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The article discusses the Canadian government's official bilingualism policy and how such legislation frames and constraints not only the political action of community leaders but also their identity ideas. It follows the development of the official bilingualism policy as a result of fears related to linguistic assimilation and political conflicts and how this policy, looking to reassure people, limiting the risks, and guaranteeing a satisfactory linguistic peace in Canada. It examines how the official bilingualism context impacted ideas concerning the notion of francophonie, particularly the political aspects of francophonie in Canada such as the role of linguistic militant in the political construction Francophone communities.

The article discusses historical trends in the public funding of science and technology research in Canada. It reports that between 1971 and 2012, government funds spent financing research finance has been greatly reduced. It argues for an increase in government spending on research at government laboratories to maintain the federal government's role of public interest. Other topics considered include research and development versus related science activities; comparisons of research by the Canadian government, academia, and the private sector; and knowledge-based societies.

The article analyzes the history of the creation of the La Mauricie National Park in Shawinigan, Québec, in 1970 and discusses the role ecology and Parks Canada played in establishing the park in that region. It highlights the use of governmental science in advancing the interests of the government and its territorial presence. The park being one of the first in Canada to preserve wetlands is mentioned. Additional topics include Québec minister Jean Chrétien who initiated the idea, the region's industrial and recreational history, and the place of biology and scientific ecology in the activities of agencies in charge of Canada's national parks during the 1970s.

The article discusses politics and government in Canada during 2010. According to the article, 2010 marked over five years of a minority government. The article states that the Conservative government focused upon what it called its Economic Action Plan. The article also offers a statistical breakdown of the membership of the Canadian parliament by political party affiliation, as well as a listing of changes in government ministries. The article also discusses the Conservative government's refusal to permit government funding of abortion in Canada, allegedly ignoring a decision by the Canadian supreme court concerning a Canadian prisoner at the U.S. detention facility in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and the dismissal of a junior member of state.

This study assesses the impact of majority and minority governments on legislative activity in the Canadian House of Commons. The quantitative analysis spans the 22nd to the 40th Parliaments (1953–2009) and examines legislative productivity and success by government type. The analysis of descriptive data confirms that minority governments are somewhat less productive and successful than their majority counterparts. However, the analysis emphasizes significant variation for majority governments. Neither governing context guarantees success or failure as contextual factors largely condition legislative activity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines how religious and cultural stereotypes of India and Pakistan affected the perceptions and attitudes of Canadian policy-makers and the Diefenbaker government from 1957 to 1963. Canadian policy-makers initially believed that India's elites shared numerous commonalities with the West that were rooted in a shared language and a similar judicial and democratic parliamentary system. Through these 'commonalities' officials believed that India would align with the West as the Cold War intensified. Such assumptions proved to be ill-considered. The Indian government practised a doctrine of non-alignment in the 1950s, and senior Canadian officials regarded this as hypocritical and even anti-Western. By contrast, Pakistan aligned with the West and raised its anticommunist rhetoric. A growing pool of Canadian officials looked to Islam, Hinduism, and cultural stereotypes to explain why Pakistan differed from India and perceived the threat of communism in the same way as the West. These officials also re-evaluated the importance Ottawa placed on ties with New Delhi. The election of Prime Minister John Diefenbaker in June 1957 hastened this trend. Diefenbaker viewed communism in binary terms and concluded that, unlike India, Pakistan was on the 'right side' in the Cold War. The Diefenbaker era saw Ottawa relegate India to the periphery of its foreign policy interests and bilateral relations with Pakistan at their apogee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the announcement of the multicultural policy in October of 1971, the Federal Government appointed members of ethnic communities to the newly created Canadian Consultative Council on Multiculturalism to participate in the formulation of recommendations which would address the challenges of implementing that policy. When the work of that committee was concluded, some of the ethnocultural groups took the initiative to create a new body which would continue addressing policy matters of concern to the cross section of communities. Thus, the Canadian Ethnocultural Council, a grassroots organization comprised of voices representing many ethnic and racially diverse communities and organizations, was established in 1980. It played a key role in shaping the implementation of the policy. This paper discusses that role and the precedent set by the Canadian Ethnocultural Council in implementing cross cultural cooperation at the grassroots level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay discusses the concept and use of the word sovereignty as it relates to the Inuit indigenous peoples in the Arctic region of Canada and the assumption of sovereign claims by the Canadian government. The author reviews the history of the Canadian government's administration of northern Canada following World War II and the westernization of the Inuit that followed. Also explored are modern agreements between the government and Inuit in western Canada regarding self-determination, settling land claim issues in northeastern Canada, and treaties between Canada and the Inuit of northern Quebec and Labrador.

Citizenship and Immigration Canada's new citizenship guide, Discover Canada, received significant coverage in the national media and among popular bloggers when it was released in late 2009. Among the more controversial responses were allegations that the guide served a partisan political purpose. It was 'an incremental step in the rebranding of Canada into a conservative country, full of people more inclined to vote Conservative.' This paper investigates the veracity of this claim by documenting the historical evolution of Canada's citizenship guides. It finds that while Discover Canada departs notably from its immediate, Liberal-sponsored, predecessors, it is not so different from the initial documentation produced under the Liberal governments of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. To suggest that the new guide has fundamentally altered the national image is therefore a profound exaggeration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments, upon assuming office, most often seek to refocus foreign policy according to the preferences of the new prime minister and the primary means of accomplishing this has been to release a white paper outlining the priorities of the new government. This article will demonstrate that discussions of trade issues reinforce existing studies questioning the innovation and impact of white papers. The purpose of this analysis, however, is not to dwell on the utility of white papers and foreign policy reviews but instead search for a deeper understanding of why trade policy is discussed in an unoriginal and superficial manner. The focus of the article is on the period from 1968 to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of traditions and ideas associated with hockey in Canadian politics. According to the authors, hockey is used as a signifier for the idea of so-called ordinary Canadians promoted by the country's Conservative-led government. It is suggested that this concept plays a significant role in neoliberal discourses surrounding Canadian citizenship and identity. Details on the relationship between political promotion strategies and marketing in capitalist democracies are presented. Other topics include Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, social class, and former U.S. President George W. Bush.

Multiculturalism studies in Canada evolved into three major visions and debates after World War II. In the early 1970s, the British and French peoples assumed monolingual-monocultural states, and expected that others would assimilate into their dominant cultures. In the 1970s, this was changed to official bilingual and multicultural visions where more diversity was accepted. By the 1980s, demographic diversity called for debates on equal rights for all, without discrimination and prejudice. Multiple identities, however, often clash, but slowly more diverse visions and structures emerged. Here is a brief summary of the historical and sociological changes that occurred in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the Canadian government's research and policy-making processes in connection with oppositional political terrorism during the time between the McDonald Report (1977) to the Third Kelly Committee (1999). In particular, the article examines this subject by reviewing popular, scholarly, and governmental literature; relying on personal experiences; and, most importantly, focusing on information gathered during a series of interviews with key informants conducted over a 14-year period. The article concludes with a list of factors that impeded government research and policy development connected with this subject and policy area and a handful of suggestions for overcoming these difficulties which may improve the Canadian government's ability to effectively deal with future acts of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper expands on the work of Higgins, whose 1979 review remains the only synthetic overview of the field, by presenting an updated analysis of the study of municipal, local and urban issues in Canadian political science. We conclude that despite several discursive shifts—from the descriptive works of the 1950s and 1960s, through to the blossoming of interdisciplinary research in the 1980s and 1990s—Higgins' principal conclusion, that the various streams of urban politics continue to be studied in relative isolation from each other, still rings true. Despite the recent broadening of the literature, productive scholarly debates within and across research clusters are rare, and where debates do emerge, they are more often driven by current events and normative claims than by theoretical innovations. To remedy these deficiencies, we propose several bases for a new urban research agenda that is more methodologically and theoretically diverse and connected to work in other disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1990s, a prevalent theme in the comparative literature on liberal–democratic state responses to increasing international migration holds that the expansion of rights protections for non-citizens has undermined restrictive border control policies. The argument presented in this article suggests that this is too partial an understanding of the ways in which control and rights intersect—the control–rights nexus. Accordingly, it analyzes Canadian policies towards asylum seekers from the 1950s to the 1980s to explore the ways in which the restriction of rights can undermine state control policies by generating rights-based politics, encouraging the circumvention of control policies and creating administrative inefficiencies. Altogether, the analysis provides an important refinement of the study of the control–rights nexus and allows for a more complete understanding of control policies and politics in liberal–democratic states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

One of the most influential tools that the state wields in developing citizenship is public education. The 19 royal commissions and major reports on education completed in provinces across Canada between 1947 and 1994 offer valuable insight into what the Canadian state conceives as ideal citizenship. The following work attempts to answer two research questions: (1) When do provincial governments desire to change the direction of education (and construction of citizens)?; and (2) How do provincial governments define the ideal citizen once reform is initiated? This essay finds that through three eras of reform, the pedagogical focus on citizenship moved from the individual to the community to a diluted form with no unifying vision. The sum of these attempts at change and conceptions of ideal citizenry leads one further from an accepted meaning of the continually elusive notion of Canadian citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The publication of Small Worlds in 1980 constituted a landmark in the study of Canadian politics. This contribution re-assesses the central findings of regional similarity and convergence in opinion preferences on public policy as observed in the original chapter by Richard Simeon and Donald Blake. Using public opinion data from the past 30 years, three central findings emerge: the presence of non-trivial levels of regional variation in public policy preferences; policy preference heterogeneity tends to be comparable to or greater than differences based on other socio-demographic features of Canadian society, and; regional preference heterogeneity since 1980 has increased and remains prominent even when separating out the effects of the Quebec issue. As a result, the contribution concludes that region is an important source of heterogeneity in Canadians' public policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fiscal equalization is a key political issue in many federal countries, including Canada. Yet, relatively few scholars have paid systematic attention to the political dimensions of Canada’s federal equalization program. Taking an historical and institutionalist perspective, this article explores the politics of equalization policy in Canada, with a focus on the mid-2000s, a period when equalization policy suddenly became a major source of intergovernmental conflict. The main objective of the article is to explain why and how such political struggles over equalization developed. The explanation focuses on four factors: (i) the importance of executive discretion over the equalization program; (ii) the “inter-state” nature of Canadian federalism; (iii) the concentration of non-renewable natural resources in certain provinces; and (iv) the perceptions that surround the program. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses Canadian perceptions of Italy at the governmental and societal levels. It argues that Canadians pay relatively little attention to things Italian and that their images of Italy are somewhat stereotypical. Italian politics do not receive much attention and when they do, domestic political aspects prevail over foreign policy ones. The Canadian press represents Italy as a country with a cultural and artistic past, an economic system that finds it difficult to adjust to globalisation and hence destined to decline, a corrupt political system and last, but not least, a society exhibiting many curious, and even bizarre, streaks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Canada and the European Union (EU), primarily focusing on trade disputes among the two powers centered in the North Atlantic. The author analyzes the ways in which Canada's geographic position in relation to the U.S. and Europe has helped determine its European foreign policy. Bilateral trade disputes between Canada and the EU regarding fish, seals, fur trapping, and other staples of the North Atlantic economy are discussed. Disputes over natural resource exploitation are examined.

In 1971, following a protracted and tumultuous debate, the Toronto Board of Education formally abolished the use of corporal punishment in its schools – the first Ontario board to do so. Corporal punishment continued to be employed elsewhere in Ontario and throughout Canada well into the 1980s, and the use of physical discipline was prohibited in all Canadian schools only in 2004, following a ruling of the Supreme Court of Canada. Why did educators and legislators defend corporal punishment for so long, and why did the tide turn in the last part of the twentieth century? Concentrating on legal and political dynamics, this article explores the ways in which the Toronto Board of Education grappled with the issue of corporal punishment in the three decades before its abolition. It seeks to situate the story of Toronto's approach to school discipline on the broader social landscape on which the battle over corporal punishment was conducted. It concludes that the particular configuration of the Toronto Board of Education following trustee elections in 1969 strongly affected the shape and outcome of the corporal punishment debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1958, the Canadian government has used the celebration of 1 July to promote particular models of national identity and to foster national unity. Commemorating the anniversary of Confederation, these Dominion Day and Canada Day (as renamed in 1982) observances changed over the decades to reflect changing government public policy objectives and new conceptions of the nation. From a celebration rooted in military pageantry stressing Canada's British heritage, these events were modified to promote a vision of a multicultural, bilingual country with a strong Aboriginal component. Moreover, Canada Day messages increasingly stressed the themes of individual achievement and respect for diversity. Although politicians played roles in determining the form and content of these events, and public response influenced which components were maintained, bureaucrats working in the Secretary of State department exercised a particularly strong influence on these celebrations, providing institutional continuity and expertise to planning efforts. These celebrations provide a key window into understanding the Canadian government's evolving cultural and national identity policies in the post–Second World War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For much of the 1990s, the academic literature on multiculturalism was heavily normative, dominated by political philosophers who developed idealized theories of a distinctly liberal-democratic form of multicultural citizenship. This "liberal multiculturalism hypothesis"--the notion that multiculturalism policies can be adopted without jeopardizing core liberal-democratic values--has been quite influential, shaping debates not just within the field of philosophy, but more widely in academia and indeed in public life. Many social scientists, however, question whether multiculturalism in the real world has been so benign. This paper considers the available evidence, empirically testing the liberal multiculturalism hypothesis, both in Canada and cross-nationally. What does this evidence tell us about the prospects for liberal-democratic multiculturalism and about the impact of multicultural policies on liberal-democratic values? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the development of electoral studies in Canada, by-elections have received little attention from researchers. We believe that these are important political events. This research note examines the 121 federal by-elections held between general elections from 1963 to 2008. Our analysis indicates that turnout in by-elections is driven by the larger societal determinants of turnout and not the characteristics of each race. We also find that the support of the government party in a by-election is affected by changes in national opinion towards the government, but only in the third-party system. We find that minor parties and independent candidates perform better in by-elections than in general elections. And we find no difference in the re-election rates of by-election winners and those who enter parliament through general elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, before the Speech from the Throne may be tabled, let alone debated, in each chamber of Parliament a private members' public bill was introduced 'pro forma' (meaning for form's sake). This tradition goes back 400 years in Britain and like many ancient traditions some of its significance has been forgotten over time. In 2008, the Canadian Government broke with that tradition and introduced government bills summarizing the claim of privilege it identified as being enjoyed by each chamber. This paper reviews the history of 'pro forma' bills, placing them in their original context so as to show that the claim of privileges and rights, all of which were fought for and obtained before the advent of responsible government and are the cornerstones of the legislative branch of government, are more multilayered than is described in these two new bills. It notes that the very act of substituting these new bills is reflective of the increasing domination of the legislative agenda by the Crown. It concludes by recommending that the new format be modified and that MPs and Senators who are not Ministers or Parliamentary Secretaries be selected as movers for the 'pro forma' bill, and that bills be chosen that better embrace the full breadth of rights and privileges claimed by the Commons, the Senate and members of Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the history of government policy on Indian tribes in Canada and the commissioning of the Indian Research Project in 1955 by the Canadian Department of Citizenship and Immigration. The project was an experimental attempt to conduct anthropological research on Aboriginal customs and institutions for administrative purposes. It is suggested that the development of the project embodies bureaucratically acquired forms of specialized knowledge to extend state domination. Other topics include scholarship to suit political ends, Indian assimilation, and scholar H. B. Hawthorn.

The article discusses the role of the Québec Ministry of Tourism in establishing a unique cultural identity for the Canadian province of Québec. It describes the ways in which contested historical dates related to important events possess political and social power to create cultural identities, the role of municipal celebrations and parades in setting cultural markers and promoting specific Canadian national characteristics, and the role of political advertising campaigns in establishing political sovereignty. Other subjects under discussion include marketing slogans, ethnonationalism and its effect on the municipal tourism industry, and Canadian identity politics.

This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975-2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1968, the Soviet Union sent troops into Czechoslovakia to crush the burgeoning spirit of reform known as the "Prague Spring. " The Soviet invasion and the return of oppressive government measures triggered the flight of twenty-seven thousand people, eleven thousand of whom came to Canada. Using newly released archival records, this paper explores how the Canadian government approached the refugee crisis and argues that confident officials, buoyed by a charismatic leader and operating in an era of improved East-West relations, manipulated the conventional definition of a refugee and consciously adopted policies that enabled large numbers of Czechoslovakian refugees to resettle in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the voting behavior of the First Nations aboriginal peoples of Canada. The entry notes that First Nations were expected to participate in Canada's federal and provincial elections during the 1960s, but resisted the exercise of the right granted to them. Analysts note that the declining poll participation of First Nations from the 1960s to the present can be attributed to the government's failure to ensure legislative representation for the aborigines and a sense of historical injustice from being previously denied from voting.

From the early 1960s to 2005, with Canada's ratification of the 1989 "Second Optional Protocol of the International Covenant of Political and Civil Rights," norms relating to the abolition of the death penalty have been advanced only incrementally, and in many respects tentatively. The process of making Canada abolitionist began at the level of high politics as an attempt to simultaneously make the criminal justice system more humane and bring Canada into the modern era. Parliament officially removed the death penalty from Canada's "Criminal Code" in 1976 and defeated a motion to have it reinstated in 1987, and yet both debates were deeply divisive and did little to settle the issue for Canadians, the majority of whom still favoured the practice. This reluctance was later reflected in two high-profile cases involving the extradition of violent fugitives to the United States to face execution that were heard before the Supreme Court of Canada in 1991 and 2000. Indeed, since the initial efforts to remove capital punishment from the "Criminal Code," the abolitionist norm has had a tenuous hold in Canada, its eventual strengthening occurring only with the combination of the increase in authority of the Canadian judiciary in the era of the "Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms," and the emergence of definitive norms and laws at the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an historical overview of sociological studies of the corporate elite of Canada for the post-World War II period. It considers theories from books such as the 1965 "The Vertical Mosaic" by John Porter, the 1975 "The Canadian Corporate Elite" by Wallace Clement, and the 1981 "Canadian Capitalism" by Jorge Niosi. Topics explored include social relationships, capitalization, capitalists, intellectuals, and social classes. The impact of political neoliberalism and economic reform after 1979 on corporate structures is considered.

This paper will show how Portugal and the GDR developed international relations in the political aftermath of 25 April 1974. During the two year transitional period following the military coup, bilateral contacts, especially those between the two communist parties (PCP and SED) went through three different phases. The first, in which the immediate goals of the Portuguese communists determined the course of the international relations; the second, in which the SED became an active player in the revolutionary process; and the third, which was marked by the sudden withdrawal of East German support for the PCP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politique et Sociétés is the property of Politique et Societes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article will examine Canadian politicians' and administrators' leadership in the realm of education-related international activities. In the era between the 1960s and the 1980s, it became increasingly difficult for educational leaders to walk the line dividing federal and provincial responsibility in this field. Educational authorities at the federal and provincial levels were collectively ill-prepared to address the question of 'diplomacy' in a field of provincial responsibility. Instead, there were a whole series of mis-steps on one or other sides of the line. Moreover, the executive level interaction that characterized this period was marked by developing federal authority, a federal government increasingly focused on power, and one which wanted greater control over the issue. Additionally, as is the case when having difficulty with 'walking the line' and passing a sobriety test, this was a federalism characterized by misunderstandings, provisional accords, and last minute compromises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Canadian cities dealt with a growing housing shortage while the federal and provincial governments argued over who would implement the provisions of the 1944 National Housing Act. This was particularly true in Toronto. As Torontonians celebrated the construction of Regent Park, Canada's "Premier Slum Clearance and Public Housing Project," nearly 1,350 Toronto families were housed in dilapidated old army barracks and staff houses. Until Regent Park, the shelters were Toronto's only rent-geared-to-income housing project. This article challenges the assumptions that Toronto's homeless were "shiftless welfare bums" and examines the strategies shelter residents used to survive the often brutal conditions in which they lived and how they hoped to escape them. Finally, it argues that the inability of municipalities to replace emergency shelters with decent affordable housing reveals the long-standing reluctance of Canadian governments to develop social-housing programs to eliminate homelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the book "Pierre Elliott Trudeau. L'intellectuel et le politique," by André Burelle. The book is based on the interpersonal relations between Quebec and Canada. It highlights political issues like the state of the Quebec government in 1980 and the repatriation of the Canadian constitution in 1982. The book is also devoted to the friendship and the intellectual cooperation between Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, political activist Gerard Pelletier and and author Andre Burelle.

To maximize opportunity for all Canadians. To invest in their hopes and their dreams. To ensure that our quality of life remains a global model. To make the Maple Leaf a 21st century trademark for excellence. (Prime Minister Jean Chrétien's Canada Day message, 1 July 2002, emphasis added)Ladies and gentlemen, the message I bring is simple, Canada remains on the cutting edge of new opportunities. We are making the Maple Leaf a 21st century trademark for excellence and prosperity. And, we offer cohesive, dynamic communities. Open for business, and ready to welcome your investment. (Address by Prime Minister Jean Chrétien on the occasion of the APEC 2002 CEO summit, 26 October 2002, Los Cabos, Mexico, emphasis added) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the approaches of budgeting adopted by several provinces in Canada, including Alberta, Manitoba and British Columbia. It states that British Columbia uses a modified zero-base budget approach, whereas Manitoba uses decentralized departmental planning. It presents a comparison of provincial strategies, which includes the integration of expenditure control procedures into the formal budget process, and the degree of control achieved. It also discusses various governmental policies of several provinces, like their employment policy, role of political ideology and marketing. It presents description of the political trends and approaches that are being practiced in Canada since 1975.

The article discusses two constitutional rulings made by the Supreme Court of Canada in 2014 which relates to the criteria to nominate judges to the Supreme Court and constitutional process to reform the senate. Constitutional rulings that were mentioned were the concerns on the appointment of Province of Quebec Justice Marc Nadon to the Supreme Court due to his lack of special eligibility requirements and a reform on the rights of Senators to act alone such as enacting consultative elections.