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An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the military dictatorship of Brazil from 1964 to 1985, the history of dispensaries in Portugal, and families in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Current paper focuses on Brazil in the early 1960s as a period with intense social protagonism. Several institutions of the period, such as ISEB, UNE, CPC, UnB, Itamaraty, political parties, revealed Nationalism as the existence of a common denominator behind the social struggle of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the tensions between text and image in three literary narratives concerned with a reassertion of memory in the face of the 'política de esquecimento' that has prevailed during the post-dictatorship period. It argues that this tension between text and image, which manifests itself as a prevarication between what I call (following W.J.T. Mitchell) 'ekphrasic hope' and 'ekphrastic fear', expresses an anxiety in relation to the reconfiguration of the borders between individual and collective identities that is catalysed by the increasing mediation of memory by the communications technologies of the information age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay aims to contribute to television genre theory by integrating a historical approach with the main concepts of field theory developed by Pierre Bourdieu. I analyzed live studio audience programs aired during the military regime in Brazil as a television genre that is deeply affected by three separate and often colliding forces: its own production rationale, the hierarchical relations between television genres and the political context, and the power relations in society. The present article focuses on Brazilian television host Flavio Calvacanti and his shows, broadcasted by the Tupi Network during the military regime period (1964–85). Despite their immense popularity, and although at least ostensibly they had no ideological pretences and Flavio Cavalcanti even openly endorsed the military regime, his live studio shows were resented by the military leadership and taken off the air for a number of years. Instead of the seemingly almost perfect harmony between the military regime and the entertainment genres, the present analysis focuses on the internal dynamics of live studio shows and the impact of the political context on their survival on the small screen. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of RACAR: Canadian Art Review / Revue d'art Canadienne is the property of Universities Art Association of Canada / Association d'Art des Universites du Canada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the participation of private institutions in the expansion of Higher Education in Brazil in the last five decades. The argument is that the private institutions created since 1964 differ from earlier ones. The great majority of those new institutions do not have links with religious foundations, and are structured as administrative organizations similar to enterprises. The article mentions the social conditions that have allowed the emergence of new private institutions, such as changes in the political system (1964), the implementation of the University Reform (1968), and legal measures taken by the Brazilian State in 1980 and 1990 that proposed the policies for the Higher Education system. The article also discusses certain characteristics of the configuration of current private Higher Education teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses one of the main controversies in Brazilian society at this moment: the development of a national policy of human rights and the return of the debate on political crimes committed under the military dictatorship from 1964 onwards. The main hypothesis associates the barriers imposed on that human rights policy to the way in which democracy was retaken in the country and the model on which important segments related to the authoritarian government occupied strategic roles. Even today, this presents a real difficulty in terms of recovery and, if necessary, punishment for the crimes committed by the government during the dictatorship, which in turn makes the development of human rights policies more complicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of personal letters and diaries of women in order to study emotions and their history. Among other topics addressed are expression of emotions, source materials used from an archive of personal letters, and the effect on emotional expression in letters of Brazilian politics under the military regime.

An essay is presented on the relationship between avant-garde, marginal culture, and counterculture in Brazil during the military dictatorship from 1968 to 1972, focusing on the works of artist Hélio Oiticica, poet Waly Salomão, and singer Gal Costa. The author explores the origins of the Tropicália movement, which gathered different artistic expressions and social trends among young Brazilians at the time.

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyse and show in detail the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, the main ideological prop of the 1964 civilian–military coup, on the education policy implemented by the regime. Special attention is given to the MEC-USAID agreements, the setting up of the Meira Matos Commission and the reform of elementary, middle and high school education, which was put into effect by the enactment of Law 5692/1971. It purports to show that their overriding purpose was to adapt the education system to the economic and political model in place at that time, so as to transform it into a tool for the promotion of national security and development as perceived by that doctrine. The article concludes that the changes that took place in Brazilian education can only be fully comprehended in the light of their interaction with the processes that fostered the manifestation of the National Security ideology in Latin America as a whole and Brazil in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Belgian History / Revue Belge d'Histoire Contemporaine is the property of Cegesoma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From 1978 to 1982, groups of college-age youth took to the streets of São Paulo and other Brazilian cities performing works of art that they referred to as ‘urban interventions’. Mixing aspects of performance, conceptualism and street art, they constituted a repossession of public space during the abertura, or opening period of Brazilian history, when the military regime that had been in power since 1964 made a slow transition to democracy. Newspaper articles constitute one of the most important sources of information on the urban interventions, however, at the same time these articles tend to criticise and dismiss them for their amateurism, effectively excluding them from the history of contemporary Brazilian art. Such an attitude reveals a lack of awareness of the fact that this generation, known loosely as the independents, created works that deliberately lacked polish as a way of criticising mainstream cultural production. This article outlines analyses the traits of the independent aesthetic through consideration of several urban interventions in the areas of visual arts, performance and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article considers the role of Roque de Barros Laraia in the development of anthropological research in Brazil. The author provides a brief history of Laraia's career as an anthropologist and professor from the 1950s to the 1990s. He also discusses the tumultuous relationship between the indigenous communities of Brazil and the federal government, including Laraia's social advocacy for these native groups, citing his involvement in arguing against their forced assimilation by the military government.

Relationships between historical awareness, historical culture and political culture based on empirical data collected by the project Youth facing History are discussed. The discussion is highly relevant for studies on youth and provides political and educational guidelines. The discussion is based on the theories by Jörn Rüsen (2001; 2009), Martha Abreu (2007) and others. A quantitative research is undertaken mainly using questions on the Likert scale. Analysis is performed by descriptive statistics with the establishment of crossings and co-relationships. Sample consists of Brazilian, Argentine and Uruguayan secondary school young people. Results reinforce the prevalence of individualist perspectives to the detriment of collective and public ones, with difficulties in relating present social issues to exploratory forms of past peoples. Significant differences are also extant among young people of the three countries in their evaluation of the recent past, especially that on the dictatorial regimes. Responses on the way society deals with the memory of human rights violation during this period were diversified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is traditionally regarded as having been distant from its Latin American neighbours. However, new documents show that it was actually very involved in the Cold War struggles that engulfed the Southern Cone during the early 1970s. In Chile, Bolivia and Uruguay, Brazil's military regime intervened to prevent or overturn left-wing gains. It also did its best to encourage the United States to play a greater role in fighting the region's Cold War. Finally, it served as the model that military leaders in the Southern Cone looked to as they plotted to seize power. Examining these direct and indirect forms of influence, with particular reference to the relationship between Brazil and Chile, this article argues that Brazil's experience after 1964 was a game changer when it came to the way in which the inter-American Cold War unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article expands on a little-known work by Paulo Fernando Novaes Correia, Boi Encantado (Enchanted Carcass) that created a stink by defying expectations of museum protocol when it was shown in 1972. By contextualizing Boi Encantado within the particular circumstances of Brazilian history, this article examines an artwork whose mephitic intervention into an institution crossed into the public arena, complicating the role of institutions as neutral interlocutors between artists and viewers. Boi Encantado, shown at the sixth Jovem Arte Contemporânea exhibition in São Paulo, brings to light the tensions generated between a museum's commitment to artistic freedom and the display of works probing the limits of institutional tolerance. Such tensions expose the challenges of promoting creative freedom while administering institutional authority, particularly in the context of increasing military repression in Brazil circa 1972. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Vindication for the right to memory and the struggle for truth in Latin American countries have been posited recently in the wake of the systematic violence against human rights vis-à-vis the dictatorships extant during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Although Uruguay and Brazil had their own peculiarities in those circumstances, common factors and experiences to both countries may be detected and acknowledged with regional connections. The political role of memory, vindications and actions in these experiences are basic to understand the phenomenon and re-assess aspects linked to ‘the right to memory' and ‘search for truth' in vogue in these societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses homosexuality among members of revolutionary, Marxist groups in Brazil during the 1960s and 1970s, how gay revolutionaries coped with their sexual orientation and political ideology, and how other revolutionaries reacted to their gay peers. Topics include how gay revolutionaries were sometimes executed, the idea that the fight for gay rights fractured the otherwise united revolution, and the roles gay revolutionaries played in the reorganized, liberal Brazilian government.

The article discusses the crônicas, or chronicles, of the political columnist Sérgio Porto, who wrote under the pen name Stanislaw Ponte Preta, within the populist Brazilian newspaper "Última Hora" during the 1960s. An overview Porto's use of the term "democradura" to depict the repressive nature of Brazil's military dictatorship, including in regard to the social conditions of fear and suspicion and the Brazilian right's fondness for sycophants, is provided. Porto's skepticism of Brazil's radical Left and his appeal to the country's political center are discussed.

The article discusses the origins of the Brazilian military government and the country's repressive social conditions during the 1960s. An overview of the alliance between the Catholic Church and Brazil's anticommunist political right, including the political activity of the archbishop of Diamantina, Brazil, Dom Geraldo Proença Sigaud, is provided. The role that the conservative columnist Gustavo Corção played in creating a panic in Brazil regarding morality and youth sexuality is discussed. An overview of the right wing terrorist organization the Brazilian Anticommunist Alliance (AAB) is provided. The article also discusses the impact that the Higher War College (Escola Superior de Guerra, or ESG) had on Brazilian national security doctrine.

The present paper aims to reflect on the experience of a small group of public servants and technicians working in government bodies linked to land ownership issues within the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-85). This group behavior was guided by agrarian reform defense as an expression of land ownership democratization. The group was formed by people that, in their daily work, hadlearned to seize the minimum administrativespace to defend a reformist project. I assume that the agrarian reform ideal conceived as a historical need socially built was determinant to the existence, the actuation and the social reproduction of agrarian reform guardians as a group as well as individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian military government's crimes, during 1964 to 1985, taken as State crimes, are the focus of this article. Through analysis of the precedent history and the contemporary history to military dictatorship is possible to understand that the state agents had practiced several serious crimes against people that was had as subversive, taken as enemies of the government, were people eager to fight a system imposed by a misleading legality. They were citizens searching the freedom, which every day was hampered during this period. The topic that was, for a long time, a forbidden discussion is now put into debate. Draw up considerations about the impunity of those agents who acted on behalf of the State in order to promote the power and the money. Essential, therefore, the historical analysis of the facts of the time to build from there, a criminological analysis of those acts of the Brazilian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Política & Sociedade: Revista de Sociologia Política is the property of Revista Politica & Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published in the present issue on topics related to education, participatory budget, accountability in civil organizations, public policies of income transfer,self-employed workers and social security, and archives of the dictatorship period in Brazil.

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the thought of Brazilian Catholic intellectual José Pedro Galvão de Sousa, with a focus on his defense of Hispanic traditionalism during Brazilian military dictatorship. An overview of the social role of intellectuals is given, including references to intellectual history. Topics mentioned include liberal individualism, Catholic Church and state, and the utopia of a transnational Catholic politics.

While much has been written about democracy and democratization, far less attention has been paid to the institutional organization of authoritarian regimes. Scholars have focused on the causes, economic policies, societal support, intra-elite conflicts, or human-rights violations of authoritarian regimes. More recently, political scientists have also studied the role of elections and legislatures on the survival of authoritarian regimes. However, the very different ways in which authoritarian regimes, and military regimes in particular, organize the government, occupy the state apparatus, and modify the country's political institutions have largely gone under-theorized. This essay contributes to fill in this void by analyzing how the last military regimes of Argentina (1976-1983) and Brazil (1964-1985) organized power within the state and the legacies of such organization on the institutions of federalism. The essay argues that variation in the organization of the state under the military regimes accounts for the divergent origins of post-developmental decentralization, which in turn explains the contrasting evolution of intergovernmental relations in each country. The article contributes to the recent literature on electoral authoritarian regimes by showing that elections and legislatures matter not only to regime survival but also to policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elucidates the latest developments in the 'politics of memory' regarding the military regime in Brazil. Only recently, I argue, has the Brazilian state abandoned its 'politics of silence' and started to actively champion the memory of the left-wing 'resistance'. This new strategy climaxed in a governmental crisis over a historic plan to establish a National Truth Commission to investigate human rights violations during the military regime. The article analyses key incidents and debates prior to the crisis, and contrasts the post-dictatorial collective memory of Brazil with that of other Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on television censorship during the last military regime in Brazil (1964-1985) by examining the performance of television censors employed by the Public Entertainment Censor Department (Divisao de Censura e Diversoes Publicas, DCDP). It challenges common perceptions about small-screen censorship during this period, pointing to the need to analyse the boundaries and the spaces of autonomy in each television genre. It focuses on the multiple tensions and struggles between the written procedures and codes, the censors' subjective interpretation of television texts and the negotiation process of the broadcast contents between censors and television producers. The recent opening of the Censor Division Archives (DCDP) and the deluge of biographies, autobiographies and testimonials of key television figures during the authoritarian regime, have opened up new perspectives to examine Brazilian TV history and the place television censors had within it. Annotated and censored scripts of telenovelas and comedy series, correspondence exchanged between the executives of Globo Television Network, the hegemonic TV station in Brazil at the time, and the regime's authorities, printed press reports, as well as audiovisual content that is now available to researchers, constitute some of the sources analysed in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the functioning of the Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), an agency linked to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty) and National Intelligence Service (SNI), which was charged with spying political opponents of the Brazilian military regime exiled in neighboring countries. The study aims at examining one component of the repressive system set by the Brazilian dictatorship that had a relative degree of interaction with other military dictatorships in the region of the Southern Cone. The article demonstrates that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs cooperated intensively with the Brazilian military regime.Intelligence [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses Brazil in 1968. It explains that the Brazilian student movement came to represent the head of opposition to the dictatorship that had deposed Brazilian president João Goulart in 1964. It notes that students, the sons and daughters of the upper classes, enjoyed greater influence than other opposition groups, like labor unions and peasant associations, which had been marginalized by the dictatorship. It examines publicity showing the increasing presence of women and the influence of changes in sexual behavior in the student movement.

The article analyzes the texts written by Raymundo Faoro regarding the democratization of Brazil in a political environment that is determined by military issues. It notes that the texts were considered as documents capable of disclosing the primary movements of agents that attempted to interfere in the course of events that began in 1973. It mentions that the article was written during the last year of the topicality of the military dictatorship in the country in 1984.

The article addresses the relationship between media and propaganda as presented in the 1972 issue of the Brazilian journal "Revista O Cruzeiro" which celebrated the 150 year anniversary of Brazilian independence. The author discusses the journal's content in the context of the political and ideological influence of the Brazilian military government on the preparations for the 150th century anniversary celebration. He also makes reference to the government's propaganda strategies and the civic values is sought to encourage in the early 1970s.

The article discusses archives of documents concerning the military government that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985. Topics discussed include: the killing of Brazilian journalist Valdimir Herzog, who was killed in 1975 by the government, freedom of the press, and government policy related to historical documents.

Copyright of Estudos de Sociologia is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Discusses the conditions and violence workers associated with torture and assassinations during the period of military rule in Brazil, from 1964 to 1985. Examination of atrocity facilitators in relation to the direct perpetrators of violence; Difference between the police who became torturers and those who did not; Organizational factors and dynamics which helped the violence workers; Justifications given by the violence workers for carrying out their violence.

The main purpose of this article is to analyse and identify the forces that contributed decisively to the expansion of the Brazilian territorial sea to 200 miles, in March 1970. Another purpose is to demonstrate the strategy undertaken by Brazilian Foreign Policy in defence of the 200 mile territorial sea, during the period that goes from the maritime expansion, in 1970, until the conclusion of the works of the III United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, in 1982, evaluating the Convention and its main results in the area of Brazilian interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes the writing of science fiction in Brazil during the military dictatorship from 1964 to 1984. Social conditions during the dictatorship; Impact of repression on author Andre Carneiro; Use of science fictional devices in novels and stories in the 1970s to criticize the military; Example of writings during and after the period.