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The European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) free trade agreement (FTA) aims to increase regional trade and major integration between the regions; after decades of negotiations, in 2019, finalization of the agreement was reached. However, there are several blockages from both parties in the ratification process: whilst few EU members the criticize environmental and sustainability issues within the agreement, the Mercosur partners oppose the imposition of sustainability standards onto the region without adequate financial support. On this topic, the literature is still too poor to build a systematic literature review; thus, the present analysis follows a quasi-historical approach considering the major steps of the EU–Mercosur FTA looking both at the scientific and gray literature. The study underlines how environmental and sustainability issues are at the core of the European policies; thus, themes such as deforestation and pesticides could be a dealbreaker in the ratification of the agreement. For the EU, the FTA with Mercosur could mark a new step in the race towards it being a new "global standard" for sustainability and production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the endogenous formation of climate coalitions linked to a preferential free trade arrangement. In a multi-stage, micro founded strategic trade and participation game, coalition and fringe countries dispose of a discriminatory tariff on dirty imports as well as emission permits imposed on domestic producers. Permits are traded on a common permit market inside the coalition and on local markets outside, respectively. We provide an analytical solution for the general equilibrium and the policy game, in the three country case, while the participation game is solved by Monte Carlo simulation. Moreover, conditional probabilities are computed for the transition to coalitions of various sizes induced by free trade. Under various regimes analyzed, we find that preferential free trade can create strong incentives for building effective climate coalitions in terms of depth and breadth. This result even holds if fringe countries are given the option of trade cooperation as a retaliation devise and is driven by a favorable shift in the coalition's terms of trade. As a policy implication, negotiations on international climate treaties and free trade arrangements should be interlinked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the EU-US (TTIP) and EU–Canada (CETA) free trade negotiations, large coalitions of civil society organisations were active not only across borders but also within European member states. In several countries, coalitions saw the opportunity to transform their issue-specific group into a general coalition on EU trade policy in order to achieve more sustained engagement. However, in hindsight, only some of the transformed coalitions remained active and visible with the same organisations, while others experienced a decline in visibility, activities, and membership. This study aims to explore the factors contributing to this divergence in coalition transformation, drawing on the literature from social movement and interest group studies. Based on interviews with trade activists in Belgium and the Netherlands, the analysis points to differences in perception of political and discursive opportunities, resource mobilisation, the degree of ideological and cultural overlap between the coalition's actors, and organisational structure as important factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study deals with changes in European Union's (EU's) trade potential in Machinery (HS 84–85) and Transportation (HS86-89) products. Design/methodology/approach: The study uses a Structural Gravity model, Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation together with panel data for the years 2002–2018 and a two-step procedure that employs predicted values of bilateral trade to compare potential to actual trade. Findings: Results for Machinery products suggest a potential to expand trade with existing Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) in the American continent, and countries of the IGAD region in Africa. In Transportation, a high trade potential with RTAs is found in the Americas, Africa and the Middle East. Policy suggestions concentrate on opportunities for enhancing trade relations through trade liberalization and agreement proliferation. Originality/value: There are no studies to date, that examine "collective" measure of EU trade potential, that treats the EU as a single country. Changes in existing opportunities to expand trade, common for EU members, are of special interest for policy formulation, especially after the recent turmoil presented by the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and the Greek Economic Crisis (GEC). Treating the EU as a single entity, is necessary for the formulation of an effective, common, EU trade policy. This study concentrates on the manufacturing sector to examine existing opportunities for the EU to expand trade, after the GFC and the GEC. This article deals with Machinery (HS 84 and 85) and Transportation (HS 86 through 89) products as they comprise a significant part of total EU exports, reaching 41% of total exports in 2016. Finally, this study offers a unique illustration of results through trade potential heat maps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This article analyzes the impact of monetary policy on income inequality across 16 advanced economies. The author investigates three key points: (1) the relationship between domestic monetary policy and domestic income inequality, (2) the spillover effect of USA monetary policy (including quantitative easing) on international inequality and (3) the quantitative influence of the monetary policies of both the USA and the Eurozone on the formation of domestic income inequalities. Design/methodology/approach: The author employed the Global Vector Autoregressive (GVAR) model, which uses Vector Autoregressive with Exogenous Variables (VARXs) models of each economy to build an integrated system that enables us to evaluate individual responses to global shocks. Findings: The author's analysis reveals that (1) contractionary monetary policy exacerbates domestic inequality and (2) USA monetary policy, including quantitative easing, affects international inequality. Furthermore, the author's variance decomposition analysis highlights that USA monetary policy is especially influential on income inequality in Norway and Sweden. Additionally, the cointegrating analysis confirms that monetary policy's impact on inequality persists in the long term. Originality/value: Most of the studies focused on investigating domestic economies as closed economies. However, the author's approach differs in that the author uses the GVAR, which treats all economies as open. This allows us to incorporate the world economy into the domestic dynamics and connect the economies using bilateral trade. Another advantage of the GVAR is that it captures spillover effects by modeling each economy and constructing the international economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Free Trade (Pilot) Zone (FTZ) is a new attempt by China to embark on modern sustainable urban planning and governmental territorial management at the development stage of a high-quality economy. As urban lands serve as the limited resource foundation for civic production and livelihoods, enhancing land use efficiency becomes a key measure to facilitate metropolitan economies of high quality. Utilizing panel data from prefecture-level cities spanning from 2005 to 2021, this study constructs a multi-period difference-in-differences model to explore the impact of FTZs on urban land use efficiency (ULUE). The results indicate that FTZs can significantly enhance urban land use efficiency, with a more pronounced policy effect observed in central cities, inland cities, and cities with higher urbanization rates. Furthermore, the FTZs also demonstrate spatial spillover effects on urban land use efficiency. This study holds great significance for relevant government departments in formulating policies to optimize land resource allocation, promote FTZ development, and foster high-quality urban planning and territorial management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine the vertical strategies of home and foreign manufacturers that produce quality-differentiated products. In contrast to previous results that showed vertical separation as the dominant strategy, we find that the home manufacturer opts for vertical separation, while the foreign manufacturer chooses vertical integration under Bertrand competition. This is because the government of the importing country aims to increase consumer surplus by imposing tariffs, which allows the foreign manufacturer to export high-quality products at lower prices. Under Cournot competition, both manufacturers maintain a vertical separation strategy. However, if the quality levels of products are low, both manufacturers obtain higher profits when they choose vertical integration. This leads to a prisoner's dilemma situation for both manufacturers. In the case of a free trade policy, manufacturers always choose the separation strategy. Under Bertrand competition, integration leads to higher output levels and increases social welfare for the importing country due to the high level of importation of high-quality products, suggesting the tariff policy drive the foreign manufacturer towards integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the increasing interdependence of countries due to the development of international trade, a relevant question arises as to whether it is necessary to conduct independent monetary policies for each country or whether it is advisable to coordinate these policies. This question becomes a key in the debate on optimal monetary policy strategies in open economies. The aim of this study is to analyze the impact of asymmetric aggregate demand shocks on the appropriateness of monetary policy coordination in a simple stochastic model of two interacting countries. The analysis of equilibrium states of the monetary authorities' interaction strategies under study was carried out analytically by minimizing the loss function and solving one-period static optimization problems. The equilibrium states of macroeconomics of interacting countries under coordination of monetary policy and in cases of lack of coordination (Nash and Stackelberg equilibrium) in the presence of asymmetric, serially uncorrelated demand shocks have been analyzed. It is proven that the response of inflation to asymmetric demand shocks is smaller in the case of coordinated policy than in the case of non-cooperative policy. The loss function analysis shows that the compensation of demand shocks is found to be more costly in Nash equilibrium than in the case of monetary authority coordination policy. The analysis of the monetary authorities' interaction strategies showed that the real exchange rate plays an important role in balancing supply and demand in the two economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Optimizing export growth patterns and improving the quality of export trade have become prominent issues that need to be addressed urgently in the context of increasing global economic uncertainty. This study utilizes matched data from the CEPII database (1995–2020) and WTO tariff database, adopts a product-level perspective based on the triple margins of exports, and uses an individual-time two-way fixed-effects model to investigate the impact of import trade liberalization on China's export growth pattern. The research findings are as follows: (1) Increasing levels of import trade liberalization are beneficial for enhancing the extensive margin, intensive margin, and quantity margin of products, while exerting a restraining effect on the price margin. This strengthens the price advantage of Chinese products, indicating that import trade liberalization helps optimize China's export growth pattern. (2) Compared with the intensive margin, import trade liberalization has a more significant promoting effect on the extensive margin. (3) The conclusions drawn from heterogeneity analysis suggest that trade liberalization has a more pronounced effect on the extensive margin, intensive margin, and quantity margin of products in medium-high technology industries, differentiated products, and intermediate goods. This study holds important theoretical and practical significance for evaluating the economic benefits of expanding imports, optimizing China's export growth pattern, and improving the quality of export trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mexican Journal of Economics & Finance / Revista Mexicana de Economia y Finanzas is the property of Instituto Mexicano de Ejecutivos de Finanzas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article models the process of structural transformation and catching‐up in a demand‐led Southern economy constrained by its balance of payments. Starting from the Sraffian Supermultiplier Model, we model a dual‐sector small open economy with a traditional and a modern sector that interacts with a technologically advanced Northern economy. We propose two (alternative) autonomous elements that define the growth rate of this demand‐led economy: government spending and exports. Drawing from the Structuralist literature, productivity in the technologically laggard Southern economy grows by absorbing technology from the Northern economy, by both embodied and disembodied spillovers, and potentially closing the technology gap. The gap affects the income elasticity of exports, bringing a supply‐side mediation to the growth rates in line with the Balance of Payments Constrained Model. We observe that a demand‐led government policy plays a central role in structural change, pushing the modern sector to a larger share of employment than what results under export‐led growth. Such a demand policy is the only way in which partial catching up (in productivity and GDP per capita) can result, and this is facilitated by a global market place in which the balance of payments constraint is relatively soft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We estimate the short run effects of Brexit border disruption on the UK economy. We estimate a structural VAR for the UK, where Brexit effects are identified by the dates of Brexit events, the referendum, and the exit from the single market. We find evidence of short run effects of Brexit: temporary effects on GDP, exports and imports (slightly negative), and on inflation and interest rates (slightly positive). These effects are consistent with modest disruption from introducing a border with the EU--a border due to be made barrier-free and seamless by the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement. Previous work using other countries as comparators is vulnerable to identification difficulties. We also survey earlier modeling work on the long run effects of evolving policies of free trade, UK-sourced regulation, and liberalized immigration. Models of long run trade suggest the emergence of substantial gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study is centred on harmonising Ukraine's legislation with European human rights and justice standards. Through rigorous content analysis, formal legal and comparative methods, analysis of legal acts, and the abstract logical method, the study uncovers a comprehensive range of problems that hinder the harmonisation process's efficiency. As a culmination of the study, a significant proposal is put forth: the enshrinement in the Constitution of Ukraine of the fundamental economic freedoms of free movement of goods, services, and capital. This proposal, along with creating a dedicated body for harmonising Ukrainian legislation with the EU acquis communautaire and the strategic focus on the slowest areas of harmonisation, is crucial for the future of Ukraine's legal system and its alignment with EU standards. An alternative method of conflict resolution in criminal justice - mediation - is proposed as a potentially effective tool for reducing the courts' workload and increasing the efficiency of case consideration. Prospects for future research may include harmonising certain branches of Ukrainian legislation where the process of harmonisation is the slowest, namely, "Freedom of Movement of Goods", "Freedom of Entrepreneurship and Provision of Services". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) use networks to overcome knowledge deficiencies in pursuing innovation. However, balancing the cost and risk of growing networks, especially internationally, with potential gains in knowledge remains a critical challenge. Searching for innovation knowledge in international and domestic networks can be complementary when learning is compressed or as competing when the SMEs capacity to use the new knowledge is exceeded. This paper aims to investigate whether knowledge searches in domestic and international networks are complementary or conflicting in pursuit of innovation. Design/methodology/approach: This study is based on firm-level data set comprising 426 SMEs located in New Zealand, an advanced small and open economy. Using multi-level modelling, this study tests competing hypotheses, asking whether domestic and international network searches are complements or substitutes when seeking ambidexterity. Findings: The research finds that, in contrast to earlier research, which shows increasing network breadth drives innovation activity, SMEs benefit less from knowledge search across combined domestic and international networks for exploration innovation and ambidexterity. In contrast, exploitation shows no effect, suggesting that combined networks could support exploitation. Originality/value: This paper highlights how SMEs mitigate the influence resource constraints have on the partnerships they form and how this translates to ambidexterity. Specifically, recognising that an opportunistic approach to network development may impose future constraints on SME ambidexterity. From a management perspective, the paper recognises that balancing knowledge search across domestic and international networks can facilitate ambidexterity; however, to prevent spreading resources too thinly, this likely requires exit from early domestic innovation network partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.K. economy experienced significant macroeconomic adjustments following the 2016 referendum on its withdrawal from the European Union. To understand these adjustments, this paper presents empirical facts using novel U.K. macroeconomic data and estimates a small open economy model with tradable and non-tradable sectors. We demonstrate that the referendum outcome can be interpreted as news about a future decline in productivity growth in the tradable sector. An immediate fall in the relative price of non-tradable goods induces a temporary "sweet spot" for tradable producers. Economic activity in the tradable sector expands in the short run, while the non-tradable sector contracts. Aggregate output, consumption, and investment growth decelerate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the role of foreign trade liberalization in the changes occurring on the labor market in Tunisia. A two-equation model for employment and wages was estimated relying on a two-dimensional approach, time and sector. The main results firstly revealed that imports and exports are the least significant variables because of their marginal effect on labor demand, whereas production and delayed employment are the most explanatory variables, without being sector specific. Secondly, the real wage level determination depends on imports and exports which have different short- or long-run effects that are sector dependent (exportable or importable). Moreover, skilled and unskilled workers employment and productivity were found to be explanatory variables that may have a sectoral specification. As for production, it operates differently, depending on the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper formalizes a classic idea that in second-best environments trade can induce welfare losses: incremental income losses from distortions can outweigh trade gains. In a Melitz model with distortionary taxes, we derive sufficient statistics for welfare gains/losses and show departures from the efficient case (Arkolakis, Costinot, and Rodríguez-Clare 2012) can be captured by the gap between an input and output share and domestic extensive margin elasticities. The loss reflects an endogenous selection of more subsidized firms into exporting. Using Chinese manufacturing data in 2005 and model-inferred firm-level distortions, we demonstrate that a sizable negative fiscal externality can potentially offset conventional gains. (JEL D22, F14, H25, L60, O19, P31, P33) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Biden-Harris Administration recently interrupted the normal, export-friendly operation of the Natural Gas Act, triggering a lawsuit against the administration by fifteen states. The White House announced 'a temporary pause […]

We quantify the trade and welfare effects of RCEP. Using a quantitative multi-country and multi-sector trade model that distinguishes key characteristics between intermediates and final goods, we illustrate the heterogeneous impacts of RCEP on trade and welfare. RCEP has trade creation effects within members but has trade diversion effects for non-members. There are substantial welfare gains within RCEP, but the decomposition results indicate that the sources of welfare gains differ, with China and ASEAN countries mainly originating from growth in the volume of trade, but at the cost of the deterioration in terms of trade. Trade liberalization in service also contributes to welfare gains, mainly from intermediates trade. India's accession to RCEP improves the welfare of itself and its members, while its terms of trade deteriorate. We also find that with distinctions between intermediates and final goods, the heterogeneous effects of the two can be captured. Moreover, our model predicts more significant welfare gains than a model without input-output networks and sectoral linkages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses and explains food imports from Peru: 1980-2021. The econometric method uses Autoregressive Distributed Lagged (ARDL) models. The result of the stationarity property of I (0) and I(1) of the variables suggests the use of the ARDL model. The Granger causality result shows that variables explain food imports. The bound test cointegration showed a long-run cointegration to exist between foot imports and income, the real exchange rate, relative prices, price of fertilizers, and institution. The short-run analysis shows positive effects of relative prices and the real exchange rate towards food imports. And in the long-run analysis, we have found a positive relationship between food imports and economic growth. Also, there is a negative relationship between food imports and the growth of the real exchange rate, the price of fertilizers, and the opening of the Free Trade Agreement. Policies for self-sufficiency are recommended through investment policies in human capital for research in fertilizers and alternative organic manures; in financial capital for access to credit for small producers; in social capital, with support for sectors with lower productivity in rural areas to reduce dependence on the international market and the growing demand for food imports that puts food security at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically investigates pollution reduction by rationalization hypothesis in China. We study the heterogeneous firm's export effect on water pollution in China. We use China's firm-level data from 2000 to 2012 to estimate the firm's heterogeneity of export effect, composition effect, and technique effect on water pollution. We find that intra-industry agglomeration produces a competition effect, and more productive firms can export with less polluted water. More productive firms can export with less polluted water by reallocating more productive labor from dirty firms. We find an inverted U-shaped relationship between a firm's productivity and water pollution. Intra-industry agglomeration drives up labor productivity; higher productive firms export while producing more polluted water initially. When a firm's productivity is increasing, export activity produces less polluted water. More export induces less water pollution for high productivity firms. We conclude that the mechanism of pollution reduction by rationalization hypothesis does exist for water pollution in China. Trade liberalization causes some firms to become cleaner, even though we observe relatively clean exporting firms and relatively dirty domestic producers at different productivity stages. Productivity-induced rationalization causes water pollution to fall with high firm productivity. Water pollution in different regions has disparities. Eastern area in China is more likely to produce more polluted water than the rest of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of increasing global resource and environmental problems, it is of great practical significance to accurately test the impact of various factors on energy use efficiency for maintaining national energy security and formulating relevant policies. This paper measures firms' total factor energy efficiency (TFEE) using the two-stage stochastic frontier method within the data envelopment analysis (DEA) framework, leveraging data from listed firms in China spanning 2010 to 2022. Employing the establishment of free trade zones (FTZs) as a quasi-natural experiment, we apply the staggered differences-in-differences (DID) and stacked DID methods and analyze the impact of FTZs on firms' TFEE. The results show that the establishment of FTZs significantly promotes the improvement of firms' TFEE, and it has a greater promotion effect on heavily polluting, non-manufacturing, state-owned, private, and small-scale firms. The results of the mechanistic analysis showed that the promotion effect of FTZs on firms' TFEE is mainly realized through three channels: increasing government subsidies, reducing the financing constraint effect, and encouraging the technology innovation effect. Furthermore, industry-level decomposition results indicate that the surge in industry energy efficiency primarily results from improvements within firms rather than inter-industry variations. This paper's results propose that countries can enhance energy efficiency by progressively endorsing the implementation of FTZs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policies, including trade policies, typically entail significant executive discretion, marked by a top-down decision-making process. This has been evident in South Korea, where the president, as chief diplomat, wields substantial authority in selecting the country's Free Trade Agreement partners. Given South Korea's efforts to solidify its status as a trade hub and the strategic advantages of joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), why has the country not been able to formally apply for membership? What influenced presidents to consistently list the CPTPP as a foreign economic policy objective, yet refrain from participation while actively pursuing other trade initiatives? This article seeks to adopt insights from the agenda-setting literature to comprehend the mechanisms governing presidential agenda priorities in foreign economic policy. Utilising a framework of foreign policy attention, it uncovers factors and processes that influence South Korean presidents' focus in shaping trade policies. It demonstrates that external policy events drive the president's attention, but the limited progress of the CPTPP underscores the crucial impact of the president's priorities and responsiveness to the domestic audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates over trade liberalization vs. protectionism have becoming increasingly relevant as the world moves through a contentious era of economic globalization. This is particularly true in the United States, where an elite consensus on the merits of free trade has fractured in recent years. While we know a good deal about the economic and cultural determinants of trade opinion, we know little about how attitudes toward government may matter. Here, I address this oversight by examining the relationship between political trust and trade support. I do this with cross-sectional and panel data from the American National Election Studies (ANES) and the National Annenberg Election Surveys (NAES), and a survey experiment fielded through Amazon's Mechanical Turk (MTurk). Overall, I find that there is a positive and substantively significant relationship between political trust and mass support for free and open "pro-trade" policies. I attribute this to greater citizen confidence that government will pursue trade deals in the national interest and mitigate any perceived risks associated with free trade. These findings help us to better understand the determinants of public opinion toward trade policy and underscore the consequences of political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates if individuals' negative assessments of the future drive micro-level reluctance for international cooperation and reciprocal behavior, a core principle of multilateralism. To test our theoretical expectations, we field online survey experiments on a sample of over 3000 respondents in the US and Turkey in October–November 2020. The experimental results show that on average, individuals are fairly sensitive to target countries' policy actions and are inclined to reciprocate when contemplating whether to increase contributions to UN or consent to bilateral trade liberalization. Yet, further analyses concur that individual inclinations to reciprocate are substantially moderated by their future expectations. Specifically, individuals who are more pessimistic about their material prospects remain fairly indifferent to the positive actions of other countries, but are more likely to penalize negative foreign policy actions by reciprocating in kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New generation' free trade agreements now include 'Trade and Sustainable Development' (TSD) chapters designed to improve environmental provisions within overall trading arrangements. The wide-ranging European Union (EU)-Japan agreement of 2018 represents the culmination of a trend towards the greater inclusion of such TSD elements, and, as it covers one-third of global GDP, the significance of this agreement for trading relations cannot be understated. Comparing it with other agreements involving Japan and the EU, I argue that greater attention to sustainable development in trade connections, notwithstanding tangible significant environmental improvements, further embeds an anthropocentric narrative of trade-environment linkages and supports a 'win–win' linkage between enhancing economic growth and ensuring environmental protections. Through an eco-centric critique, I seek to challenge the fundamental anthropocentric assumptions underpinning such inclusions and explore the ways in which the language of environmental protection and climate change has been depoliticised by a particular framing of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas W. Zeiler's book, "Capitalist Peace," explores the history of U.S. policymakers' belief in the pacifying effects of free trade. Zeiler argues that free trade was seen as promoting prosperity, democracy, security, and human rights. The book traces the shift in U.S. trade policy in the mid-1930s, the construction of the non-communist international trade regime, and the changing drivers of trade balances. While Zeiler's history is comprehensive, his normative defense of capitalist peace as the only alternative to isolationism and protectionism may limit the exploration of other possibilities. [Extracted from the article]

The 2022 European Union-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement requires each party to "ensure that the judicial authorities may issue an injunction against an intermediary whose services are used by a third party to infringe intellectual property rights." Similar language appears in the 2022 United Kingdom-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. These injunctions, known as "site-blocking orders", require Internet Service Providers to take reasonable steps to block access to online locations where infringing material can be accessed. While debate as to whether site-blocking orders should be available in New Zealand is now foreclosed, the trade agreements do not specify how such a regime should be organised. New Zealand should enact a legislative scheme that provides detailed guidance to decision-makers as to the circumstances in which site-blocking orders can be made. In the design of the regime, it would be helpful to draw on the legal analysis that has occurred in other jurisdictions, including the extensive analysis of the human rights implications of blocking orders, while tailoring the regime to the New Zealand legal context, taking account of the Bill of Rights Act 1990 and Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and relevant international human rights commitments. Given the relatively small size of the New Zealand market for creative content, consideration should be given to whether the power to grant orders should be vested in an administrative body, such as the Copyright Tribunal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employed computable general equilibrium policy simulations to examine the impact of import tariff liberalization on socioeconomic outcomes including living standards, cost of living, gross domestic product (GDP) from expenditure, total investment expenditure, intermediate input demand, output, value‐added, tariff revenue, sales tax revenue, indirect tax revenue, direct income tax revenue, factor income tax revenue, and factor demand. Findings from the simulations have policy implications touching on a need to embrace reciprocal tariff liberalization under agreements like strategic trade and investment partnerships and economic partnership agreements as they are associated with welfare gains, reduction in cost of living, and GDP growth. Targeted policy incentives could be directed to specific domestic sectors since tariff liberalization has negative impacts on investment expenditure. Incentives regarding intermediate inputs should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors for liberalization of agrifood commodities. Targeted policy incentives should be directed to the manufacturing and services sectors which experience decrease in output with tariff reductions. Liberalization of manufactured commodities should be accompanied by value‐added incentives directed to the agrifood and home production–home consumption sectors. For the liberalization of manufactured commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the services sector which experiences job losses while for the liberalization of tariffs on imports of agrifood commodities, targeted policy incentives should be directed to the agrifood and the home production–home consumption sectors, which also lose jobs. These targeted policy incentives could support industrial activity and compensate for revenue loss, especially from customs duties. Related Articles: Gruber, Lloyd. 2013. "Trade, Growth, Poverty, and Politics: Toward a Unified Theory." Politics & Policy 41(5): 723–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12034. Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. "Open Innovation During the COVID‐19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya." Politics & Policy 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490. Soto, Gloria. 2012. "Environmental Impact of Agricultural Trade Liberalization under NAFTA." Politics & Policy 40(3): 471–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00354.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's economy since its creation has remained heavily dependent on foreign aid, especially to manage the ever‐widening gap between the available financial resources, development expenditure, fiscal deficit, and current account deficit. This article critically evaluates the effectiveness of foreign aid in Pakistan from 2000 to 2022 via an in‐depth literature review and the rational actor model (RAM). Furthermore, a mixed‐method approach based on descriptive quantitative and in‐depth qualitative research methods was adopted for this study. The article demonstrates that RAM can assist policy makers, enabling them to make decisions vis‐à‐vis foreign aid while safeguarding national interests, particularly economic interests. However, this study finds that for Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth, increasing exports and attracting more foreign direct investment hold greater potential than continued reliance on foreign aid. In conclusion, the article prescribes policy measures to restructure Pakistan's political system to foster socioeconomic development through trade liberalization and good governance. Related Articles: Asongu, Simplice A., and Joseph Nnanna. 2019. "Foreign Aid, Instability, and Governance in Africa." Politics & Policy 47(4): 807–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12320. Dobransky, Steve. 2014. "Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance." Politics & Policy 42(4): 593–634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082. Scarlato, Margherita, and Giorgio d'Agostino. 2019. "The Political Dimension of Cash Transfers in Latin America and Sub‐Saharan Africa: A Comparative Perspective." Politics & Policy 47(6): 1125–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12332. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countless socially responsible trade initiatives have emerged in recent years offering an uncertain mixture of token and substantive changes. After decades of battles over free trade, this marks a significant shift, challenging established debates over free versus regulated markets by promoting labour, gender, human, and environmental rights through trade agreements. This reorientation contains complex contradictions, with trade justice groups conceding to the popularity of trade while simultaneously insisting on a new vision of what trade is 'about.' Drawing on the idea of trade fetishism, this article argues that the desire for trade involves not only its material motivations, but its seductive content as a fetishised object of global capital, offering the fantasy of 'trade' as a symbolic source of pleasure. Through the case of the new NAFTA 2.0, it points to the relevance of trade politics that aspires not to overcome trade fetishism, but, as Lucas Pohl (2022) suggests, to 'get with' it. Through a trade justice ratchet mechanism, advocates have pushed for unanticipated changes, while also ceding to the limitations of the current order. The outcome is a process of contesting the symbolic content of what trade is and is not about, with significant material and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the digital age, digital services not only provide important intermediate inputs for manufacturing but they also affect the availability of other potentially ICT-enabled high-quality services as intermediate inputs. Therefore, it is particularly important and meaningful to explore the relationship between the liberalization of trade in digital services and manufacturing exports. This paper uses a panel dataset of bilateral exports of 15 manufacturing sectors in 54 countries, from 2014 to 2018, to examine the impact of digital services trade policy restrictions on exports of manufactured goods. The main results suggest that the impact of trade policy restrictions on manufacturing exports is mixed but mainly negative. Moreover, regulatory differences in digital services industries between bilateral country pairs also have a significant negative impact on the export performance of manufacturing industries. In addition, we further examine the heterogeneity of this impact mechanism across different policy areas, manufacturing sectors, and bilateral country-pair groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work theoretically finds out the welfare implications of different reformatory policies in a small open developing economy using a 2 × 2 full-employment general equilibrium model with distorted factor and product markets. We have found that there exists a trade-off between labour market and credit market reforms, and that there might exist certain critical levels beyond which the implementation of the policies might produce perverse effects on social welfare. Even though our results are interesting and have important policy bearings, their applications in reality in a large democratic country like India, may not be practicable because of political economy reason. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We hypothesize that reduced self-employment delays marriage and childbirth. • Empirical evidence shows US-Vietnam trade reduces self-employment for both genders. • Post-2012, women experienced a more significant decline in self-employment. • Survival analysis shows trade exposure reduces the risk of marriage and childbirth. • Nevertheless, trade exposure increases marriage and children for women over 40. This study investigates the impact of a large demand shock driven by the US-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) in 2001 on the timing of women's marital decisions and first childbirth experiences in Vietnam. We hypothesize that the reduction in women's and men's self-employment would delay family formation and childbirth, with the ultimate impact on marriage remaining ambiguous. Analyzing data from the Vietnam Household Living Standards Surveys, we find that both men and women are less likely to be self-employed in the face of a substantial trade shock. Notably, the decreasing impact on women's self-employment becomes more pronounced than that for men post-2012, a decade after the agreement's enforcement. Employing the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey and survival analysis, we empirically demonstrate that increased exposure to trade postpones women's timing of marriage and first childbirth. On average, in 2013, the BTA resulted in a 7.39- and 7.42 %-point decrease in the probability of entering marriage and becoming a mother, respectively. We also present suggestive evidence that increased exposure to trade liberalization eventually increases the likelihood of marriage and the number of children among women over 40. The findings in this study imply that policy promoting trade liberalization should consider its extensive impacts on young labor force's family formation through change in their individual economic prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, Turkey has experienced multiple changes in its monetary policy regime. To analyse how these policy changes affect the behaviours of households and firms, some behavioural parameters are incorporated into a small open economy New Keynesian model. Our approach consists of four phases. First, we assess the impacts of the behavioural parameters on the model and find that higher values of the parameters increase the effects of expectations on the model. Second, for the period between 2006 and 2021, the model is estimated for the Turkish economy and the findings show that both households and firms are more forward-looking in their decision making. Moreover, the current variables have a weak effect on the nominal interest rate, and the inertial nominal interest rate has a strong effect on it. Third, we analyse the evolution of the model parameters over the period and find that the behavioural parameters tend to increase, while the monetary policy becomes more inertial. Finally, we conclude that the Central Bank should follow Domestic Inflation-based Taylor rule to minimise welfare loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article devises an analytical framework that synthesizes neo-Gramscian and social constructivist perspectives to dissect international regimes amid global hegemonic shifts. It portrays regimes as intersubjective constructs with unique social purposes within the broader hegemonic fabric, shaped by dominant ideologies and power distributions. The study examines the transition of the trade regime from General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to World Trade Organization (WTO) through the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) and the Doha Round's deadlock since 2001. The article posits that the Uruguay Round marked a pivotal hegemonic transformation, transitioning the regime from embedded liberalism to neoliberalism by transforming its social purpose, norms, and generative grammar. Yet, this shift, which precipitated a legitimacy crisis within the WTO and was exacerbated by the Doha Round's failure to regenerate neoliberal hegemony with a fresh synthesis of free trade and sustainable development, arguably rendered the WTO directionless and contributed to the fragmentation of global trade governance amidst emerging regional pacts and varied ideological visions of economic liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of imports in Central and Eastern European countries are closely related to foreign direct investment and government policies. By reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers to imports and promoting trade and investment liberalization, governments can attract foreign capital and diversify the range of products and services available in the host economy. This interconnection between imports and foreign direct investment can have a positive impact on economic development and global integration, depending on national strategies and policies. The article examines the dynamics of imports in Central and Eastern European countries in relation to foreign direct investment and government policies and aims to identify trends, import differences, and adjustments made by each country to improve their economic development. The research highlights the ongoing evolution of international trade in the region and advocates for a strategic approach to trade and economic policy for economic expansion and resilience to external shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo is a member of the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA). Through this agreement, policies related to free trade in Central European countries have been created and implemented. CEFTA aims to liberalize and expand the market to achieve economic objectives, such as increasing exports, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), production, and competitiveness. In Kosovo, trade liberalization has not been accompanied by an improvement in the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector, resulting in a high trade deficit. The objective of this research is to analyze data on the export and import of commercial goods between Kosovo and CEFTA countries from 2014 to 2023 and their impact on Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and FDI over these years. Empirical analyses show that exports and imports with CEFTA member countries have a significant impact on GDP, but do not have a noticeable effect on increasing FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural shifts in patterns of international production, trade, and investment have been spurred by the globalization of supply chains. Today, however, a range of factors, including wars and sanctions, the increasing divide between Western and Chinese approaches to the economy, the increasing links between economic security and national security, and between trade and environmental regulation, are contributing to the fragmentation of international economic frameworks and growing populist and protectionist sentiment. Competition for advantage through industrial subsidies and the setting of digital and environmental standards risks enshrining a less-than-global economic order. In many fields, however, multilateral cooperation, rulemaking, and enforcement in serving shared objectives, in various international organizations, multi-stakeholder forums, and by the private sector, continues to function well. In this ever-more complex international context, where clubs, coalitions, and informal networks among nations are increasingly prevalent, middle powers are wise to remain both agile and resolute in ensuring that national interests are advanced through smart diplomacy, encompassing working with like-minded in caucuses and informal settings that serve to build broader consensus, engaging business and other stakeholders at home and abroad in support. Canada's experience and current efforts provide a constructive example for middle powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]