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This paper presents a mesoscopic evaluation of the shear resistance evolution of geogrid–aggregate interfaces subjected to direct shear loading. A three-dimensional discrete element method model was developed based on experimental data. The tensile response of geogrid were simulated through a series of calibration tests. Aggregate with complex particle shapes were simulated to accurately capture the interlocking effect among aggregates based on the real particle surface. The individual shear resistance components were quantified based on particle displacement field and contact distribution characteristics. The influences of aperture–aggregate size ratio and geogrid stiffness on the shear resistance components are discussed. The results indicate that the peak value of shear resistance component follows a descending order from frictional resistance of aggregate, to passive resistance of transverse rib, and to geogrid–aggregate interface frictional resistance. During the shear process, the frictional resistance of aggregate becomes active first, followed by the geogrid–aggregate interface frictional resistance, and then the development of passive resistance of transverse ribs starts with a certain lag. Optimizing the geogrid–aggregate size ratio and utilizing geogrids with higher rib stiffness could enhance the passive resistance of transverse ribs but would not significantly affect the geogrid–aggregate interface frictional resistance and frictional resistance of aggregate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this study is to examine the perceptions of secondary school teachers and students about resistance behaviors. Phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, was used in the study. The participants of the study were 5 teachers working in secondary schools and 10 students studying in secondary schools. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with teachers and focus group interviews with students. Content analysis was used to analyze the data. As a result of the analysis of the data, the following results were obtained: Teachers see the family as the source of resistance behaviors, but they resort to situations related to improving the learning and teaching process in dealing with resistance behaviors. They also pointed out the importance of teacher attitude in preventing resistance behaviors. Resistance behaviors exhibited by students are divided into two as active and passive resistance. Active resistance behaviors exhibited by students are being constantly angry and resistance to teacher authority. Passive resistance behaviors exhibited by students are reluctant compliance and disinterest during the lesson. Students pointed to teachers, friends and situations related to themselves as sources of resistance behaviors. Teachers' reactions to students' resistance behaviors were divided into two as preventive and authoritative attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article reports on findings from a qualitative case study that explored teacher voice in the context of educational change in implementing the Curriculum and Assessment Policy reform in South Africa. The study uses the meta-theoretical paradigm of social constructivism and the conceptual framework of “resistance as good sense” to explore how silence as a form of resistance can be viewed as a strategy for learner advocacy. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews and classroom observations captured over a school year. The findings revealed that teacher knowledge jars in educational environments where compliance is the custom and teachers’ decisions in consideration of contextual congruence are viewed as resistance to the fidelity of the reform. Some teachers see passive resistance as the only alternative to empowerment in these environments. Thus, the scope of teacher voice lies in subservience to the policy where curriculum enforcers ignore teacher intuition which could influence the success of reform and contribute to the goals of learning. The study concludes that teacher silence as a form of resistance can be viewed as “good sense” and should not always be seen as emblematic of negative resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Muscle, tendon, and muscle–tendon unit (MTU) stiffness as well as passive peak torque (PPT) or delayed stretching pain sensation are typical explanatory approaches for stretching adaptations. However, in literature, differences in the study inclusion, as well as applying meta-analytical models without accounting for intrastudy dependency of multiple and heteroscedasticity of data bias the current evidence. Furthermore, most of the recent analyses neglected to investigate PPT adaptations and further moderators. Methods: The presented review used the recommended meta-analytical calculation method to investigate the effects of stretching on stiffness as well as on passive torque parameters using subgroup analyses for stretching types, stretching duration, and supervision. Results: Chronic stretching reduced muscle stiffness (− 0.38, p = 0.01) overall, and also for the supervised (− 0.49, p = 0.004) and long static stretching interventions (− 0.61, p < 0.001), while the unsupervised and short duration subgroups did not reach the level of significance (p = 0.21, 0.29). No effects were observed for tendon stiffness or for subgroups (e.g., long-stretching durations). Chronic PPT (0.55, p = 0.005) in end ROM increased. Only long-stretching durations sufficiently decreased muscle stiffness acutely. No effects could be observed for acute PPT. Conclusion: While partially in accordance with previous literature, the results underline the relevance of long-stretching durations when inducing changes in passive properties. Only four acute PPT in end ROM studies were eligible, while a large number were excluded as they provided mathematical models and/or lacked control conditions, calling for further randomized controlled trials on acute PPT effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cappadocia Journal of History & Social Sciences is the property of CAHIJ and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a paucity of information on the relationship between anthers and Type II expression of Fusarium Head Blight resistance (measured by point inoculation of a spikelet and observing disease spread over the wheat spike). Twenty‐nine UK commercial wheat varieties were evaluated for the expression of Type II resistance. Anther extrusion was measured by counting the number of spikelets with anthers trapped between the lemma and palea (anthers trapped). In five spikelets where trapped anthers were not observed, the number of spikelets with anthers contained within the spikelet was counted (anthers retained). There was variation in expression in the expression of Type II resistance (p <.001), anthers trapped (p <.001) and anthers retained (p <.001). Anthers trapped and anthers retained were not correlated with each other, indicating both should be considered independently. Later maturity correlated with great resistance in the AHDB Type I resistance ratings but to greater susceptibility to point inoculations (Type II). Consistent with previous literature higher numbers of anthers trapped to increase susceptibility to FHB Type I. However, the relationships were reversed for the expression of resistance measured by point inoculation within the spikelet, where anthers trapped between the lemma and palea reduced susceptibility to Type II point inoculation (p <.01). This suggests a benefit of releasing some pollen from within the spikelet for this inoculation method. Similarly, anthers retained contributed to increased Type II susceptibility (p <.05), potentially providing substrates within the spikelet inoculation site aiding fungal growth, but correlated to greater Type I resistance (p <.05) indicating the anthers are hidden from initial infection on the outside of the spikelet, particularly under low infection pressure. While preliminary, this work suggests that variation in anthers trapped, anthers retained and maturity date may increase Type II expression of resistance and could relate to increased Type I FHB susceptibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around the world, movements for justice or social change struggle with the question of whether to use nonviolent or violent protest strategies. While research suggests that nonviolent strategies may be more successful than violent ones, people's preferences and support for different strategies may depend on their specific role in the conflict. We tested this in Study 1 in the context of the Kurdish question in Turkey (N = 320), and we found that Turks and Americans supported nonviolent movements more than violent movements, while Kurds were equally supportive of both. Study 2 (N = 192) replicated Study 1 and investigated whether the preference for nonviolent strategies among the third‐party group was dependent on the perceivers' specific preferred outcomes in the conflict. We found that, in the context of the Kurdish question in Syria, third‐party Americans still supported nonviolent movements more than violent movements regardless of their preferred outcomes, although the more that they preferred that Kurds would win the conflict, the more supportive they were of both nonviolent and violent protest movements. These studies suggest that the preference for nonviolent strategies may depend on people's role in the conflict, with important implications for addressing conflict needs and conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the darkest hours of the history the nature endowed the sub-Continent with a man who lit his life for the illumination of each and every corner of the continent and rendered meritorious services for the amelioration of his fellow men irrespective of social, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. The light and glitter of his archetype humanitarianism was not limited to the frontiers of sub-Continent rather it reached to the farthest horizons of the world to equally facilitate his brothers and sisters who were groaning hard under the discriminatory legislation of the South African authorities. The main objective of his life was to undo the injustices committed by the unbridled powers of the imperialists and put in order the indigenous society by weeding out all the invidious evils which had made life hellish for some segments of the society. That is what he did for turning the lot of the Untouchables of the hard-core Hindu society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948)'s relationship with the Jews is explored in this article. The history of this relationship can be divided into two different periods. The first begins during his formative years in South Africa from 1893 to 1914, and the second, during his political activism in India thereafter. The article points out that Gandhi's close Jewish associates in South Africa, although coming primarily from a Theosophist background, considered their support of Gandhi and his struggle to represent their core Jewish values. Still, Gandhi's close Jewish supporters did not successfully influence Gandhi regarding Zionism. In retrospect, Gandhi's objection to Zionism enormously impacted the Indian Congress Party's position regarding Palestine. The article notes that although Gandhi opposed political Zionism, he supported Zionism as a spiritual movement that could be best realized "within." Somewhat surprising and little-known fact was a desire on Gandhi's part to mediate between the Arabs and the Jews in direct talks. Gandhi hoped the Zionist leaders would respond positively to his offer to mediate so that he could advance his teachings of nonviolence while also claiming to represent the Indian Muslims. The article discusses Gandhi's call to German and European Jews to resist the Nazi regime by adopting Satyagraha, the consequent rift with Jewry that followed, and his silence after the Holocaust. Finally, the article also briefly explores B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956)'s views on the Jews and the Indian pariahs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

#ThisFlag movement was started by Pastor Evan Mawarire in April 2016 bemoaning the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy at the hands of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government under President Robert Mugabe. Although it started off as accidental, it, however, galvanised disparate groups and enabled them to transform anger against the state from online media to the streets. #ThisFlag movement officially started on the 20th of April 2016, when Pastor Mawarire wearing the Zimbabwean flag posted a video to his Facebook page decrying the state of the economy and what he felt was government’s neglect of its duties to serve the citizens of Zimbabwe. Although one government minister described Mawarire’s actions as a ‘pastor’s fart in the corridors of power’, the reaction by the state security agents points to the contrary. Street protests have been banned. This article interrogates the transformation of #ThisFlag movement from an online struggle to street protests that have turned violent. It also looks at other movements that are complementing #ThisFlag and how the state is responding to these protests both on the social media and on the ground. Evan Mawarire may be considered as an unusual voice from the ever mushrooming new church establishments. As such, it becomes a point of interest to find out what voice there is, which represents what is commonly viewed as mainline churches. Such a voice is identified as coming from Bishop Raymond Mpandasekwa of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Chinhoyi who in one of his sermons delivered an acerbic attack on Mnangagwa’s government as a ‘blood thirsty’ government. The study explored the messages of Mawarire and Mpandasekwa using the socio-theological lenses as guided by Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience. Contribution: This study locates #ThisFlag activism in the context of toxic transformative politics in Zimbabwe. In addition, it contributes to our understanding of the relationship between religion and politics in an unstable political and economic setting. It calls for a re-thinking of the role of the church in Zimbabwean society and discusses the state’s response to those deemed to be not towing the line. It shows that while some religious organisations and groups are too keen to be co-opted by the regime, some have effectively resisted this and have become combative as they fight for people’s rights. Another important contribution is located in how these pastor-cum-activists have harnessed social media to amplify their voices and to reach huge audiences beyond the pulpit. The study is important because it contextualises the role of religion in the country’s contemporary politics, and this fits into the scope of the journal in that it is a multidisciplinary study of both religion and politics.

This paper provides background and context for a day conference marking the centenary of the death of the Revd John Clifford, a leading British Baptist minister of the late 19th and early 20th century. Brought up in a working class home on the Nottinghamshire/Derbyshire border, Clifford was trained at the Leicester General Baptist College, and spent his entire ministry at Praed Street/Westbourne Park Baptist Church in West London. There he studied at the University of London, gaining outstanding results in several Bachelor's degrees. He campaigned successfully to bring the Baptist Union and the New Connexion of General Baptists together in 1891. As President of the Baptist Union in 1888–89, he was involved in the Union's handling of the 'Downgrade Controversy' that had led to the withdrawal of C.H. Spurgeon (who remained a friend) from the Baptist Union, but did not secure his return. The later part of his career was dominated by the Education controversy, particularly in the passive resistance campaign in which many nonconformists refused to pay their education rate under the 1902 Education Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text exposes, in general terms, Rawls' theory of civil disobedience, in order to highlight the definition of civil disobedience as a right. It is intended to show that it is an individual right, although its exercise may also present political traits. Next, it presents Raz's theory in the sense of denying that civil disobedience is a right. Ad argumentandum tantum, Raz's objection is taken as well-founded, in order to scrutinize some consequences that such a formulation have for Rawls' theory, specifically regarding the justification of civil disobedience as a right. Finally, it scrutinizes possible responses that could be offered in response to Raz, especially from Rawls' perspective. It is argued that this implies the need for a reconstruction of Rawls' theory of disobedience as a theory of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has challenged a simplistic transmission model of the diffusion of nonviolence within the American civil rights movement. Yet many historical studies remain focused on the spread of content communicated by experts and, in particular, on the relative degree to which activists adhered to what Gandhi called ahimsa, a term that is often translated as "non‐harm" or "non‐violence," but which carried a range of meanings for Gandhi and many of his colleagues. This essay, by contrast, focuses on "satyagraha," a word that literally means "holding firm to the truth," and that Gandhi popularized out of frustration with the label "passive resistance." I use a range of historical sources, including audio recordings of civil rights workshops at the Highlander Folk School, to reveal the limitations of an ahimsa‐based conception of the diffusion of nonviolence and to explore an alternative, satyagraha‐based understanding of nonviolent education within the civil rights movement. I argue that the "translation" of satyagraha played a key role in the struggle against American racism, and suggest that future scholarship should explore the centrality of translation to nonviolence as both philosophy and method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how different groups within Myanmar's population respond to multiple crises caused by the 2021 military coup, the economic and social consequences of multiple waves of Covid-19 and increasing global food and fuel prices. It is based on monthly observation reports (MOR) by local researchers to focus on the range of actions taken by Myanmar's silent accommodating majority. Contrary to conventional studies that treat "loyalty" and "passive resistance" as separate categories of individual or collective responses to government failures, this paper introduces "accommodation" as a strategy to reflect actions by those who have engaged in both compliance and passive resistance to deal with the military dictatorship in Myanmar. Those who practice accommodation strategies prioritize safety-first approaches that avoid open resistance to the military regime while simultaneously challenging its claim to legitimacy. Some of the strategies that undermine the military regime's claim to legitimacy, however, such as the civil disobedience movement in education and healthcare, further deprive the state of the resource to serve the needs of the general population and thus have detrimental and long-term impacts on individuals who use these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps the biggest disconnect between philosophers and non-philosophers on the question of gun rights is over the relevance of arms to our dignitary interests. This essay attempts to address this gap by arguing that we have a strong prima facie moral right to resist with dignity and that violence is sometimes our most or only dignified method of resistance. Thus, we have a strong prima facie right to guns when they are necessary often enough for effective dignified resistance. This approach is distinctively non-libertarian: it doesn't justify gun rights on the basis of (mere) liberty or security. Nonetheless it is compatible with libertarian defenses of gun rights based on a liberty right to guns, and, if sound, in fact lowers the bar for gun rights in some ways, as it justifies access to guns even when nonviolent means would better achieve the liberty or security aims of potential victims. And although this defense of gun rights is most readily categorized as "conservative" or rightist, it relies upon principles and intuitions about dignity popular among progressives in other domains, such as in disability, women's, or LGBT rights debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the ways in which Russian itinerant traders in the Grand Duchy of Finland became involved in the Russo-Finnish political conflict that followed the issuing of the February Manifesto in 1899. Building on portrayals of the peddlers in Russian and Finnish newspapers and political pamphlets, including the underground press that emerged in the late summer of 1900, it traces the creation of an enemy image of mobile Russians, the role that the Finnish Constitutionalists' strategy of passive resistance ascribed to the "peddling question," and the reactions to this strategy in Russian nationalist circles. The analysis contributes new knowledge on the position of Russian peddlers in Finland and on the use of political propaganda in the Russo-Finnish conflict, and more generally on the mechanisms through which mobile groups of people can become utilized as political tools in times of political tension. The article also shows that the Russian peddlers did not remain passive in the conflict but exploited the turmoil by filing petitions with the Governor General's Office that aimed at strengthening their legal position in the grand duchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Broadly speaking, the literary history of human–nonhuman metamorphoses conveys certain ethics regarding human-to-human relations by mediating these relations through metaphors of inhumanity. Where such transformations appear in the literature of the present, however, the human is often decentered, fostering an uneasy consort between human and nonhuman beings and ways of being. Taking the fiction of South Korean author, Han Kang, as a case study, this essay examines the political or civic value of reinvigorating vegetal or arboreal transformation in contemporary stories that unfold against a backdrop of global climate change and ecological collapse. I argue that Han's work depicts the mimicry of or engagement with nonhuman forms of life as both passive strategies for resisting human acts of violence and exploitation and alternative models of sociality and care. Drawing especially on the unruliness of plants and non-animal organic matter, Han's translated works invite readers to consider what human subjects can learn about both individual and networked, interspecies modes of protest from green subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nature and genealogy of Mohandas K. Gandhi's concept of conscience/antarātmā (inner soul/spirit), the cardinal principle of his religious politics. Much previous scholarship, solely relying upon English materials, has explained the nature of Gandhi's concept of conscience in relation to Western and Christian Protestant traditions. By chronologically examining his lifelong discourse on conscience expressed in English and antarātmā in Gujarati and Hindi writings, this article shows that: (1) Gandhi developed a distinct variant of hybrid thought that was essentially different from the prevalent negative conception of "guilty conscience" in the modern West by integrating ideas of conscience and ātmā/ātman; (2) since the notion of ātmā was intimately related to the ascetic bodily discipline (brahmacarya), Gandhi identified the essence of his satyāgraha campaign as ātmabaḷ (the force of ātmā) and believed that taking the vow of brahmacarya could enhance one's vital energy (vīrya); and (3) as Gandhi reached his last years, and the most controversial phase of his intellectual evolution, he developed a new understanding of an inner voice/antarno avāj whose nature was "mystical" (gūḍh), and thereby difficult even for him to articulate in any language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soil - structure interaction behaviour of pile foundation is complex for heavier structures which suffer large lateral load due to wind, wave action etc., in addition to the large vertical and oblique load. The parameters involved in determining the lateral capacity of the foundation are its structural geometry, soil properties and ground condition. The behaviour is different for horizontal ground compared to the sloping ground; it is even different under loading and unloading conditions. In this study, the modulus of single pile is studied under various lengths, diameters, slope angles and loading directions. An equation is generated is developed to obtain the modulus with varying length and diameter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to strategies of res istance in late modernity, in particular the forms that find expression in the literature of the generation that entered adulthood during the global financial crisis (2008). The two most important strategies analysed in the article are sleep and other forms of passivity, which have been observed in boThthe works of millennials and the forms of refusal and resistance in the areas of work and politics in recent years. The theoretical inspirations of the article include Lauren Berlant and her Cruel Optimism and JudiThButler's works on gathering in public space, as well as another study touching upon the issues of passivity, waiting and opposition. The article considers the possibility of reversing the traditional hierarchy of protest and resistance, and reflects on the possible meaning that the refusal to gather or sleep or, on the other hand, the refusal to be patient and wait may have in modern times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing literature finds that nonviolence is more successful than violence in effecting political change. We suggest that a focus on this association is incomplete, because it obscures the crucial influence of ethnic identity on campaign outcomes. We argue that because of prevalent negative stereotypes associating minority ethnic groups with violence, such groups are perceived as more violent even when resisting nonviolently, increasing support for their repression and ultimately hampering campaign success. We show that, cross-nationally, the effect of nonviolence on outcomes is significantly moderated by ethnicity, with nonviolence increasing success only for dominant groups. We then test our argument using two experiments in the United States and Israel. Study 1 finds that nonviolent resistance by ethnic minorities is perceived as more violent and requiring more policing than identical resistance by majorities. Study 2 replicates and extends the results, leveraging the wave of racial justice protests across the US in June 2020 to find that white participants are perceived as less violent than Black participants when protesting for the same goals. These findings highlight the importance of ethnic identity in shaping campaign perceptions and outcomes, underscoring the obstacles that widespread biases pose to nonviolent mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how individuals—defined along lines of gender, age, life experience, financial capital and profession—experience and react in nuanced ways to the impacts of state-led COVID-19 measures, in Sierra Leone. The findings are based on ethnographic data collected from Makeni city and three rural communities in Bombali District, north Sierra Leone during the outbreak of COVID-19, between 23rd March and 6th May 2020. The findings show how state-led measures—indefinite district lockdown, three-day total lockdowns and mask wearing—were experienced and responded to in myriad ways, including adapting, not complying and resisting. The diverse ways members of society experience, react and shape the effects of internationally and nationally informed health policies during a global pandemic in Sierra Leone highlight the nuances of individual experience and agency in specific socio-political contexts. These findings contribute to the emerging Social Science debate on state–society relations in the COVID-19 pandemic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]