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The degree of Southern loyalty to the Confederacy has been a central historiographical issue for generations of Civil War historians. Implicitly or explicitly, the debate has rested on an elusive question - why did so many non-slaveholders fight and die for the Confederacy, a slaveholding republic? Frequently, dichotomised answers have been proffered. Some claim that a shared dedication to white supremacy and Confederate nationalist sentiment united the Southern populace, whilst others posit that latent class tensions undercut unity, causing the less affluent to withdraw their support for the cause. It is time for a new, more nuanced approach to the issue of loyalty (or loyalties) during the Civil War. Taking inspiration from recent works that have emphasised the complex relationship between the Confederacy and its citizens, this thesis underscores the multiple and interactive loyalties of ordinary Southern folk, moving beyond binary characterisations of their attachment to the fledgling nation. By exploring these themes within the specific geographic confines of the South Carolina upcountry, this research provides new insight on an old question. Not only has the Palmetto State during the Civil War been markedly under-studied but, as the upcountry avoided invasion by the Union army and was a somewhat diverse region in terms of its socio-economic makeup, it provides the historian with a fine case study for examining broader issues of loyalty and morale. The richness of South Carolina as a location for exploring dedication to the Confederacy is even greater when one considers the fierce and militant pro-slavery position the state took on political issues throughout the antebellum period. This thesis charts the impact of the war on the upcountry’s common white class, arguing that shifting meanings of community and the increased material suffering of their families impinged on their commitment to the Confederate nation. Yet these men and women, generally speaking, never renounced the Confederacy or its war aims. Instead, multiple loyalties to self, family, community, state and nation, which had been mutually compatible at the start of the war, began to misalign and compete in unprecedented ways. As such, this thesis advances our understanding of class, community and loyalty in the Civil War South.

This thesis argues that agricultural co-operative societies under the leadership of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society played a crucial role in building the Irish state and defining a national identity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By questioning widely held assumptions about a formative period in Ireland’s political and economic development, it is argued that critical ideas about the Irish nation emanated from the sphere of economics. In particular, the efforts of co-operative activists are understood as important actors in the process of building the Irish nation-state through their interventions to reorganise rural society. The co-operative movement’s attempts to organise the resources and population of the Irish countryside represented a serious modernising effort that shaped the character of the politically autonomous nation-state that emerged in the 1920s. The establishment of co-operative societies introduced new agricultural technologies to rural districts and placed local farmers in control of agricultural business. Although co-operators met with frequent frustration in their objective to restructure Irish society along co-operative lines, the study of the movement remains central to a thorough understanding of social and political conditions in the period under review. Co-operative ideas became incredibly influential amongst Irish nationalists associated with Sinn Féin. It is argued that the co-operative movement’s modernising project became embedded in the Irish countryside and enmeshed in a political economy of revolutionary nationalism. As a consequence, the co-operative movement exerted a significant influence upon those who seized governmental power after the Irish revolution, which extended beyond independence. The thesis utilises a range of local and national sources which include records for individual co-operative societies, reports and publications associated with the national movement, as well as a wide variety of contemporary literature and journalism. By applying a local approach that feeds into an analysis of the co-operative movement on a national level, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of how co-operative activists and ideas influenced the creation of Ireland’s political culture. Crucially, the work of interstitial actors is reinserted into the process of the Irish state’s development. The building of state institutions is viewed through the work of a network of co-operative experts and therefore as something that occurred outside the deliberations of official circuits of power. The thesis breaks new ground in the historiography of the development of the Irish state by analysing the important work of those involved in shaping rural social relations and institutions such as co-operative organisers, engineers, propagandists, managers and secretaries.