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We offer insights into the factors impacting faculty-led academic/research collaborations between Mexican scholars employed in the USA and their Mexican colleagues working in Mexico. Founded on the idea that "diasporic relationships" include people involved in cross-border migrations yet maintaining ties with their homeland, we are referring to these faculty-led collaborations as "diasporic." To offer nuanced understandings, data analyzed were obtained from 25 semi-structured interviews exploring collaboration in "different" professional, institutional, disciplinary, and regional contexts. Relying on Network Analysis of Qualitative Data, we were able to identify the most relevant drivers (e.g., personal relationships, common research interests, and cross-cultural understandings) and deterrents (e.g., political and legal challenges and institutional contexts) of diasporic collaborations influenced by institutional, national, and sociopolitical power dynamics. Our use of "diasporic academic collaborations" is intended to transcend this study; that is, although our analytic sample is comprised by diasporic Mexican academics, we argue that similar barriers and drivers may apply to academics from other countries who may be interested in participating in "diasporic academic collaborations." Accordingly, we invite other researchers to expand this understudied research topic by providing access to our interview protocols and the detailed list of codes used to apply Network Analysis of Qualitative Data.

As Chamoru scholars with experience working at two universities within the University of California (UC) system, the authors write from institutions deeply implicated in interconnected projects of settler colonialism and militarism. Addressing the UC's historical narrative in the authors' pedagogy is an important way to connect with ongoing calls for justice for Indigenous peoples in California and beyond. Located in the US nation-state with the most military bases and installations, these universities are networked within a vast military infrastructure made possible by federal investments from the Department of Defense (DoD). Several UC campuses and institutes have long-standing financial relationships with the DoD, meaning the US military plays a notable role in shaping contemporary institutional priorities and economy. In this essay, the authors interrogate the lack of sustained education on militarism as a communicative practice that functions to maintain ignorance. Thus, the authors utilize place-based communication pedagogy to explicitly address settler colonialism as an interrelated structural issue. Given the authors focus on the US/California and specific characteristics of military power in these places, the authors urge practitioners from other regions to scope these proposed interventions within their own local contexts. According to the authors, they have demonstrated the significance of Communication teaching to provide more robust and life-affirming educational opportunities for students that directly prepare and educate them to simultaneously confront the violent structures of militarism and settler colonialism.

The paper "American democracy is distress: The failure of social education" presents several "symptoms of democracy's dysfunction in the United States". These include the extreme reliance on campaign contributions, giving the donors--economic elites and groups representing business, frequently operating at a transnational level--an excessive power in determining government policy in areas such as the environment, media or fiscal regulations, as profusely exemplified in the paper. At the same time, policies impose restrictions on citizens' rights in areas such as voting, healthcare or employment. In this sense, the power gap between citizens and economic elites in the form of a global capital is growing and, as it goes undisputed and unchallenged, menaces the core of democracy itself. This is a paper worth reading. Not only does it present an argument--and this is something to be praised and cherished--but it also sustains its argument on a sound and systematic analysis of documents and research. As such, this is not a trivial paper. The data, analysis and argument the author develops call for our attention and challenges us to reflect on whether and how the situation described for the US resonates with the situation of those currently living in Europe.

This paper argues that it is important for educators in democratic education to understand how the rise of right-wing populism in Europe, the United States and around the world can never be viewed apart from the affective investments of populist leaders and their supporters to essentialist ideological visions of nationalism, racism, sexism and xenophobia. Democratic education can provide the space for educators and students to think critically and productively about people's affects, in order to identify the implications of different affective modes through which right-wing populism is articulated. Furthermore, this paper points out that 'negative' critique of the affective ideology of right-wing populism is not sufficient for developing a productive counter politics. An affirmative critique is also needed to set alternative frames and agendas which endorse and disseminate alternative concepts and affective practices such as equality, love and solidarity. These ideas provide critical resources to democratic education for developing a culture and process of democracy that transcends the negativity of mere critique of either right-wing populisms or inadequate forms of democracy.

State and local governments today are, with few exceptions, in deep financial distress. While some governors can offer the recession, the housing crisis, or the loss of an important industry as an excuse for poor finances, many states are simply structurally insolvent. In this article, the authors discuss the primary cause of the states' long-term problems which are their bloated public sectors--particularly their public pension obligations. Public employees unions have wielded huge influence to gain perquisites for themselves at the expense of the public. Early retirement, job tenure, high wages, and generous defined-benefit pension plans have gained increasing attention from commentators and voters, though many public sector perks are intentionally shrouded and confuse the public debate. What has received far less attention is the pernicious effect of public sector union privileges on the provision of public goods in the United States. Public sector unions have greatly distorted state spending priorities and made it more difficult for states to devise innovative public goods that would benefit their citizenry as whole. The strong organizational rights of these unions, protected or abetted by statute and regulations, enables their outsized influence on public policy. But crisis is also opportunity. The dire straits of states offer the chance for entrepreneurial governors to abolish public employee union privileges, like the rights to strike, to collectively bargain, to seek binding arbitration, and to collect dues. Public employee unions are the great reactionary force in public life today, using their privileged position both to defend the rewards their members receive and to block innovation. As a result, this recession offers a political opening for both liberal and conservative governors. For conservatives, taking on public employee unions provides a way to eliminate inefficient spending and create a polity of low taxes and lean government. For liberals, it provides a way to redirect spending to effective public goods, like better educational outputs, that public employee unions frustrate. The authors contend that if both liberal and conservative governors moved against public employee unions, the public would have the best of all possible worlds, a demonstration project pitting a low-tax, small-government jurisdictions against a higher-tax, high-value public goods jurisdictions. It would create a fair fight between the attractive options that conservatism and liberalism can offer. Union contracts, however, prevent most state governments from nimbly responding to changing circumstances. This ossification short-circuits the beneficial competition among jurisdictions created by the federal system, which works best when there are not entrenched impediments to government innovation.

The quest for state and federal aid for Catholic schools is not new. Concerns regarding excessive entanglement, mission dilution, and external control have been voiced for decades. A particularly instructive historical period on this issue is the era of the Great Depression. Because of widespread economic hardship across sectors, Catholic leaders were active and engaged in the politics of federal and state aid for schools and experienced both success and failure.

The authors contend that the impact of the Cold War on multilateral organizations (especially UNESCO) as well as on the academic programs in Comparative and International Education or Development Studies in Education has been largely understudied. Both world-systems (USA and its allies, Soviet Union and its allies) laid claim on the project of world peace that UNESCO was meant to pursue. Furthermore, the boom in area, language and development studies in the 1960s was closely associated with the international race between the two world-systems over the patronage of those postcolonial countries that were viewed as "non-aligned" or neutralist. The salutary effects upon education policy in the United States are described, along with the portrayal of education as an inferior aspect of the capitalist system, behind the "iron curtain." The authors note the new research field of post-Cold War studies that emerged in U.S. academe over the past decade, and find that such studies are surprisingly scarce in comparative and international education which, by virtue of analyzing other educational systems, was at the center of the dichotomy.

In this series of research papers and projects, the authors have used multicultural education theory to analyze presidential administrations with a special emphasis on their policies dealing with social justice. Their research findings reveal the lesser known aspects of presidential administrations, aspects which have resulted in widespread oppression, discrimination, and marginalization of minority groups throughout the history of this country. In this sense, they are unmasking the presidential agendas, revealing the nature of the presidency as it has perpetuated a class of privileged elites, always at the expense of minority groups. By analyzing the presidency in this way, the authors have been able to contextualize the actions of many of the presidents of the United States, eighteen in this series of articles, through their policies related to issues of social justice. (Contains 1 note.)

Focusing on the drag king performances of Christie Whisman, who lived and worked in Columbus, Ohio, USA, from 1999 to 2001, this essay argues that rhetorical bodily performances have the capacity not only to subvert normalised notions of identity categories, but that such performances can also create alternate pedagogical sites that persuasively and parodically connect politics to play. By exposing the interconnected nature of the material and theoretical body--the body constructed by physicality, and the body constructed through ideology--Whisman's work expands and deconstructs social categorisations that have material and psychic impact. It calls into question what constitutes masculinity and femininity, for example, and it provides an opportunity for the subject to answer back and have a hand in her own construction. By forwarding a political critique that highlights the symbiotic relationship between the body and identity, parody and persuasion, and subversion and reiteration, this essay argues that Whisman's work illustrates the political power of play. It notes that, while her performances remind us that categories of the body such as gender and even sex are certainly constructed and performed, the persuasive force of those performances is often attached to, in fact "performed by", an actual body. Her work asserts that it is this body--this flesh and blood, imagined and imagining, limited and possible--that intersects with actions and speech to create rhetorical and queer arguments; here, bodily matter brims with signification, resistance and, perhaps above all, subversive potential. In so doing, the arguments offered by rhetorical bodily performances often cross lines of race and class (given the spaces in which they are performed), subvert gender binaries, refuse to honour the artificial separation of politics and pop culture, and ultimately authorise the performing subject and her audience. (Contains 5 notes.)

In this article, I reopen some of the seminal theoretical debates among critical scholars on the nature of educational reform, arguing that there has been a consistent tendency in the literature to dismiss or downplay the significance of "instrumentalist" analyses in favour of cultural/hegemonic and structuralist explanations. As a result, education scholars who advance the instrumentalist emphasis on elite intervention in the policy process and the importance of organised class action have often been dismissed as one-dimensional and conspiratorial. To support this argument--and, by extension, those made by instrumentalist theorists--I bring together historical evidence from Canada and the United States in three historical periods: the mid-nineteenth century, the early twentieth century and post-Second World War. In each of these historical periods, I demonstrate how the structure and purpose of educational institutions were modified largely at the behest of economic elites (closely associated with political power and the professional educational establishment) in order to shape and implement a particular model of educational reform. Central to my argument is that powerful economic actors have always recognised the political nature of schooling and that elite class consciousness is and has been well-developed with respect to educational issues. The concluding section outlines the implications of my arguments for the future of educational reform. (Contains 100 footnotes.)

The 2012 U.S. presidential election is the perfect opportunity to present a timely civics lesson on how a U.S. president is elected. More important, it offers opportunities for students to reason mathematically about election issues--for example, about how much time and resources the candidates should invest in particular states. The results of the previous U.S. presidential election provide an ideal backdrop for introducing the electoral voting system, weighted voting, and the Banzhaf and Shapley-Shubik Power Indices. By investigating these concepts, students will solve authentic, real-world problems and value the utility of mathematics (NCTM 2000). (Contains 3 figures and 4 tables.)

Central banking in the United States has a long and controversial history dating back to the earliest days of the republic. One of the most widely presented arguments against a central bank has been that the U.S. Constitution does not expressly grant the federal government power to charter a bank. Recently, this issue has received new scrutiny in response to the actions taken by the Federal Reserve System to address the financial crisis of 2007-09: lending more than $1.5 trillion to financial institutions, buying $1.25 trillion of mortgage-backed securities to stabilize the economy, and implementing other nontraditional forms of monetary policy. The authors briefly examine the early days of central banking in the United States and use that discussion as a basis to understand the Fed today, especially the characteristics of political independence, accountability, and constitutionality. (Contains 7 notes and 4 online resources.)

When these inequities began to change in the 20th century, due in part to the sweeping court-ordered integration following Brown v. Board of Education and the simultaneous expansion of public colleges and universities, all citizens began to gain access to educational achievement and, as a result, true access to the American power structure. The powerful elites took notice and were not always willing to share control over the political system. Over the years, their resistance to equal opportunity has continued despite numerous court decisions and significant legislation (e.g., the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964). And it has grown increasingly organized and well funded. Identified as the "anti-egalitarians," individuals hostile to the tenets of American liberty, these oligarchs understand that by restricting educational access to the rich and white, by targeting public investment in higher education, and by attacking such democratic concepts as need-based aid, academic freedom, and shared governance, they can effectively restrict participation in the American governmental system. These are the people who seek to destroy public institutions of higher education. As incomprehensible as such an agenda may appear to those who support equality, respected researchers have been issuing similar warnings for more than 20 years. This article reemphasizes their warning of a very significant threat to public education in America and issues an urgent call to action for all educators and the public as well. Allowing anti-egalitarians to destroy public higher education in the U.S. would be a tragedy. Waiting for someone else to solve this problem would be a costly mistake. (Contains 36 endnotes.)

This article discusses how archival documents reveal early nineteenth-century Cherokee purposes for English-language literacy. In spite of Euro-American efforts to depoliticize Cherokee women's roles, Cherokee female students adapted the literacy tools of an outsider patriarchal society to retain public, political power. Their writing served Cherokee national interests and demonstrated female students' concerns with the fate of the Cherokee people. (Contains 20 notes.)

The institutional environment of America's schools has changed substantially as government regulation has focused increasingly on the core technical work of schools--instruction. The authors explore the school administrative response to this changing environment, describing how government regulation becomes embodied in the formal structure of four schools. Working at coupling government regulation with classroom teaching, school leaders transformed the formal structure, paying particular attention to designing new organizational routines. Analyzing the performance of these routines, the authors show how both government regulation and the technical core featured prominently, if selectively, and explore how routines enabled coupling by promoting standardization through alignment with common standards, by monitoring teacher and student performance, and by making aspects of instruction transparent. (Contains 3 notes and 4 tables.)

This exploratory study assessed the associations of age, gender, and a school climate of solidarity and pride with adolescents' endorsements of democratic regime change. Middle- and high-school students (N = 273) in the United States responded to three vignettes concerning how a society should transition from dictatorship to democracy and specifically, what should happen to the leaders, supporters, and opponents of the (former) dictatorship. Open-ended responses were coded for references to reconciliation, retribution, and reward. Older students were more likely to provide codable responses and the majority endorsed reconciliation for the leaders, supporters, and opponents of the old (dictatorship) regime. Males were more likely than females to endorse retribution against the leaders. Students were more likely to endorse reconciliation if they perceived that group solidarity and pride characterized the climate at their school. Discussion focuses on the potential of schools to develop feelings of membership and commitments to democratic norms in younger generations. (Contains 1 figure and 1 table.)

This article will put forth an introductory argument and evidence for school non-completion as a form of biopower, and school dropout to be considered a form of biopolitical youth resistance in the United States (US). Beginning with a brief overview of the empirical relationship of education to health and current graduation rates in the United States, the first section then intertwines these data to elucidate a framework of education as a form of biopower. Using focus groups (n = 6) and a cognitive mapping method called "X-ray maps," this qualitative, youth participatory action research (YPAR) study of twenty-two (22) youth ages 14-19 in New York City investigated the ways in which schooling is embodied. Its findings reveal what education policy is doing to the body, how and in what ways youth resist these forces. The last section puts forth a theory for considering dropout as a form of biopolitical youth resistance. (Contains 2 figures and 1 table.)

Following the U.S. financial crisis of 2008, demands on our social safety nets grew as federal, state, and local revenues declined. Projected shortfalls are forcing deep cuts in state and local services including education. It is too early to know fully the nature of the cuts or impacts on various communities and constituencies. This article looks to recent reform history to understand the shaping of educational priorities in the context of shrinking public coffers, disenchantment with public institutions, and anxiety about individual and collective positions in the global economy. I employ Steven Lukes's (2005) multidimensional view of power to examine the emergence of performance accountability policy as part and parcel of a neo-liberal reconsideration of schooling. From this recounting, I raise questions about the preference and press for particular reform priorities--reconstitution and pay for performance models of remuneration--ensconced in No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top. (Contains 8 footnotes.)

Using growth curve modeling techniques, this research investigates whether military spending improved or worsened the economic well-being of citizens within the American states during the post-Vietnam War period. We empirically test the military Keynesianism claim that military spending improves the economic conditions of citizens through its use by politicians as a countercyclical tool to reduce the negative effects of economic downturns. However, due to deindustrialization and the emergence of the "new military," there are reasons to believe that military spending will not effectively improve economic well-being during the post-Vietnam War era. Using longitudinal data we find that states with high levels of military spending are better equipped to stave off the deleterious effects of economic recession than are states with lower levels of military spending. (Contains 2 tables and 14 notes.)

The relationship between education and state formation in the United States differed from that in other countries in ways that have yet to be adequately accounted for in comparative and theoretical literatures. Specifically, in the northern United States, very high levels of mass school attendance and funding were achieved prior to and outside state initiative. Although this distinctive history of educational development in the US has been noted by scholars, existing literatures still leave largely unresolved two salient questions following from this fact: (1) What factors facilitated the earlier and greater expansion of mass education in the northern US in the absence of direct state intervention? and (2) What was the significance of this early expansion for the process of state formation itself? This article addresses these questions by juxtaposing an intensive case study of the relationship between education and state formation in New York State in the early republican era, 1790-1840, against reigning comparative historical accounts of such relationships. In the process, two factors are identified that promoted education expansion in the northern US that so far have received little attention in the comparative literature: access to corporate legal power and the distribution of wealth. Finally, it is suggested that the substantial social, financial and political capital commanded by schools prior to state intervention had a significant impact on the process of state formation in the US. (Contains 55 footnotes.)

Researchers analyzed the perceptions and pedagogies of educators in two Chihuahua, Mexico, public schools with regard to United States foreign policies. The key objective of the research was to provide additional insight into the impact of recent actions taken by the United States Government, including the war in Iraq. Chihuahuan educators and their students suggested that the United States Government should be more engaged in the dialogue of how to address the root causes of terrorism. Additionally, the findings of this study indicated that educators and future teachers in both the United States and Mexico benefit from broader understandings of educators' roles and students' perceptions in a bi-national community. (Contains 1 figure and 1 table.)

The article discusses the dissemination and reception of a practice-oriented, community-centred approach to colonial education, which was derived from educational concepts developed for African-Americans in the United States around the turn of the twentieth century. This approach--which came to be known as "Phelps-Stokesism"--gained wide currency among educationists in Africa in the decades following the First World War, and it became particularly strong in settler colonies such as Zimbabwe, where a large European community was steadily augmenting its political power within a racially segregated context. The premise that colonial education had to depart from a conventional form of Western schooling and was instead to be specifically adapted to what was perceived as African developmental and environmental needs shaped the articulation of educational policies and practices envisaged by local administrators. At the same time, within the context of rural decline and restrictive state policies--which severely limited African chances for advancement in the industrial and agricultural spheres--African men and women came to perceive a literary-oriented kind of education as the key to gaining remunerable employment, enhancing upward social mobility and circumventing the patriarchal control of chiefs and elders. African strategies to shape the contents of education in accordance with their preferences and aspirations to some extent mitigated the translation of Phelps-Stokesist concepts into educational practice and worked towards securing the provision of academically oriented forms of instruction to a greater extent than had been intended in prevailing schemes of adapted African education. Against the background of the author's evidence, theoretical paradigms that suggest the preponderance of academic subjects in colonial school curricula and that interpret this as a reflection of "cultural imperialism" or Western-induced modernization seem strikingly untenable. The successor failure of the attempt to transfer Phelps-Stokesist educational concepts to a colonial setting can hardly be understood without paying tribute to the interventions and struggles on the part of local populations. The haphazard and mostly unsuccessful implementation of practice-oriented educational programmes in the era of African political independence seems to suggest that colonial educational controversies constitute a legacy that contemporary policy-makers have to take into account when formulating plans for educational reform under today's postcolonial conditions. (Contains 54 footnotes.)

"The accomplishments of Indians and their actual place in the story of the United States have never been remotely touched by ... [most] historians. The major reason for this omission is that a substantial number of practicing historians simply do not know the source documents with sufficient precision to make sense of them; ... They spend a good deal of their time stealing footnotes and ideas from each other" (Deloria 1991, x-xi). And so a familiar, if incomplete and inaccurate, narrative persists. As an initial response to Vine Deloria's challenge, this essay offers a conceptual and historiographical prologue. One general purpose is to encourage substantive consultation across research fields, particularly among specializations within the history discipline. Such conversations are overdue. Their relative dearth has pushed specialization toward intellectual fragmentation, and it has diminished the importance and quality of historical scholarship. The history of education, among other subfields, has paid a high price for this self-imposed balkanization of knowledge. A second general purpose is to stimulate curiosity about where people have learned. This essay lays a foundation for historiographical questions concerning education within the Iroquois union, that is, the Haudenosaunee or the Five-later Six-Nations, and by extension other Indian tribes. To pursue this goal, the author entertains the hypothesis that American education began with the peoples encountered here by Europeans in the second millennium.

One week after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Congress passed an Authorization for the Use of Military Force (The Authorization) that authorized the president--"... to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations, or persons." The preamble to the Authorization also acknowledged the president's "authority under the Constitution to take action to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States." This article examines executive power in an age of terror, focusing on issues highlighted in the "Hamdan" case and in the controversy over the National Security Agency (NSA) surveillance program. How extensive was the Authorization's grant of power to the president to "use all necessary and appropriate force"? What are the president's inherent powers to independently act against enemy combatants or persons suspected of being in communication with terrorist organizations? What is the role of Congress and the federal judiciary in balancing, checking, or reviewing executive actions? How might individual rights under the Constitution limit executive power? (Contains 3 notes.)

After September 11, 2001, the Bush administration initiated large-scale electronic surveillance within the United States to gather intelligence to protect citizens from terrorists. Media commentary, public reaction, and classroom practices regarding this program have tended toward either-or positions: either for presidential power and national security or for judicial intervention and civil liberty. No one has proposed that at issue is a political question for Congress and the president to resolve themselves. The authors argue that congressional oversight, more than judicial review, is needed to ensure that the president, in seeking to protect the country, does not abuse executive power and jeopardize essential liberties. Teachers should emphasize separation of powers instead of checks and balances. The authors suggest related approaches for planning lessons about striking the balance between security and liberty. (Contains 4 resources.)

The purpose of this article is to attempt to reclaim the concept of foundations of power as a framework of analysis and as an approach to influencing policy. The first section briefly re-examines the policy area that developed in the late 20th century United States and suggests that it was an illusion based on a small area of consensus and a large supply of federal funds. The next section questions the ability to find a new consensus. The policy arena of the previous century has fragmented into multiple sites that make a new common foundation difficult, if not impossible, to achieve. The last section considers postmodernism as a heuristic device for understanding and influencing public policy. In doing so it is possible to reconstruct the concept of the foundations of power.

In the recent past, and especially since September 11, 2001, many democratic nations have been forced to deal with the threat of attacks on their land. Former U.S. President George W. Bush famously labeled this challenge the "War on Terror." Examining how nations address this issue offers a golden opportunity for social studies teachers to increase the critical thinking skills of their students regarding violations of human rights, while clarifying their position on governmental power in times of crisis. To demonstrate how teachers can effectively use post-9/11 events in the classroom, this article focuses on the executive decisions and court cases pertaining to the U.S. military prison located in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The controversy surrounding the treatment of prisoners detained at Guantanamo illustrates the difficulty a constitutional democracy faces when balancing national security demands against the constitutional rights of detainees. (Contains 2 online resources and 21 notes.)

Provides a summary of discussion at an international conference of human rights professionsls in 1982. Covers a wide range of subjects, from women's access to positions of economic power, to day care facilities as a means of expanding choices of both women and men who work in or out of the home. (KH)

Examines the role of policy evaluation research and the influences on such research of political regime shifts. Using data from a number of western countries, the authors conclude that conservative or liberal shifts in political regimes do influence the nature of policy evaluation research. (JDH)

Presents a comparative analysis of the influence of American and Canadian teacher organizations, both labor and special interest groups, on educational policy. Reports that the effectiveness of the lobbying organizations surveyed depended upon factors such as wealth, internal stability, ability to focus on particular issues, and political and cultural context. (KH)

Argues that the form and function of presidential foreign policy rhetoric are grounded in a nation's acceptable images of political reality. Examines the rhetorical responses of Presidents Reagan and Mitterrand to the terrorist bombing in Beirut and to acts of military interventions by the United States and France in Grenada and Chad. (JD)