commitments in FTAs has sometimes been dismissed as an attempt by high-income countries to level the playing field for their market actors by raising environmental standards abroad. Against this background, this article aims to investigate what underlying motive(s) (high-income) states pursue when they negotiate environmental provisions. Using the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) as a case study, it is argued that it is possible to rely on the legalization of these commitments to unravel treaty parties’ motives for negotiating such rules in the first place. In the case of the USMCA, it is found that the agreement’s environmental commitments could be interpreted as mirroring concern either for the environment or for unfair foreign competition. A closer look at the negotiation process leading to the adoption of the agreement suggests that it was mainly – although certainly not exclusively – out of environmental concerns that stringent environmental commitments were included in the USMCA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 is profoundly affecting almost all aspects of economic and social life globally. Governments have closed borders, banned mass gatherings, and enforced social distancing, generating a new normal for businesses and individual citizens. Measures taken to protect public health have threatened the global economy, necessitating economic stimulus in most countries and reconfiguring the role of business in society. Will the role of business in society return to normal after COVID-19, or will it be reconfigured in enduring and impactful ways? We use Alexander's (2018, 2019) theory of "societalization" to examine how socially disruptive extreme events affect the role of business in society. To address this, we apply societalization to the revelatory example of COVID-19 and evaluate its impact on society. Our analysis of the societalization of COVID-19 in the United States shows that concern regarding pandemic disease has moved from the governmental inside to the civic outside, placing strain on society and leading to regulatory response and a significant societal backlash. We discuss three scenarios regarding the long-term impact of COVID-19 on the role of business in society, suggest that societalization provides useful insights into other socially disruptive extreme events, and identify implications for future business and society research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The progressive advance towards a more insecure and confrontational world takes place at the same time that a strong sociopolitical division occurs within important countries in different areas of the globe. A notable example is the case of the United States, which participates in global competition while suffering a strong al division. A comparative study is necessary to identify the coincidence in time of both types of confrontational division. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how the United States can utilize its buying power and trade laws to promote clean energy and combat climate change. It discusses the Executive Branch's ability to use national security import laws and antidumping duty laws to support domestic clean industries and address competition from countries that do not meet climate commitments. The text also provides background information on global heating, greenhouse gas emissions, and the legal framework for regulating carbon pollution. It highlights the potential use of Section 232 and antidumping duties as tools to encourage climate-friendly manufacturing and level the playing field for domestic industries. [Extracted from the article]

China's renewed prominence is the most important development in international relations in the 21st century. Despite longstanding rhetoric of its own "peaceful rise", China is increasingly viewed as a long-term strategic competitor, especially in the United States. Foreign aid is one arena where this competition may be playing out. While Western foreign aid principles have emphasized coordination and harmonization, the rise of China as a development partner has raised the specter of a return to competitive foreign aid practices. Most notably, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has received a wary reception by those who view it primarily as a geostrategic effort, but our knowledge of responses to the BRI is often anecdotal and fragmentary. To remedy this, we test if the BRI is inducing a competitive foreign aid response by evaluating if countries involved in this initiative are more likely to receive US support for loan packages from the major, Western, multilateral development banks (MDBs). Using an instrumental variable approach, covering 7,850 project/loan packages in 10 MDBs from 162 countries during 2013–2018 period, we find that the United States was more likely to vote for MDB packages to countries that have signed on to the BRI, but predominantly when the actual amount of Chinese aid flowing to those countries is still low, suggesting the United States is competing for "hedging" countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We want government to help us prosper. For working people, prosperity requires employment and employment requires business. After World War II, most of the world was either devastated or underdeveloped leaving the United States without foreign competition. Local competition took its place. The States and local governments competed against one another on their natural resources, access to transportation, infrastructure, schools, and work force. These are the products of government spending. Some States did not have much to attract economic development. They created their own attributes instead. For example, right to work laws attracted companies that wanted to avoid unions and no usuary limits attracted credit card companies who wanted to charge high rates. Other States offered tax holidays. Move here and pay no tax for ten years. But saving money in taxes lost its appeal when other jurisdictions offered even more. Rather than build good sewage systems or roads for everyone, towns provided free infrastructure built to company specifications in addition to tax incentives. By the 1970s, firms learned that they could get States and localities to bid against one another. Each providing a package of bigger incentives. We can see the result of these races to the bottom in cities and towns that gave companies whatever they wanted only to find themselves with vacant factories and roads leading to nowhere. While the States were competing with one another, the rest of the world was emerging from war. Like the States, these countries wanted to help their citizens prosper. For those without natural resources or great infrastructure or educated workers, one alternative was to become a tax haven. A tax haven is the other side of a tax incentive. With tax incentives, a government gives up the right to tax in the hope that a firm's relocation will bring its citizens success. In a tax haven, a government hopes to improve its citizens' fortune by helping a foreign taxpayer avoid another government's taxes. Whether tax incentive or tax haven, in the end, the result is the same. The stakes get higher and higher. The companies and foreign taxpayers move from site to site. They take everything they can get and then convince another government to give more. Now a decade of investigative journalism shows that not only are the States in race to the bottom with their own tax revenues, but they are also transforming themselves into tax havens thus helping foreign taxpayers deplete their home countries' revenues. This paper is a cautionary tale. It shows what makes the United States the world's favorite tax haven and examines what we can expect if this trend continues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper assesses financial asymmetries between the Euro area and the United States using a financial accelerator framework. We estimate a GVAR model from 1995Q1 to 2016Q4 and find (i) that American financial shocks have a global influence whereas those of the Euro area are regional and (ii) that American financial shocks have larger effects in size than those of the Euro area. We develop an International Political Economy framework based on the concept of asymmetrical interdependence to point out policy suggestions whose main objective is to increase the autonomy of the Euro area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have investigated various factors that explain the variation in product quality across firms, but little is known about how competition from companies located in other countries may affect domestic firms' product quality. Although such foreign competition has received much attention from news media and the public, especially during the recent United States (US)–China trade war, its impact on product quality is still unclear. Our research answers this important question by conducting a quasi‐natural experiment in the US, in which significant reductions in import tariff rates represent an exogenous increase in foreign competition for US firms. Performing a difference‐in‐differences estimation of the difference in product quality changes between treatment and control firms, our research shows that increased foreign competition has a negative impact on the product quality of the US firms concerned. However, such a negative impact is less significant for firms with high levels of operational slack and R&D intensity. Firms pursuing product differentiation rather than cost leadership strategies are also less affected by foreign competition. Overall, our research demonstrates foreign competition's negative impact on product quality and highlights the crucial role that firms' operational resources and strategies play in mitigating the negative impact. Highlights: • Foreign competition has a negative impact on US firms' product quality. • The impact of foreign competition is less severe for US firms with high levels of operational slack and R&D intensity. • US firms pursuing product differentiation rather than cost leadership strategies are also less affected by foreign competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The author develops three U.S. scenarios to enable practitioners to gain a new mental model of the future from 2022 to 2050 by analyzing the uncertainties around major issues. Design/methodology/approach: The process has two elements: the predictable developments and the scenarios of possible extreme outcomes of major uncertainties. Five steps to create a mental model for how the United States could evolve out to 2050 are mapped out. Findings: "The development that defines the 'Socially Divided' scenario is China's brutal nationalism and displacement of the United States as the world's number one superpower.' 10; 10;'The signature event of the ?Security United' scenario is the global depression from 2026 to 2035 brought on by China's collapsing economy.' 10; 10;?China and the U.S. remain neck and neck in the global competition for economic power throughout the 'Economy Focused' scenario." 10 Research/Limitations/Implications: Supplementary data is included with the online version of the article. Practical/Implications: Immersing ourselves in realistic narratives of the future helps us sidestep our inclination to go with what we've done in the past. Originality/Value: A unique look at three plausible futures of the U.S. from 2022 to 2050. Every company should immerse itself in the scenarios to anticipate distinctly different future business environments. The article also serves as a learning model for scenario development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a non-technical approach to artificial intelligence (AI), the author claiming no competence in the technology field. It expresses the view of a person interested and concerned about the role of artificial intelligence as an elevator of international power. It is a review of how the United States of America officially recognizes the benefit of artificial intelligence intervention in the military domain and its usefulness for ensuring national security. Artificial intelligence, a booming technological field, influences our existence as individuals, societies, and states. It affects more and more areas of activity, attracts into a continuous mechanism of development and innovation both the state (as the center of decision and political action) and the society (the big companies producing technology and academics), requires the state to develop strategies in the field and puts on the world leaders agenda a new issue of hope and fear at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Grapes are one of the most valuable fruit crops in the United States and can be processed into a variety of products. The grape and wine industry contributes to and impacts the U.S. agricultural economy. However, rising labor costs and global competition pose challenges for the grape and wine industry. Vineyard mechanization is a promising strategy to increase efficiency and address the labor shortage and cost issues. Recent studies have focused on the impact of vineyard mechanization on general grape and wine quality. Wine phenolics, aroma compounds, and sensory characteristics are the key indicators of wine quality and consumer preference. This article aims to review the impact of vineyard mechanization, specifically mechanical harvesting, mechanical leaf removal, mechanical shoot thinning, cluster thinning, and mechanical pruning on grape and wine phenolics, and aroma compounds and sensory profile. Studies have shown that vineyard mechanization significantly affects phenolic and aroma compounds, especially grape-derived aroma compounds such as volatile thiols, terpenes, C13-norpentadiene, and methoxypyrazine. Mechanically processed grapes can produce wines of the same or better quality than wines made from hand-operated grapes. Vineyard mechanization could be a promising strategy for grape growers to reduce operating costs and maintain or improve grape and wine quality. Future research directions in the area of vineyard mechanization were discussed. It provides a comprehensive view and information on the topic to both grape growers and winemakers in the application of vineyard mechanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter contributes to the literature on surveillance in education toward the development of a new branch of studies in educational surveillance that foregrounds the intersections of surveillance with international education, internationalization in higher education, and the global competition for international student enrollments. This study examines the literature on the Student Exchange Visitor Information System (SEVIS), a web-based data collection system that provides a pervasive surveillance mechanism to track the activities and locations of non-immigrant international students studying in the United States. Through a qualitative content analysis, I identified key themes evident in the literature; the findings serve as a measure of the current (though dated) state of research on SEVIS while also identifying that which is not examined or discussed in this scholarship. Often taken for granted as a background necessity for national security and labor market protection in relation to hosting international students, SEVIS is regrettably under-examined from studentcentered, student affairs, and critical surveillance studies perspectives. In presenting the findings of this literature analysis, this chapter provides a research agenda for future empirical study of SEVIS and the surveillance of international students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and the United States host the world's largest digital platforms. Platforms are multisided markets that facilitate value‐creating exchanges among users, such as social media, e‐commerce, software QJ;application downloads, search, email, and cloud services. Internet access and the purely digital nature of many of the products and services make digital platforms potentially global in scope. This means that the rules and restrictions governing the flow of capital and information services among national markets strongly influence the economic and social potential of digital platforms. The paper conducts a sequential analysis of the rise of barriers to the United States–China trade in ICT and digital platform markets from 2000 to 2021. We find that China's thriving platform economy was relatively open, competitive and market‐driven in its early stages, and benefited from U.S. capital and the entry of U.S. firms. Since 2009, both countries have progressively restricted access to each other's domestic information services markets. In both cases, the primary stated rationale involved national security claims rather than trade policy concerns. Drawing on International Political Economy theory, we label the United States–China interaction pattern digital neo‐mercantilism. Digital neo‐mercantilism fuses the power and security of the national state with economic development in the digital economy. Policymakers represent information flows and digital technologies in domestic policy discourse as critical to the security and relative power of the state, and pursue various forms of industrial policy, data localization, trade protectionism, or exclusion of foreigners as a result. Both the United States and China are following this policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economy overall, has bounced back very strongly in the US, more strongly, basically, thanin any other western country, which some economists put down to a relative free marketsystem here. The number one challenge in the US, which I'm sure you've all heard about, is inflation. But even if you strip out petrol and food, the two volatile items that areoften stripped out of the CPI, inflation is still 6 per cent, which is triple what it's meant to be,according to the Federal Reserve and its promise to keep inflation at 2 per cent. Adam Creighton is The Australian's Washington correspondent who, in 2021, began filingstories from a very much locked down Washington DC. [Extracted from the article]

Purpose: Understanding the mechanism through which digital economy is significantly impacting all dimensions of global economy has become a rising priority in recent years. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the critical role of digital readiness of economies around the world on the performance of international M&As as one of the major corporate strategies for firms' global expansion. We also study circumstances under which digital readiness of an economy matters to international M&As. Design/methodology/approach: The authors examined how digital readiness superiority (or inferiority) of the United States in comparison with host countries impact capital market reaction to international M&As announced by US public companies. To do this study, analysis was run on a sample of 1,393 IMAs by publicly traded US firms during the 2010–2016 period. Findings: The study reveals that those public US companies that target companies in countries, in which the US has superior digital readiness to them, show better performance in terms of investors' reaction (capital market reaction) to the announcement of international M&As. In fact, markets will look at the superiority of US digital readiness to target country as an opportunity for transferring digital capabilities. Moreover, these patterns are pronounced in those M&A deals in which the acquiring company is from high-tech industry. However, interestingly when US companies already have a profitable growth track record or when acquirer and target are in the same industry, the market reacts negatively to this digital superiority. Originality/value: Overall, this study contributes to a better understanding of the mechanisms through which digitalization of economies impact the performance of multinational enterprises. It adds to the information management literature on corporate global strategy and is one of the first to examine the role of digital readiness on international M&As performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2000s, the United States signed free trade agreements (FTAs) with several Latin American countries. These treaties were among the first to contain specific chapters on telecommunications, which seek to promote competition and foreign investment in this market. This paper uses a difference‐in‐differences econometric strategy to evaluate the impact of these exogenous reforms in the telecommunications industry. The results show that the FTAs prompted an estimated reduction of 45.5% in average revenue per user in the subscribing countries, and that this competitive effect was mainly due to the decrease of 34% in the prices of mobile calls. FTAs are not found to have significant impacts on fixed and mobile phone penetration, nor on private investment in these services, reflecting their lower profitability after the strengthening of competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Proceedings of the Faculty of Economics in East Sarajevo / Zbornik Radova Ekonomskog Fakulteta u Istočnom Sarajevu is the property of University of East Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay explores the question of whether we should consider the newly-independent United States an 'empire.' It does so by discussing emerging schools of thought that have suggested that the post-revolutionary state was more powerful than we had previously reckoned, as well as those that argue that the new state, though efficacious, is best considered post-colonial in its international standing and in its fit in a global political economy. To reconcile these positions, to tie the post-revolutionary to the post-colonial, we would be wise to look around the Atlantic and consider how what was happening in the United States was not exceptional during the broader Age of Revolution. The United States, like others, had to be an expansive state – even if the word 'empire' does not fit its case perfectly – to address its continuing colonial status stemming from independence and the dilemmas created by revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations scholars have long recognized the need to study the complex interdependencies of the international economy in order to understand the economic sources of national power and influence. Renewed interest in the patterns of international economic interdependencies and the structure of globalization has led scholars to a better, more empirically grounded understanding of the significance of complex interdependence for the evolution of international power. This paper examines the effect of one important and persistent characteristic of complex interdependence, American centrality within the international banking system, and argues that changes in the US financial cycle drive international financial volatility and crisis. These dynamics comprise the underbelly of American financial hegemony and pose a fundamental challenge to US leadership in the contemporary liberal international order. Financial stability is key to economic growth, which in turn perpetuates liberal political norms and institutions. Financial instability, on the other hand, breeds political discontent, which may take the form of populism or nationalism. The ability and willingness of the United States to reign in its own financial system may be key to ensuring that the liberal international system it established 75 years ago survives and thrives in the coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this quantitative, correlational research was to examine to what extent the personnel factors of internal auditing departments predict the control environment within the public sector. Using the 2013 COSO Internal Control-Integrated Framework as the theoretical framework, we addressed the extent to which the internal audit staffing size per engagement, professional development, and auditing experience of auditors predict the overall control environment and each of the five components of COSO. The results of six multiple linear regression models showed no statistically significant with the exception between professional development and Principle 4 - Recruitment. A nonparametric Kendall's tau-b correlation analysis revealed a significant relationship between professional development and Principle 4 Recruitment, τb = 0.388, p = 0.030. The results of this study may contribute to the positive global economy change by bringing into focus the role of auditing and its positive impact on the worldwide public auditing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy experts often rely on familiar dichotomies: great power competition versus global issues, foreign policy versus domestic policy, and a unitary national identity versus multiculturalism. "Seeing in stereo" means superimposing the two halves of each dichotomy on top of one another. Learning to see how great power competition and global issues intertwine, how foreign and domestic policies increasingly merge, and how the United States can be both plures and unum is essential to navigating the complexity of the twenty-first-century world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID‐19 has presented a period of unprecedented challenge for schools in the United States. Thousands of school buildings across the country were closed in the spring of 2020 through the end of the school year to slow the spread of the global pandemic. Plans to reopen schools in many states remain uncertain as the virus continues to spread across communities. Current and future challenges are complex, with significant impacts on the global economy, health care system, and overall well‐being. When schools reopen, students will present with a wide variety of academic and social‐emotional needs, and schools will need to mindfully adjust systems and practices to meet the needs of their unique student population. This paper provides educators with suggestions on how to adapt existing multitiered systems of support using a trauma‐informed lens to support students during this unusual time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitics is concerned with the study of mineral resources, one of the most prominent natural ingredients in the power of the state and its geo-economic position, and through the study of the geopolitical analysis of fossil energy sources (China and the United States of America) a comparative study, the study included the problem of international competition for energy for both countries, the role of fossil fuels, the amount of reserves and production, And the effect of shale fuel on the amount of reserves and production of the United States of America and the change of the political map of the state, and the research included a number of maps, tables and figures that showed the strategic storage of fuel, the amount of what the two countries consume and what they produce of fossil fuels that enhance their international status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Biden administration has much to do to restore the United States' credibility as a human rights leader and to strengthen the human rights system in an era of rising right-wing nationalism, authoritarianism, and competition for global power. In doing so, it needs to lead by example by putting its own house in order, and act with both courage and humility in the face of deep global skepticism and distrust. Specifically, the administration should pursue five stages of engagement on human rights: reverse and revoke measures taken by the Trump administration, reaffirm the United States' traditional commitments to human rights at home and abroad, rebuild the State Department and diplomatic corps, reengage with international and regional mechanisms through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, and reconceptualize the United States' twenty-first century relationship to human rights. All of the other topics addressed in this symposium—climate, health, elections, migration, structural racism, and trade—implicate human rights. None can be adequately addressed without a robust U.S. human rights agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This monograph reviews the academic literature on market outcomes, reporting practices and the political economy behind the global use of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). We start with a conceptual discussion of expected benefits and costs of an international harmonization of accounting regulation and explain why predictions on possible outcomes are ambiguous. Section 3 discusses the characteristics of an "ideal" IFRS experiment that would allow to draw causal inferences on the effects of IFRS adoption. We offer a comprehensive overview of research on the impact of IFRS on capital markets, particularly around first-time adoption and during the global financial crisis. In Section 4, we describe current IFRS reporting practices, including digital reporting (XBRL), and benchmark the availability, accessibility, and processing of IFRS financial information against the information environment in the United States. We complement this discussion by evidence on the use of IFRS reporting choices such as the different fair value options. Section 5 provides information about important institutional features of IFRS standard setting and how political powers affect decisions on IFRS adoption, standard setting, and enforcement. The monograph concludes with an assessment of the impact of IFRS research and outlines emerging trends that provide opportunities for future research. Overall, this monograph offers a summary of research findings and methods that are relevant for the analysis of future regulatory innovations, such as the international standardization of sustainability (or ESG) reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding what motivates people to work is a critical concern for management. In preparing students for a global economy, awareness of cultural differences is motivation is important. Researchers have studied the effect of cultural values and most recently generational cohorts in identifying motivational values. This study examines motivational work values of Russian and US. millennials/Generation Z. While the findings show that US. and Russians have become more similar in motivation than in earlier studies supporting research on generational cohorts, there are still important cultural differences separating the cohorts. Implications for business and suggestions for classroom use are given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization declared the coronavirus disease 2019, COVID-19, a global pandemic. In an unprecedented collective effort, massive amounts of data are now being collected worldwide to estimate the immediate and long-term impact of this pandemic on the health system and the global economy. However, the precise timeline of the disease, its transmissibility, and the effect of mitigation strategies remain incompletely understood. Here we integrate a global network model with a local epidemic SEIR model to quantify the outbreak dynamics of COVID-19 in China and the United States. For the outbreak in China, in n = 30 provinces, we found a latent period of 2.56 ± 0.72 days, a contact period of 1.47 ± 0.32 days, and an infectious period of 17.82 ± 2.95 days. We postulate that the latent and infectious periods are disease-specific, whereas the contact period is behavior-specific and can vary between different provinces, states, or countries. For the early stages of the outbreak in the United States, in n = 50 states, we adopted the disease-specific values from China and found a contact period of 3.38 ± 0.69 days. Our network model predicts that—without the massive political mitigation strategies that are in place today—the United States would have faced a basic reproduction number of 5.30 ± 0.95 and a nationwide peak of the outbreak on May 10, 2020 with 3 million infections. Our results demonstrate how mathematical modeling can help estimate outbreak dynamics and provide decision guidelines for successful outbreak control. We anticipate that our model will become a valuable tool to estimate the potential of vaccination and quantify the effect of relaxing political measures including total lockdown, shelter in place, and travel restrictions for low-risk subgroups of the population or for the population as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'power of bond markets' is a widely assumed and poorly understood feature of the global economy. We demonstrate that even in a bond market as stable as the United States this influence is considerable. In this article, we scrutinise a particularly direct influence, the impact of US Treasury yields on presidential approval rates. Our empirical analysis from 1961 to 2010 demonstrates that rising/falling bond yields lead to a decline/increase in approval rates. We show that this impact is mediated via the US mortgage market. The stronger the rise in mortgage rates, the stronger the influence of Treasury yields on presidential approval. We then outline the broader possible political impacts of this, particularly given foreign and domestic central bank ownership of US Treasuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop a multicountry, multisector trade model featuring risk-averse workers, labor market frictions, unemployment benefits, and equilibrium unemployment. Trade opening leads to a reduction in unemployment when it simultaneously raises welfare and reallocates labor toward sectors with lower-than-average labor market frictions. We then estimate and calibrate the model using employment data from 31 OECD countries and worldwide trade data. Finally, we quantify the potential unemployment, real wage, and welfare effects of repealing NAFTA and raising bilateral tariffs between the United States and Mexico to 20%. This policy would increase unemployment by 2.4% in the United States and 48% in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel coronavirus (COVID-19) is an infectious respiratory illness afflicting people to a degree not seen since the flu pandemic of 1968 when approximately one million lives were lost worldwide. What makes COVID-19 distinct is the rate at which it spread throughout the world, stress-testing health care systems and stymieing global economies. To confront this unprecedented crisis, nearly every country has been developing a wide range of policy responses, including fiscal measures. This study aims to discuss government fiscal responses to the pandemic from a financial management perspective. The core question is, "How does each country's financial management system support its fiscal responses to the crisis?" We are particularly interested in reexamining commonly accepted norms about fiscal federalism and the fiscal condition of national and local governments heading into this pandemic. This study takes a comparative approach to the question, focusing on South Korea and the United States. Our findings suggest that the ability to respond to this pandemic in a comprehensive and effective manner is challenged by each nation's financial management system that generates variation in policy coordination and responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bioeconomy in the United States represents a significant proportion of total economic output and is poised to grow even more rapidly over the next decade. Global competition is increasing, and the United States must work to ensure we maintain global leadership in this field. In this commentary, we outline policy recommendations in 6 topic areas. Taken together, these recommendations call on government, academia, and private industry to collaborate, both domestically and internationally, to grow and secure the current and future bioeconomy in the United States. The US bioeconomy represents a significant proportion of total economic output and is poised to grow even more rapidly over the next decade. Global competition is increasing, and the United States must work to ensure we maintain global leadership in this field. This article outlines policy recommendations in 6 topic areas. Taken together, these recommendations call on government, academia, and private industry to collaborate, both domestically and internationally, to grow and secure the current and future bioeconomy in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States faces compound security threats today reflecting a paradigm shift in the character of global geopolitical competition. Arraying these threats against liabilities in strategic and policy frameworks poses a significant, unacknowledged challenge: a new compound security dilemma. This compound security dilemma demands compound solutions that recognize, adapt, and embrace the multipolar ecosystem and its global political, cultural, economic, health, and competitive dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the central themes of this special forum, this article aims to move beyond binary debates on how China relates to the hitherto dominant US-led liberal order. The most debated outcomes – slipping into a Thucydides trap versus the resilience of the liberal international order – should be seen as two extreme cases that are unlikely to occur. Much more likely is a period with diminishing global leadership – a Kindleberger trap – and a metamorphosis of the liberal order as neo-liberal economics is increasingly infused with neo-statism. Analytically, I utilize a two-level analysis that traces historical processes at the level of the international political economy as well as the Chinese domestic level. China's emergent form of capitalism, Sino-capitalism, is conceived of as a multifarious force, both neo-statist and neo-liberal. It combines top-down state-centric modes of governance with bottom-up networked modes of entrepreneurship. By using the internationalization of the Chinese Renminbi (RMB) as a case study, I illustrate the dynamics by which Sino-capitalism impinges on the International Monetary System. Sino-capitalism's interactions with the liberal order are generating a mélange that joins neo-liberalism's emphasis on private capital and unfettered market forces with a neo-statist reinsertion of government to manage economies. This mélange is likely to be chaotic as the United States becomes selectively isolationist, while China's support of the existing order remains half-hearted. The developing chaotic mélange indicates that the global capitalist system could increasingly exhibit disorderly, dysfunctional and even dangerous trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History's biggest oil boom is happening right now, in the United States, ushering in the third age of oil and gas law. The first age of oil and gas law also began in the United States a century ago when landowners and oil companies developed the oil and gas lease. The lease made the modern oil and gas industry possible and soon spread as the model for development around the world. In the second age of oil and gas law, landowners and nations across the globe developed new legal agreements that improved upon the lease and won these resource owners a larger share of the benefits of oil and gas production. The third age of oil and gas law, which is now beginning, will be defined by three forces. First, fracking is transforming the common law doctrines that underlie oil and gas law and policy. Second, both private and public landowners are perfecting agreements that can win them a greater share of the oil and gas under their land. Third, public landowners are beginning to seek ways to balance their efforts to extract maximum value from their oil with their efforts to limit climate change. This Article is the first to identify these ages of oil and gas law, which have been central to the development of law, the global economy, and the modern world. It also reveals the legal and economic logic of agreements between oil and gas companies and public and private landowners, and how they have evolved over the past century. And it describes how landowners could ensure maximum benefit from the unprecedented oil boom now transforming global oil production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phrase "The Wal-Mart Effect" has made its way into the culture as a shorthand for the range of effects resulting from Wal-Mart's way of doing business. A megacorporation with sales that consistently rank it as the number-one or number-two publicly traded company in the United States and in the world, Wal-Mart has impacted wage rates, prices, and economies on a local, national, and global scale. It is arguably the world's most important privately controlled economic institution. It not only has no rivals, it actually influences the prices set by its suppliers and has often seemed impervious to challenge, let alone accountability. Many of the most basic and most urgent questions about Wal-Mart, those at the core of a public debate over the "Wal-Mart Effect," go unanswered. Wal-Mart's own 40-year history of absolute secrecy, including forbidding its suppliers to talk about their relationship with Wal-Mart, has only deepened the mystery of its impact. Answering the questions is vital--not just to understand the impact of Wal-Mart but to understand the behavior and impact of all kinds of megacorporations emerging in the global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1980s U.S. domestic firms have faced significant increases in foreign-based (i.e., import) competition as reductions in barriers to international commerce have resulted in markets and industries becoming increasingly global. Despite the growing and widespread importance of foreign-based competition, the influence that such competition may exert on corporate diversification strategy is a question largely overlooked in the strategic management literature. This paper examines the impact of foreign-based competition in a firm's core business on both the level and nature of a firm's diversification strategy at the corporate level in a panel dataset of U.S. firms over the period 1985-94. Our findings provide the first evidence that increased foreign-based competition is indeed a statistically significant factor explaining both the reduced business-level diversity and the increased strategic focus of U.S. firms that has been widely perceived over the past two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid-1980s, Japanese firms strongly challenged American dominance of the semiconductor industry. A large literature arose to suggest that, in order to survive, American firms needed to adopt the capabilities and strategies of the Japanese. Recently, American firms have indeed surged back to regain a strong position in the industry. This essay attempts to collect some of the lessons for strategy research of that American resurgence. We argue that, although some of the American response did consist in changing or augmenting capabilities, most of the renewed American success is in fact the result not of imitating superior Japanese capabilities but rather of taking good advantage of a set of capabilities developed in the earlier heyday of American dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]