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Broadly, the African Diaspora includes anyone with roots in the African continent. The World Bank estimates that this is around 140 million people. This paper focuses on the diaspora in the English-speaking/Commonwealth Caribbean. It reviews existing research, both quantitative and qualitative, on culture and management, including recent results of the LEAD research. The paper provides a new and more complete understanding of the implications of culture for managers in these countries. The paper synthesizes the results from research projects to reach conclusions about practical implications for management. The paper also suggests avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the foundation of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823 and the passage of the Slave Emancipation Act in 1833, the British West India interest mounted a pervasive and influential campaign in defence of colonial slavery. This article gives the fullest account yet of the strength and activities of the West India interest during that decade of debate and argument. Moreover, this article demonstrates that the West Indians—far from a reactionary political rump—successfully created a broader pro-slavery lobby. First, the West Indians cultivated the support of numerous leading conservative periodicals such as Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, the Quarterly Review, and Fraser's Magazine. Secondly, the West Indians courted the political favour of several leading Tories of the day, among them Canning, Huskisson, Peel and Wellington. Consequently, this article shows that pro-slavery sympathies were prevalent and influential with British print and political culture until 1833. It concludes that, for many Britons and especially British conservatives, colonial slavery—as much as the monarchy, the aristocracy and the Established Church—was an essential element of national life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how UK community radio can facilitate and produce alternative articulations of identity and experience, which, in turn, negotiate and challenge normative discursive framings of race which otherwise dominate UK mainstream media. In particular, this article examines ways in which The TalkBackShow on Nottingham community station Kemet FM produces articulations of British Caribbean identity and argues that community radio's remit of inclusivity enables transcultural production in the form of 'accented radio'. Accented modes of production are shaped in radio, by conditions of displacement and marginalization and responses to these experiences. An accented radio programme thus functions at the local level – speaking not only to the community whose members produce it but also to other local (and marginalized) communities – and simultaneously articulates a wider, transnational perspective. This article examines radio content from The TalkBackShow with reference to accented production practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amongst Britain's former colonies the independent countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean represent something of an anomaly in so far as the majority of them remain constitutional monarchies and continue to retain the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (JCPC) as their final appellate court, even though the region has had its own final appellate court - the Caribbean Court of Justice - since 2006. This is in marked contrast to Britain's former colonies in Africa and South Asia, the majority of which switched to republicanism soon after independence and at the same time abolished rights of appeal to the JCPC. This paper seeks to uncover the reasons for this anomaly by examining how the path that led to independence was shaped by a particular conception of Dominion status and by the willingness of nationalist leaders to embrace a dual identity: equal parts West Indian nationalist and Empire loyalist. It will also examine the phenomenon of the ‘postcolony’; being the persistence of the colonial order following the acquisition of constitutional independence. The paper has three aims. Firstly, to contribute to a better understanding of the impact of Dominion status and all that it symbolised in a region which is often overlooked in the scholarly literature on this topic. Secondly, better to understand the competing political forces that led three countries in the region to adopt republicanism, but inhibited its adoption elsewhere in the region. Thirdly, and finally, to enhance discussion of the complex nexus between republicanism and the abolition of rights of appeal to the JCPC where political and juridical considerations do not neatly align. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines representations of the British West Indies Regiment's service during the First World War to explore how limits on their service were negotiated and how tropes of 'martial races' were adapted to ensure the contributions of West Indian men were recognised. The article examines West Indian experiences in Europe and the Middle East, drawing on a rich variety of textual and visual sources: official histories of West Indian regiments, memoirs written by padres who served with the troops, letters from the men as published in newspapers like the Daily Gleaner and the Jamaica Times, and official photographs. It argues that 'combat gnosticism' was replicated in another form within these representations to construct a definition of military service that included these black men and validated their contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Carolina Corps straddled the liminal boundaries of military-civil society in the highly racialized eighteenthcentury British Caribbean. Although former slaves, the men of the Corps were nonetheless crucial to the defense of the region. This gave the men opportunities and legal standing that was unattainable to most other blacks in the British West Indies. The Carolina Corps leveraged their position to ensure they achieved the greatest possible level of social advancement. In addition, these black troops helped to change the racial perceptions of many white commanders, laying the groundwork for the later expansion of black units within the British Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homosexual conduct and buggery among consenting adults remain serious criminal offences in all the independent Commonwealth Caribbean jurisdictions except the Bahamas. The Belize Supreme Court in the case of Caleb Orozco et al. v. AG of Belize became the first Commonwealth Caribbean Court to hold that laws that criminalised inter alia same-sex intimacy were unconstitutional. The Chief Justice relying on international human rights jurisprudence ruled that section 53 of the Belize Criminal Code, which provides ‘[e]very person who has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any person or animal shall be liable to imprisonment for ten years’, in so far as it applies to adult homosexual men for homosexual acts in private, breaches the rights to human dignity, privacy, freedom of expression, equality before the law and the right to non-discrimination. The judgment was hailed by local and regional Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex (LGBTI) and human rights organisations as a huge progressive leap and has raised hope and questions of its possible application to the other Commonwealth Caribbean countries. This article will explore the application of the case to the other Commonwealth Caribbean countries and discuss the constitutional hurdles that exist for similar legal challenges to these laws throughout the remainder of those jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a round table discussion that was held at the Centre for Small States, Queen Mary University, London, on 18 September 2017. The article uses the presentations from the event, together with answers to questions that were posed, to construct an analysis of how Brexit has affected, and will probably continue to affect, small states and subnational island jurisdictions in Europe and beyond. There is still no real clarity in relation to British Prime Minister Theresa May’s declaration that ‘Brexit means Brexit’, but the effects of the UK’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) are starting to be felt - whether that involves redefining Euroscepticism across Europe, marginalising the diplomatic and economic profile of the UK’s overseas territories, or creating anxieties in the Commonwealth Caribbean regarding future trading relations. Thus, Brexit is creating a significant ripple effect and the article provides some reflections on how these are affecting small countries and territories, many of which are already highly vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Directors' duties in the Commonwealth Caribbean (CC) were shaped by English law and shareholder value primacy (SVP). Directors' must act in the best interest of the solvent company for the benefit of its shareholders generally. No direct duty is owed to creditors at common law, save to consider their interests on insolvency. SVP prominence in the CC has yielded to the acceptance of Canadian corporate law and stakeholder theory. Through a comparative analysis of the law in the UK, Germany and Canada, this paper examines the impact of stakeholder theory on directors' duties in Barbados and Jamaica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will explore the three recent judgments of Jovil Williams and Jason Campbell v AG of St. Christopher and Nevis & Chief of Police;1 Caleb Orozco v AG of Belize2 and Therese Ho vs Lendl Simmons3 which have broken new ground in constitutional law and the law of torts concerning the protection of (the right to) privacy. It is argued that these judgments hold substantial promise towards the making of a meaningful sexual citizenship in the Caribbean; a citizenship which protects the sexual autonomy of citizens and prevents or redresses the invasion or breach of these rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the rise of John Lamont, a Highland planter in nineteenth-century Trinidad. The island was subsumed into the British Empire in 1802, the third wave of colonization in the British West Indies and just thirty-two years before slavery was abolished. Many Scots travelled in search of wealth and this article reveals how one West India fortune was accumulated and repatriated to Scotland. John Lamont travelled from Argyll in the early 1800s, eventually becoming part of the Trinidad's plantocracy class and recipient of a major sum of compensation on the emancipation of slavery in 1834. Unlike many other Scots in the British West Indies, however, Lamont remained in situ in the post-emancipation period and was thus an exception to the sojourning mindset identified in previous studies. Lamont's status as an ‘every-day planter’ undoubtedly contributed to his major fortune which, despite his residency in the colonies, was dispersed in the lower Highlands of Scotland amongst his paternal family, the Lamonts of Knockdow. The article also surveys modern representations of John Lamont: a Highland planter who, in his own words, achieved his wish to die ‘in harness’ in Trinidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article considers British efforts to pacify Caribbean subjects through improvements in health and sanitation during the interwar period. When Barbadians mobilized against poor working and living conditions in the 1920s, the Colonial Office, under a renewed commitment to "trusteeship," urged the Barbadian government to improve health and sanitary conditions to prevent further unrest. However, the White creole elites who controlled the local state used eugenic arguments to challenge reforms that would benefit poor Black subjects. Rather than improve colonial relations, metropolitan efforts to reform public health in Barbados instead revealed the limitations at the heart of imperial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some four decades governments in Commonwealth Caribbean (CC) countries have been introducing interventions in their school systems to provide quality education for all. Examples of these are learner-centred teaching pedagogy and the integration of technology into teaching and learning. The data for the paper is based on published research and evaluation studies of these interventions. How successful have these interventions been? Following a discussion of how quality in education and learning has been interpreted, this paper seeks to answer this question through a review of selected interventions in schools in three CC countries. Challenges that CC countries need to address as they pursue goals relating to quality education are: the intersection of quality with access and equity, limitations in teacher training which have militated against change in teaching pedagogy, and resources and infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early modern era, the hinterland of a Caribbean island encompassed more than the land sequestered by its sandy shorelines. This article uses the loggers of Barbados and the turtlers of Jamaica to explore how Caribbean colonists forged and maintained maritime hinterlands in order to supply island residents and feed urban populations. In timbering nearby islands and harvesting adjacent waterscapes, loggers and turtlers forged an interisland web of ecological and economic relationships that inextricably linked proximate islands to one another. Barbadians, for example, depended on timber from St. Lucia, and Jamaicans provisioned Port Royal with turtles from the Cayman Islands. In both instances, colonists and local officials claimed these nearby islands as "dependencies" of the larger colony and sought to defend them. By reorienting our understanding of hinterlands from interior lands to neighboring islands and seascapes, this article offers a new way of thinking about port cities, sufficiency, and industry, especially in plantation America. Rather than peripheral trades with little economic value, ventures such as timbering and turtling promoted vernacular industries, which in turn reduced reliance on imported goods, thereby enabling the islands of Barbados and Jamaica to become efficient, populous colonies within a profitable Atlantic empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long-standing historiography that the plantation system of the American South and the British West Indies was inimical to urbanization. If we focus on towns in the Lower South and the West Indies, however, rather than the Chesapeake, we see urbanization as central to plantation development. The slave trade was vital to this urbanization, forming the dynamic trade that allowed for entrepreneurial decision making. It allowed towns like Kingston, Charleston, and Bridgetown to become more than shipping points. They became places of deep linkages between different economic sectors. In addition, they had an independent, autonomous existence in which growth was endogenous and in which people found multiple opportunities for wealth creation and the pursuit of pleasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formed in 1884, the Imperial Federation League sought to promote the idea of imperial unity, based on a vision of Britain and its colonies consolidating as a single polity. Consideration of the place of the British West Indies in a federation scheme served to highlight the divisions within the empire and the differences in understandings of imperial citizenship. Federationists were inconsistent about whether the West Indies should form part of the self-governing empire, based largely on different assumptions about race and the capacity for self-government. This failure to clearly define the nature of imperial community highlighted the tensions and inconsistencies of late-Victorian imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of globalization on causing inequality in the global political economy of Commonwealth Caribbean small states. Topics discussed include rise in the gross domestic product (GDP) of China and India, fiscal and structural constraints faced by Caribbean countries resulting in concerns of financial management andeconomic development, and efforts of Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development to eliminate competition in financial services.

We know relatively little about enslaved men, especially African-born men in British West Indian slave societies, in their roles as fathers and husbands within slave households. A generation of scholarship on gender in slave societies has tended to neglect enslaved men, thus allowing old understandings of enslaved men as not very involved with families drawn from biased planter sources to continue to shape scholarship. This article instead draws on a rich set of records (both quantitative and qualitative) from Berbice in British Guiana between 1819 and 1834 to explore enslaved men’s roles within informal marriages and as husbands and parents. We show not only that enslaved men were active participants in shaping family life within British West Indian slave societies but that they were aided and abetted in achieving some of their familial objectives by a sympathetic plantation regime in which white men favored enslaved men within enslaved households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The admission of Martinique as an associate member of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States in 2015 has been seen as an event of significance in the Caribbean region for a number of reasons. Among other things, it was the first example of a non-Anglophone country being accorded that status, and it was the first French territory allowed to join one of the core regional groupings of the Commonwealth Caribbean. This article argues that the deepening of Martinique’s relationship with its neighbours within a multilateral framework may offer new practical possibilities for regional integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

HIV has created health and socio-economic challenges for Caribbean societies. The HIV prevalence in the Caribbean is high and rates second to that of sub-Saharan Africa. One of the main barriers affecting interventions in the Caribbean is the pervasiveness of stigma and discrimination against persons living with HIV (PLHIV) and marginalized groups. This paper will focus on how theory can be used by social workers, including social workers in the Caribbean, in their work with PLHIV. Initiatives taken within social work education to prepare social workers to adequately address HIV-related stigma and discrimination are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a case study of the HMSRomney, the British Royal Navy ship stationed in Havana from 1837 to 1845. The ship housed Africans awaiting the verdict of the trials of the Havana Mixed Commission Court for the Suppression of the Slave Trade. It highlights the controversies and discussions which were generated by the presence of the ship, and how they relate to the wider political scene that Robert L. Paquette has aptly described as a “conflict between empires over slavery in Cuba.” Not only was the ship a potent symbol of British abolitionism and a platform upon which ideological battles played out, but it was ultimately seen as a threat to the prevailing hegemonic order in Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores how indentured servitude and the use of convict labour began and evolved in the Danish-Norwegian West Indies in the period 1671–1755. It examines the intentions and realities behind indentured servitude and convict labour on the islands, and compares these with the workings and use of indentured servants in the British West Indies. Similar to conditions in the British West Indies, the lowest social strata of white society in the Danish-Norwegian West Indies consisted of a small population of convicts and indentured servants. The use of these groups as part of the labour force took place from the onset of colonisation in 1672 until 1755, the period in which the islands were governed by the West Indian and Guinean Company, WIGC (Vestindisk-Guineisk Kompagni). The analysis reveals that the importation and deployment of indentured servants and convicts can be divided into two distinct periods. Until 1700, the objective of the WIGC was to provide cheap labour for the colony. After 1700, however, the aim was to recruit qualified personnel and to secure the planters against slave rebellion by increasing the white Danish population. As convicts provided neither qualifications nor security, convict transportations to the Danish-Norwegian West Indies ceased after 1700. After 1755, when the Danish-Norwegian Crown purchased the colonies from the WIGC, Danish convict labour and indentured servants were no longer imported to the colony. By contrast, in the British West Indies, imports of indentured servants and convicts continued to play a significant role. The article explores the physical and legal conditions of the indentured servants and convicts, who constituted the lowest social group in white colonial society and were in some respects considered slaves. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the second half of the 20th century Roger Abrahams challenged the assumptions that folk plays devolved from an ur-ritual based in an agrarian cyclical year. Turning attention from texts to context, he contributed to the performance-centered approach, illuminated interrelationships among the representational genres of festival, added communications theory to the folklorist s tool kit, and called for the redefinition of the term "folk." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses white planters of the British West Indies' efforts to attract Chinese indentured labourers to address labour shortages following the emancipation of slaves during the first half of the 19th century, including in regard to their refusal to pay free blacks higher wages to work on their plantations. The economic implications for the British Empire's imperial policy towards labour are discussed.

Climate governance in Small Island developing States (SIDS) is a pressing priority to preserve livelihoods, biodiversity and ecosystems for the next generations. Understanding the dynamics of climate change policy integration is becoming more crucial as we try to measure the success of environmental governance efforts and chart new goals for sustainable development. At the international level, climate change policy has evolved from single issue to integrated approaches towards achieving sustainable development. New actors, new mechanisms and institutions of governance with greater fragmentation in governance across sectors and levels ( Biermann and Pattberg, 2008 ) make integration of policy in the area of climate change governance even more of a challenge today. What is the Caribbean reality regarding policy coherence in climate change governance? Are the same climate change policy coherence frameworks useful or indeed applicable for environmental governance in developing states more generally and for SIDS in particular? What are the best triggers to achieve successful climate change policy integration in environmental governance—especially as the complex interconnectivity of new actors, institutions and mechanisms make the process of integration even more challenging? What facilitates and what hampers climate policy integration in the regional Caribbean context? This article reviews the debates around policy coherence for climate change governance, creates a framework to test or measure policy coherence and examines how relevant this has been to regional climate change governance processes in Commonwealth Caribbean States. The study found that though at the regional level, there is substantial recognition of the importance of and mechanics involved in climate policy coherence, this has not translated to policy coherence at the regional and national levels. There is a large degree of fragmentation in the application of climate policy in each Caribbean Island with no mechanism to breach the gap. Silos in public environmental governance architectures, unwillingness to share data, insufficient political will; unsustainable project-based funding and lack of accountability among actors are the main challenges to climate policy coherence. The findings fill a gap in the literature on the elements of climate policy coherence from a SIDS perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial nurses were ideal agents of colonial medicine’s supposed beneficence: while practising and teaching “hygiene”, they also reinforced racial and cultural separation. In some cases, however, the nurses took their role as healers and teachers of local populations much more seriously than was authorized implicitly by their employer. This article analyses the circulation of original life writing materials between one nurse, CC, and the Colonial Nursing Association, in order to chart the considerable anxiety around the concept of nurses’ cross-cultural and cross-racial sympathy during the interwar period. I draw upon colonial language studies and women’s travel writing analysis in order to demonstrate that many of these concerns centred on issues of language and communication. By speaking local languages, it was feared that colonial nurses’ loyalty would shift from their employer towards their indigenous patients. This essay places the concept of “going native” within the contexts of nineteenth-century empire literature, racial anthropology and ethnology, in order to suggest that concerns about nurses “going native” were influenced by discourses of degeneration and acclimatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a particular social practice that attracted attention from visitors to the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British West Indies: enslaved footmen accompanying white riders on horseback, often seeking to keep up by holding onto the horses’ tails. Referred to here as ‘master–horse–slave’, this is interpreted as a ‘hybrid co-mobility’ (or co-present mobility involving humans and animals). The article argues that master–horse–slave was a manifestation of slavery as everyday social practice. More broadly, the article argues for the importance of practices of mobility as significant features of Caribbean slave societiesandthe place of animals in these. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the need for countries in the Commonwealth Caribbean to adopt provisions related to environmental protection in their constitutions. Topics discussed include countries in the Commonwealth Caribbean being dependent on natural resources, conservation of the environment in Bahamas by the Ministry of Environment and Housing, constitutional reform regarding the environment in Grenada and recommendation for an environmental provision by the College of The Bahamas.

The article focuses on the post-colonial effect that the Great Britain has on the Commonwealth Caribbean and how the region can overcome the obstacles to move towards complete independence. It mentions that whether the Privy Council is the appropriate court to make legal decisions as to the handling of death penalty cases in the Commonwealth Caribbean. It also mentions that the role of Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) with the point of view of the legal community.

The institutional relationship between the Commonwealth Caribbean and the European Union (EU) dates back to the mid-1970s, when the Lomé Convention was signed. The agreement was seen as a high water mark in First–Third World relations. However, since then the bond has come under concerted pressure. The consequence is that today the particularism that underpinned relations for so long has almost vanished and the EU is beginning to treat the Caribbean like any other relatively marginal region of the world. The article evaluates the reasons for this change, in particular: the scrapping of the trade protocols; the erosion of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) preference due to free trade agreements signed by the EU; the refocusing of EU development policy towards the least developed countries; and the split in the ACP group with the creation of an ill-designed regional Economic Partnership Agreement. The article places these changes into starker relief by assessing briefly the deepening links between the United Kingdom Overseas Territories and the EU. However, as the article highlights, this link will neither reboot nor sustain the more important Commonwealth Caribbean–EU relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay introducesObeah: knowledge, power, and writing in the early Atlantic World, a special issue responding to recent scholarly interest in obeah and related creole and African-derived medical and religious practices common among enslaved Africans in the pre-emancipation Caribbean. It describes obeah and the epistemological conundrum it posed for colonists in the global Atlantic world, outlining possibilities for how scholars might study the texts that represent these practices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on small pox epidemic in the British Caribbean during 1902-1904 in context of intercolonial relations. Topics discussed include how the outbreak of epidemic aggravated the problems inherited from the 19th century posing further challenges for these territories; the controversy it stimulated between Barbados and Trinidad; and examines the course of and response to the disease in both colonies.

This article examines a variety of texts produced by the French and English colonists of the island of St Kitts in the 17th and 18th centuries and presents a new perspective on European settlement in the Caribbean. By placing these texts in dialogue with one another, it discusses the extent to which these competing imperial projects resembled and differed from one another in the era of slavery.

This paper offers a personal reflection on 50 years of independence in the Commonwealth Caribbean. It critiques the Westminster model as part of a larger ‘independence pact’ designed to maintain the status quo in the English-speaking Caribbean, and assesses the major challenges facing the region today. It argues for a broader conceptualisation of sovereignty and calls for the invention of a new Caribbean democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Colonial-era administrative institutions and doctrines are fundamental to any analysis of Westminster's legacy in the Caribbean. Applying the lens of ‘Public Service Bargains’ (PSBs) – the formal and informal understandings of reward, competence and loyalty of public servants – we first examine constitutional and administrative doctrines regarding the public service of Crown Colonies, before analysing how these worked themselves out in Jamaica. Our analysis reveals a number of perceived deficiencies in the PSB in the pre-independence period that cast a shadow on future relations in the post-independence period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Globally women form a small minority of national parliaments and continue to face a number of obstacles in their struggle for greater political equality and indeed the Commonwealth Caribbean is no different. I argue that the culture of political parties and Westminster institutional arrangements not only fail to create the political opportunity structure that would enable women to participate more fully in political life but also constrain their ability to change the agenda setting. The article begins with a cursory discussion of the state of democracy in the Commonwealth Caribbean, reviews the debate on the need for gender equality and sets the context of the Commonwealth Caribbean by way of a brief discussion of the participation of women in politics. It acknowledges the persistence of male-dominated political institutions and the continuation of a political culture within political parties that does little to encourage women's political participation. The final section of the paper reviews the attempts to bring legislative reform on such issues as domestic violence and sexual harassment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The arrival in the Caribbean region of the electronic telegraph in the second half the 19thcentury and the rise of the competing wireless radio technology half a century later, provide a backdrop against which the article analyses the emergence of Caribbean media networks, ranging from telegrammes via Morse Code to digital telecommunications providers, and from an amateur radio channel to a public broadcasting network within the 20thcentury. Specifically, the arc of analysis in this article encompasses how the West India and Panama Telegraph Company (WIPTC), founded in 1869, eventually became Cable and Wireless, the modern transnational telecommunications corporation. It also explores the growth of ZQI, a wartime amateur shortwave radio service initially established in Jamaica in 1939. Acquired by the British Rediffusion Group, ZQI was later nationalised by the Jamaican government and has now become one of the Caribbean's leading media conglomerates, called the Radio Jamaica Rediffusion (RJR) Group. The article is based on historical research into the foundations of Caribbean media, conducted over several decades. It includes hitherto unpublished research data compiled by the author from archival records in the UK's Public Records Office (PRO) and from within Jamaica's national archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anna Gambles's Protection and politics (1999) established the existence of a sophisticated and pervasive conservative economic discourse in Britain in the decades before Repeal. This article argues that the imperial aspect of that discourse – comprising ideals of imperial economic integration, imperial preference, and British navigational prowess – has been mistakenly understood as a response to ‘the imperialism of free trade'. In fact, these ideals were evolved primarily as the intellectual response of the West Indian lobby to the Anti-Slavery Society's campaign for the emancipation of British colonial slaves. Emancipation was regarded as a prospective economic disaster for the British plantation system and so the years after 1823 witnessed the vigorous and sophisticated defence of West Indian slavery by rhetorical and discursive means traditionally ascribed the label of ‘conservative economics'. This article argues that the imperial economic discourse hitherto considered ‘conservative’ should more properly be recognized as ‘pro-slavery’, something underscored by the pro-slavery sympathies of the writers credited with the articulation of this discourse, and by the almost exclusive relevance of its arguments to West Indian, as opposed to other colonial possessions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explains the constitutional provisions which establish the Commission and examine the powers granted to the Commission to review the number and boundaries of constituencies into which the countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are divided. Second, it examines the powers and functions of the Commission and explain the process for effecting the recommendations of the Commission after it has deliberated on its constitutional mandate. Third, it explores aspects of judicial review of decisions relating to the Commission by examining the leading cases in the Commonwealth Caribbean where such issues have been explored. Fourth, the grounds on which decisions found in the report of the Commission have been challenged in various cases are examined in light of the common law principles applicable to each ground of judicial review. Fifth, the article analyses the principles which should guide the Commission in the process of delimiting the number and boundaries of constituencies into which the country is divided, namely: the foundational principle of equality of votes based on population; and the requirement of effective representation, and participation as a requirement for democracy. These principles are examined in the context of decisions from the Commonwealth Caribbean against the backdrop of cases from the Commonwealth that have provided guidance on their application. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In a rapid shift between the 1920s and 1940s, British imperial policy went from paying almost no attention to child-rearing among colonized populations to hailing family order among the colonized as essential to economic progress and social stability. The shift resulted from the intersection of processes occurring on three different scales: global scientific and ideological developments, transimperial gendered professionalization, and local social and political struggles. This paper illuminates those multi-scalar dynamics by examining a specific subfield of empire, the British Caribbean. As riots and general strikes in Trinidad, Barbados, Jamaica, and other colonies shook the imperial order in the late 1930s, metropolitan observers discovered the “native” family as the crucial incubator of proper working-class citizens. This article uses British Caribbean newspapers and unpublished Colonial Office correspondence generated by the 1938–39 West India Royal Commission (Moyne Commission) to make visible the global and transatlantic dialogs that brought the “problem” of the Caribbean family to the forefront of policy debate. Although imperial rule would not last, the pathologization of Caribbean parenting would prove painfully persistent. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences (John Wiley & Sons, Inc.) is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social & Economic Studies is the property of University of the West Indies - Mona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on my experience as a teacher working with immigrant kindergarten-aged children and their parents on a small island in the British West Indies, seeking to understand the role of family and culture in literacy development. This is a case study of three students and their parents/guardians which uses a qualitative methodology from an ethnographic perspective to illuminate the findings. I used interviews, artifacts, and my observations of the students and families in their primary learning environment, the home, and at school. My research findings support the argument that literacy development is a social practice; additionally, literacy serves a unique purpose to the family unit. Their experiences with literacies reflect their cultural identities and the value they place on its role in as an agent of change. The findings have implications for pedagogical practices and policy formulation in early childhood classrooms across the Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In investigating the operation of the rescue culture in the Commonwealth Caribbean as compared to the United Kingdom administration regime and Chapter 11 of the United States Bankruptcy Code, this paper laments that the Commonwealth Caribbean and the USA fail to consider key issues of post-petition priority for finance. It also delves into a critical, but overlooked, pillar of strong rescue frameworks: access to finance. Taking guidance from the European Union framework on state aid and the UK Funding for Lending and National Loan Guarantee, the author proposes a fair, transparent and efficient framework encompassing state involvement and state-driven private sector engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: The stratigraphic architecture of carbonate successions that develop on geographically isolated islands reflects the balance between sea-level highstands, lowstands, and tectonic activity. This is readily apparent in the Tertiary carbonate sequences on the Cayman Islands that are formed of the Bluff Group, which includes the Brac Formation (Lower Oligocene), Cayman Formation (Middle Miocene), and Pedro Castle Formation (Middle Pliocene). These strata are overlain by the Pleistocene Ironshore Formation. The unconformities that define the boundaries between these formations are variable because some developed during one cycle of past erosion, others developed through two or more past erosional cycles, and some are still developing today. Some unconformities, like the one at the top of the Cayman Formation, are geographically variable because they underwent different developmental histories in different areas. The challenge with architectural complex successions, like those on the Cayman Islands, is that of deciphering the impact of sea-level changes as opposed to tectonic influences. During sea-level lowstands, the older carbonate successions were exposed on land and modified by surface and subsurface karst development. At the same time, marine erosional processes affected the coastal areas. Surface karst modification, which commonly produced rugged topographies with erosional relief at least 62m, was controlled largely by rainfall, runoff, and stratal dip. Weathering on Grand Cayman at the end of the Miocene, for example, produced a dish-shaped topography with elevated peripheral rims. In contrast, uplift of the east end of Cayman Brac between the Late Pliocene (3.6Ma) and ~400ka, elevated the basal part of the Cayman Formation 33m above sea level. Subsequent karst development, which is still ongoing today, removed most of the Cayman Formation on the eastern part of the island and produced peripheral rims that are higher than those on Grand Cayman. During some lowstands, like that between the Late Pliocene and ~400ka, coeval coastal erosion led to the development of coastal benches that cut into the older carbonate strata. The combination of karst development in the islands' interiors and coastal erosion produced complex, rugged topographies that strongly influenced patterns of deposition during the following highstand. The complex stratigraphic architecture of the carbonate successions on the Cayman Islands reflects the variable impact of tectonics, karst development, and coastal erosion that was associated with each lowstand–highstand cycle. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]