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War, which represents power on the one hand and destructiveness on the other, is a form of struggle in the most general sense. This phenomenon, which includes all kinds of diplomatic or armed struggles in which the peace environment is disrupted, is of great importance not only during the war process but also with its post-process effects. Cinema has been interested in war as a social phenomenon since its early years. War cinema, which developed as a sub-genre of Western cinema, has become a genre over time. The history of cinema is full of countless examples of war films. In some of these films, the destructive social phenomenon of war is revealed, while in others war propaganda is made. All Quiet On The Western Front, which was transferred to cinema by different directors almost a hundred years apart from Remarque's autobiographical novel of the same name, is one of the important works of the war film genre. This study compares the versions of this film shot by Lewis Milestone in 1930 and Edward Berger in 2022. This comparison, it is aimed to reveal how war has been evaluated in cinema over the years. For this purpose, the plot and content of both films are analysed by the qualitative content analysis method. With this analysis, it will be explained comparatively how the ideological discourse on war is realised in the films. As a result of the study, it is seen that, as in many examples of war cinema, both films successfully reveal the destructiveness of war, its bitter face, and the destruction and despair it creates.

The article examines the issue of Russian automobile transport’s dependence on foreign purchases during the First World War and the absence of a developed domestic automotive industry. For the first time, this question is explored through the prism of discussions held at public organization meetings, in the State Duma, and in the pages of periodicals. Special attention is paid to the importance of automobiles during the war, criticism of the existing situation in the automotive transport sector, the inadmissibility of its complete dependence on foreign states, and the necessity of import substitution through the creation of domestic automobile plants and related enterprises. New sources are introduced into the scholarly discourse, allowing for a more comprehensive understanding of both the problems that have arisen in the field of automobile transport and their perception by Russian society. It is noted that, despite differences in approaches to organizing the domestic automotive industry, participants in the public discussion unanimously agreed on the need to overcome the situation that existed before the war, the inadmissibility of total dependence on foreign supplies in a matter of great importance to military affairs, and the urgency of developing national production of automobile transport on a state scale.

Тема Гражданской войны в России находится под пристальным вниманием историков и философов; национальной катастрофе в судьбе страны посвящены многочисленные художественные произведения писателей разных мировоззренческих и эстетических представлений. Несмотря на то что публицистика Гражданской войны огромна, особый и менее исследованный пласт в ней составляют статьи и эго-документы писателей. Предметом настоящего исследования является осмысление Л. Андреевым важнейших событий – революций 1917 г. и Гражданской войны в России. Публицистические статьи писателя, публиковавшиеся в эсеровской газете «Русская воля» (1917–1919 гг.), дают возможность проследить эволюцию его восприятия ключевых событий в истории России ХХ в. В статьях первой половины 1917 г. Л. Андреев выражает вдохновение событиями Февральской революции и стремится передать это состояние читателям. С изменением политической ситуации в России к середине 1917 г. меняется и тон статей писателя. Андреев опасается возможной гибели России из-за изменения вектора развития революции, поэтому прибегает в своих статьях к борьбе словом – убеждениям, призывам и лозунгам, чтобы побудить своих читателей к продолжению борьбы за свободу страны. К сожалению, мы можем говорить лишь о предвидении писателем будущей трагедии в истории страны, так как жизнь Л. Андреева оборвалась в 1919 г., когда Гражданская война уже шла на территории России, но носила локальный характер, а главные события 1919–1920 гг. были еще впереди. Однако эволюция взглядов Леонида Андреева, авторитетного писателя, ставшего символом революции 1905 г., окажется близкой многим представителям творческой и научной интеллигенции в России. Как показало исследование, в своих статьях 1917–1919 гг. Андреев прозорливо предвидел и эмоционально-страстно стремился предотвратить наступление братоубийственной войны.

The ballet Parade premiered at the Théâtre du Châtelet on 18 May 1917, performed by the Ballets Russes with a plot conceived by Jean Cocteau, music by Erik Satie, choreography by Léonide Massine, and set designs by Pablo Picasso. It is characterised by Picasso's Cubist set designs, a folkish plot, and a thinly textured, repetitive musical score juxtaposing light classicism and ragtime numbers, augmented by extra-musical noises, including a typewriter and a Wild West revolver shot. Parade's light-heartedness contrasted viscerally with the contemporary realities faced by Parisians in 1917. Just 125 miles from the front and subject to air raids, the sights, sounds, and dangers of war were familiar to the audience of the ballet's premiere, and many of them found Parade offensive. Despite this seeming incongruity, I argue that Parade was not incidental to the First World War but was a result of and response to the war surrounding it. A contextual analysis of Parade demonstrates some of the concerns of artists working during the war, the tensions and disagreements that emerged among artists, and how the direction of their art was shaped both during and after the war. Moreover, Parade also serves as an artistic 'case study' that can provide historians with a clearer understanding of the day-to-day realities, anxieties, and opinions of the people living in Paris during this unique moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From September 1914 to January 1915, the Empire Theatre in London staged what was billed as a patriotic ballet called Europe. In addition to its lengthy run in the capital, a second version of the show toured the country, appearing at theatres in Manchester, Newcastle, Glasgow, Sheffield, Liverpool, Bradford, Nottingham and Portsmouth. The show received unanimous praise in both national and regional newspapers. However, despite its reach, popularity and impact, Europe has been mostly forgotten. Since it was a dance-based performance, no script was submitted to the Lord Chamberlain's office. Although the piece did include music, it produced no hit songs captured on gramophone records or sheet music. Moreover, once the reality of the First World War began to hit home, the manner in which the show trivialised and glorified the conflict quickly fell out of step with public opinion. Therefore, when Europe's run ended, it was permanently shelved and assigned to the passing of time. Nevertheless, the show left an archival imprint scattered through newspapers, theatre programmes, magazines and autobiographies. The following article draws these fragments together to form a blueprint of this hitherto discarded piece of popular culture. This reconstruction reveals a strikingly complex and rich piece of theatre, both in terms of its technical construction and how cultural conventions were adapted to turn the war into entertainment. In its three short scenes, Europe featured national personifications inspired by political cartoons, virtuosic dances associated with European nations, a scenario lifted from a 40-year-old pamphlet on the Franco-Prussian War, and a giant decoupage map of Europe from which melodramatic villains, heroes and damsels in distress appeared. Through these tropes, archetypes and devices, Europe presented a story of the First World War to the masses, including who started it, what had happened so far and how it would end. The ballet also introduced the audience to a conception of Europe that simultaneously confirmed Great Britain's dominant position within the continental community while underlining the country's moral responsibility to defend the liberty of the nations within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wars are rarely contained or limited affairs. They almost always involve non-belligerent neighbours in some significant way, be it as suppliers of goods or money, as geo-strategic buffers, as conduits for trade, diplomacy, propaganda or other information, as places of refuge or as agents of humanitarian aid, or even (or rather especially) as potential future belligerents. In turn, the primary concern of most neutral communities in time of war is to mitigate its impact and to avoid becoming embroiled in it as belligerents. Of secondary concern is the possibility of maximizing the opportunities offered by the fact that one's neighbours are at war with each other and not with you. As a result, neutrals rarely remain unaffected or uninterested in a conflict, and particularly in one fought on their borders or conducted by communities with whom they have an on-going relationship. Using a micro-history of a singular advertisement, placed in the American Machinist magazine in the neutral United States in May 1915, this article highlights how fundamental issues of neutrality and armaments supply were to defining the contours of the First World War as a global total war and to how contemporaries framed the roles of neutrals and belligerents in that conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the decade before the First World War, Spain failed in its attempt to establish an independent role in the fierce competition between the French, British and German Empires for influence in the Western Mediterranean. The exercise of informal power by France and Britain forced Spain's Restoration elites to conform to British and French imperial interests in France's colonization of Morocco. The article suggests Spain's governing parties were unable to manage the essential mediating role for collaborating elites in informal empires, as defined by Ronald Robinson, between the demands of the imperial powers and the political pressures arising from changing social forces within the country. Spain's dilemma was an early example of the conflict that faced many newly independent colonies later in the twentieth century: how to reconcile the growing aspirations for national self-determination in a world dominated by competing imperial powers, themselves increasingly facing internal contradictions and crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1916 onwards, the Military Service Appeal Tribunals gave men in Britain a mechanism to appeal their conscription into the army. Though tribunals across the country heard appeals from tens of thousands of men, the work of the tribunals is now largely forgotten; an officially sanctioned process which began with the destruction of all the tribunal documents in 1921. Using the recently discovered papers for the North Riding County Appeal Tribunal, I have identified a concentration of Conscientious Objectors on the North Yorkshire Moors and specifically along the ironstone mining area of the coast. The high rate of conscientious objection in these areas is suggestive of an anti-war community, but I argue these men appealing at the North Riding Tribunal cannot always be seen as being anti-war. These communities supported the war effort but put limits upon that support. This paper builds upon Cyril Pearce's ideas around communities accepting of resistance to the First World War, which could be found across Britain, but challenges what these communities and Conscientious Objectors were resisting. If similar patterns can be identified in other parts of the country, this would nuance the narrative of conscientious objection away from men not wanting to fight to men not wanting to be in the army and accepting other forms of war work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can a temporal comparison of two pogroms in the same city in the wake of two vastly different military conflicts reveal about context and function of anti‐Jewish violence? What can it tell us about historical continuity and change? These questions frame the history below which focuses on two pogroms in the city of Kraków on April 16, 1918, and August 11, 1945. This article argues that in both cases perpetrators perceived the state as failing to meet their basic economic, national, and moral expectations after the wars which left political and social chaos, economic ruin, and dismal law and order. To address the state's failings and restore the "moral balance," the perpetrators targeted the Jews whom they perceived as the state's beneficiaries. After the Second World War, the violence only intensified when the medieval myth of ritual murder reemerged, and Jewish women and children became the targets of aggression. This change can only be explained by the specific context of WWII when redemptive antisemitism of Nazi propaganda and the daily practice of genocide stripped Jews of the remains of their humanity thus marking them as the ultimate threat to Polish survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rachilde's novel Le grand saigneur (1922) stands out from her other works in the 1920s and 1930s for its provocative portrayal of the French war veteran as a sadist who inflicts violence on those who do not conform to the codes of militarized, hegemonic masculinity. This article argues that the novel reflects the post-war years as a violent era for women and non-conforming men, shaped by the hateful discourses that emerged during the First World War. Rachilde writes about psychological and physical threats to women and non-conforming masculinity by delving into the violent fantasies nurtured by a larger-than-life, though well-recognizable, supporter of hegemonic masculinity against them. Drawing on an eclectic mix of literary genres, Rachilde depicts a society in which the impunity of men protected by their wealth and military status and the guilt bestowed upon (sometimes internalized by) women trivialize diverse forms of gender violence. Le grand saigneur belongs to the few 'romans anti-sentimentaux' Rachilde wrote during the interwar period. It is also an arresting attempt to write about gender violence through multiple subjectivities in order to explore the gendered, cultural, traumatic, and socio-economic factors that enabled it at this troubled historical juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1916 and 1919, thousands of Anzac troops visited the port cities of Durban, Cape Town and, to a lesser extent, Freetown on their way to Europe during the First World War. Their impressions were recorded in diaries or letters back home, and published in local papers. Identity formation, race, and the colonial encounter have thus far taken centre stage for understanding Anzac experiences as 'soldier tourists.' This paper argues that ideas about 'modernity,' progress,' and the built environment were equally part of the colonial encounter for these soldier sojourners as they visited these African ports cities. With details on urban sanitation, housing, architecture, infrastructure, transport and population, Anzac assessments of these urban spaces were informed not only by travel writing conventions and literary tropes of Africa, but by city guide books and hegemonic trans-empire discourses about the 'ideal' modern city.' The latter however, was not independent of ideas of race, but rather interacted with, and was often shaped by, a sense of white, Anglophone, superiority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the First World War, 1914–1918, the British Army uniform provided an important tool in the transition from civilian to soldier and a symbol of a mass collective identity. However, soldier writings from the war and post-war years reveal the more individual experiences of their uniforms and the intimate relationships that formed between their physicality and the materiality of the garment. Focusing on the uniform experiences of British servicemen during the First World War, this article explores the narratives recorded in soldier correspondence, diaries and life writing to discover how men, despite wearing military uniform, continued to express the sartorial identities and practices developed as civilians. The uniform was central to soldiers' physicality and their writings show that the materiality of the uniform became a conduit for their sensory and haptic experiences of the landscape around them. Yet the uniform remained only a temporary sartorial shift and, underneath, civilian identities and sensibilities remained resolute. Evidence of sartorial interventions and personalization expose the attempts to ameliorate the fit and feel of the uniform. Shining a light on these narratives of the uniform on a more personal and affective level challenges us to reconsider the boundaries between uniformity and individuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the two world wars two Australian former journalists – George Morrison (1862–1920) and Harold Timperley (1898–1954) – produced propaganda for the Chinese government. In doing so, they employed discourses of vulnerability and anxiety over Australia's position in Asia. Previous arguments that Morrison or Timperley represent an Australian approach to Asia have not taken into account their biographies and their positions within the Chinese government. In this article, I argue that Morrison and Timperley's depictions of Asia were heavily influenced both by their individual experiences and by developments in how successive Chinese governments made use of foreign journalists to communicate to the west. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the Libyan Oral History Project, an archive created in the 1970s to record the memories of mujahidin involved in anti-Italian resistance in Libya. Though it was not the original intention of the archive, this article argues that the memories of the mujahidin contribute to an effort among historians to reconceptualise the global significance of the First World War. A careful reading of the accounts of the mujahidin reveals a chronological continuity from the initial struggle against the Italian occupation to armed warfare against European forces throughout the region in the interwar era. By interpreting the First World War from the southern coast of the Mediterranean, we gain new appreciation for the significance of the war not just as a conflict among empire, but also as the beginning of a longer struggle between imperial forces and anti-imperial resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of Iraq's emergence as a state in the context of the First World War with a special focus on the interplay between British imperialism and Shiʿi activism. By the twentieth century, the majority of people who lived in the territory that would become the Iraqi state were Shiʿi Muslims. Largely ignoring the activism of Iraqis, there is a line of thinking in English-language scholarship which suggests that the process of state formation in Iraq was completely driven by British imperialists. Indeed, Britain established a military presence in the Ottoman vilayets of Basra, Baghdad, and Mosul during and after the First World War, and the empire was awarded an internationally sanctioned mandate for this territory in 1920. In an effort to decolonize the history of Iraq, this paper argues that the inhabitants of Iraq, especially Shiʿi activists, played a significant role in the formation of the new state. Research for this paper is based on the writings of Shiʿi activists with a special focus on clerical leaders, as well as British government officials. Challenging historical accounts that reflect British imperialist narratives, this paper argues that Shiʿi activists (and British responses to them) significantly influenced the course of state formation in Iraq. This is not to say that Britain was not influential in the creation of Iraq; in fact, British imperialists clearly had the upper hand. However, they did not operate in a vacuum, unaffected by the inhabitants of the Iraqi state that they wished to create. Instead of assuming that British imperialists single-handedly created Iraq or that ethno-sectarian divisions are the natural order in Iraq, this paper suggests that the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism played a critical role in the formation of the Iraqi state. Although many scholars consider Islamic sectarianism and Britain's colonial legacy in Iraq to be at the heart of the country's socio-political system, the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism in Iraq has not received ample scholarly attention. The intersection of British imperialism and Shiʿi activism resulted in several foundational threads that were woven into the fabric of the Iraqi state. The 1920 Shiʿi revolt against the British mandate for Iraq and the British counter-revolt became the outward manifestation of the British-Shiʿi divide. British officials installed a Sunni-run government in Iraq for fear of Shiʿi dominance, which could have resulted from democratic institutions. Anti-British resistance led by Shiʿi clerics completely changed the calculus of Iraq's emergence as an independent state and alienated much of the Shiʿi community from Iraq's political establishment. This process radically altered the roles that Shiʿi and British leaders hoped to play in post-Ottoman Iraq. This state of affairs was not inevitable given that the continuation of British-Shiʿi alliances that began to emerge during the First World War would have produced a profoundly different state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Mother went in to work tonight, how I hate her on Sunday work!," wrote fourteen years old Kathleen Biddlecombe in her diary, on Sunday, January 13, 1918. Kathleen and her family lived on 6 Cobbett Road, London, in Well Hall Garden Suburb—mostly known today as Progress Estate. Built between January and December 1915, in the first year of the First World War, the estate provided some 1,086 houses and 212 flats for the munition workers of the nearby Royal Arsenal factory in Woolwich. This article examines the First World War history of this housing project, by focusing on the diary of young Kathleen. Using the works of Henri Lefebvre and Michel de Certueau, the article probes the tensions between the ways this space was planned and built—in accordance with the agenda of the Garden City Movement—and the ways it was produced and used by its inhabitants during the war. It uncovers the production of space by the people whose houses were built along the Well Hall Road, where Route 44 of the Tram stopped to take them to and from the munition factory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the British army's short-lived Corps of Interpreters on the Western Front during the early stages of the First World War. It begins by establishing a benchmark for the regular army's French language capability in 1914. It then explores the interpreters' recruitment process, employment, and the corps' subsequent dissolution. Further insight into their motivation and suitability is then determined through a prosopographical analysis of their backgrounds and accounts of their employment. Overall, the article provides an important case study of the pitfalls of improvising military language capability during a crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between Wyndham Lewis's Vorticism movement and Shakespeare, focusing on Lewis's appropriation of Shakespeare's play Timon of Athens and its impact on Vorticism's visual aesthetics. In analysing Wyndham Lewis's avant-garde approach, this article contrasts it with other artistic movements of the time --namely, Futurism and Cubism-- and explores Lewis's interest in the "automaton" and the "machine", and how this fascination is linked to his reading of Shakespeare and his views on World War I. Overall, the paper demonstrates how Shakespeare's work played a significant role in the development of Vorticism's unique aesthetic vision during a time of great social and political upheaval. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are few research fields in European history that have received as much scholarly attention over the last few years as citizenship and the First World War. While this is also true for the Italian case, there is still a striking absence of research on citizenship laws in the colonial territories under Italian sovereignty. The present article addresses this gap and challenges the long-established assumption – due to an all too narrow focus on the historical military framework – that the First World War did not really affect the colonies of the Kingdom of Italy. An investigation of how the legal status of the colonial population – especially in Eritrea, on the one hand, and in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, on the other – was regulated, but also contested, claimed and negotiated, both during the conflict and in its immediate aftermath, reveals that a global event like the First World War actually had a significant impact on the Italian territories in the Horn of Africa and in North Africa. To illustrate this point, the article adopts an approach based on local players in the colonies rather than on legislators or policymakers in the metropole. Contemporary sources collected from several different archives are used to retrace personal stories and administrative processes which reveal important aspects in the story not only of Italian colonialism but of the Italian state in general. Citizenship in the Italian territories in Africa, as much as in other European colonies, was marked by the prejudicial concept of the backwardness of Africans, who were thus excluded from metropolitan citizenship. Beyond that, the article highlights utilitarianism as a concept that can help us to understand how Italy dealt with the inhabitants of its colonies during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kronika is the property of Kronika, Casopis za Slovensko Krajevno Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Engineer Military Bulletin / Muszaki Katonai Közlöny is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Proceedings of Matica Srpska for History / Zbornik Matice Srpske za Istoriju is the property of Matica srpska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the key problem of the Serbian artillery in 1914: the lack of ammunition. The focus of analysis has been placed on the different strategies the Serbian state used to find artillery ammunition and additional weapons. Special attention has been dedicated to the collaboration with France and its shipment of the 'wrong ammunition' in November 1914. It has been shown that the ammunition crisis was overcome by combining a multitude of resources which included abundant assistance from the Entente, Greece, and the Serbia's industrial capacities. The problem of the ammunition crisis has been treated as a global phenomenon, enabling placing Serbian theater of operations into a wider perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay conceives of Moscow's water supply, sewage disposal, and a sewerage system as a field of tension between urbanization, industrialization, water pollution, hygiene, and health from the Late Imperial Russia, through the First World War, the Russian Revolution of 1917 and into the Civil War period. The article understands the allocation of water, especially in times of scarcity, as a question of political power and raises the following central questions: How did the people of Moscow quench their thirst? Where, when, how, to what extent and at what price was water made available? How and where was the used water disposed of and by what methods, if any, was it treated in order to avoid further water pollution? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Erciyes Communication / Erciyes İletişim Dergisi is the property of Erciyes University, Faculty of Communication / Erciyes Universitesi Iletism Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Methis is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article wants to highlight the documentary sources that highlight the public collections supported by the representatives of the churches in the Neamt area. In 1914, at the outbreak of the First World War, Romania adopted a policy of neutrality, hesitating to support one of the belligerent camps, the Central Powers or the Entente. After two years of a neutral attitude, Romania decided to enter the war alongside the Entente, declaring war on Germany and Austria-Hungary. The Entente represented the political-military alliance that promised the recognition of Romanian rights over Transylvania and Bucovina, territories under Austro-Hungarian domination. The sacrifices and the huge effort were felt from the beginning. Following the campaign of 1916. Romania was reduced to only one third of its territory. The occupation of an important part of Romania triggered the long and arduous path of evacuation and refuge to Moldova. This region, the least wealthy of the country, had to host and maintain, apart from its own population, the refugees from Muntenia, Oltenia and Dobrogea, and also those evacuated from the area of military operations. Romania's participation in the First World War also had consequences for the inhabitants of the Neamț region. The Neamt region was outside the theater of military operations during Romania's participation in the First World War, but it knew the realities of war. On the home front, those who remained helped to provide resources for the war. Thus, the Neamt region participated in the war effort and implicitly in the realization of the unification effort. During the conflagration, Neamț county, like the whole of Moldova, had to face some demands that far exceeded the possibilities of supplying the front and the civilian population with what they needed. The most considerable difficulties that prevailed in the following period were the organization of transports, the problem of food and the lack of fuel. The starving animals brought by refugees, whether civilian or military, were never counted. The terrible misery and diseases that prepared the ground for the epidemics, claimed tens of thousands of lives. Metropolitan Pimen Georgescu, wanting to help the refugees from the occupied areas, made available to the authorities all the living spaces available from the monasteries of Moldova, but also the buildings belonging to the metropolitan church. In addition to the impulse and example given by Metropolitan Pimen Georgescu, the private initiative of the inhabitants of the villages and towns of Moldova, who tried to contribute, together with the authorities, to the relief of the terrible suffering endured by the retreating soldiers and the evacuated civilians. The collections were public, intended to support the military troops at the front or to help the civilian population. Help was especially needed to the poor and homeless, who wandered hungry and poorly dressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lublin Studies in Modern Languages & Literature / Lubelskie Materialy Neofilologiczne is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University, Department of German & Applied Linguistics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last novel of the Parade’s End-series, Last Post (1928), Ford Madox Ford depicts the aftermath of the First World War, and the cataclysmic social, cultural, and material changes it caused, from the perspective of the Tietjens brothers’ rural home in Kent. The novel’s position in the tetralogy has often been questioned, as its setting as well as form differs significantly from the previous three novels. However, as this article will show, the novel also offers Ford’s most substantial examination of the consequences of war. This article looks at the importance of things in Ford’s depiction of post-war reconstruction, arguing that by foregrounding furniture and other domestic objects as a thematic concern, Ford seeks to evade a homogenising narrative of reconciliation and patriotic celebration. The novel participates in a modernist rejection of empirical, objective representation, where things rather than events serve as nodes of reference for the psychological as well as material transformations of the Post-War period.

One of the most important sources of social history research are school registers, which provide a detailed picture of the social background of pupils who attended the institution, even at a nominal level. In my paper, on the one hand, I present the historiographical significance of the register books of Transylvanian Reformed secondary schools, comparing them with the register books from secondary schools situated in Trianon-Hungary. On the other hand, in the light of the research that has so far been carried out using school registers, I identify further research directions using the registers of Transylvanian Reformed secondary schools.

The status granted to foreigners across the Spanish territory, whether domiciled or transient, for various reasons has been an element of attention for government authorities since at least the early 18th century. The Spanish-American war, which ended in 1898, and, above all, the First World War – the effects of which overwhelmed Spain despite its proclaimed neutrality – represented key moments. The presence in the territory of citizens of other States, especially European ones, and the consideration of their contribution to the nation, also through the processes of naturalisation, acquired special public importance and significantly influenced the relevant legislation in this regard.

Zlatko Topčić has built the identity of a novelist who openly tackles new techniques and literary procedures in the wake of postmodern ways of writing. This is supported by the novels created during and after the last war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the shadows and traumas of the war are deep in the elements of the text, and the characters are caught in its whirlwind in different ways, prisoners of traumatic conditions even in the time when the storm of events subsides, but remains a long sediment of painful experiences. This text aims to show how a great historical event - the Sarajevo assassination - is artistically transposed in the novel 6/28/1914 (novel, revision), and how the fate of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the war in the period 1992-1995 can be traced through its outlines. With a collection of characters, historical and fictional, narrative organization of space and time, intertextuality, and an ironic relationship with metanarratives, Topčić creates a text as a product of personal stories from which a novelistic mosaic of historical events is created.

Aim: The period after the First World War was very challenging for countries across the whole of Europe. The health condition and health literacy of inhabitants in the First Czechoslovak Republic were poor. Design: Historical research. Methods: Direct, indirect, and progressive methods were chosen to describe community care and public health care. Archival sources were found in selected archives in the Czech and Slovak republics. Results: It is evident that many changes related to preventing infectious and non-infectious diseases. Ethnic and socioeconomic diversity was a factor that influenced the health condition and knowledge of the population, and the success of preventive measures. Therefore, the involvement of professional and voluntary organizations, and government institutions was essential. Public health care arose from the idea that a healthy population was the basis of the newly-formed republic. Conclusion: The literature and archival sources discovered show the importance of the health condition of the population to the newly-formed Czechoslovak state. To improve the health condition of the population, interventions were realized in cooperation with various organizations. Concurrently, there was an appreciable effort to enhance the health literacy of the population.

This article places itself within the renewal of the cultural-historical paradigm of the First World War and the global perspective of the conflict in Latin America. Due to the lesser intensity of its military involvement in the war, the region has been considered “peripheral” and largely overlooked by the historiography of the conflict. The First World War has also been relatively ignored by Brazilian historiography, although the country was the only South American nation to become a belligerent in 1917, a decisive year in the various theatres of the war. Thus, I seek to analyse the impact of propaganda and censorship in Brazil during the First World War, particularly when the country entered the conflict. It will tackle two main reactions unleashed by this event. On the one hand, it led the Allied to enlarge the production, translation, and distribution of war propaganda in Brazil. On the other hand, it gave rise to a novel approach regarding the Brazilian war effort, which was considered more valuable to the great powers in terms of transatlantic censorship. Ultimately, this assessment concludes that the Brazilian cultural and political mobilisation in the First World War was more complex and nuanced than the current historiography suggests.

This article summarizes the results of a study on the daily life of students at the Kazan Imperial Theological Academy in 1914–1917 when the life of civilians was severely affected by the First World War. Through the analysis of archival materials and literary sources, a close look is taken at such major constituents of everyday activities as space and time, material means, as well as clothing and dietary habits. During that period, most students resided in boarding houses, which also determined their living conditions: state-paid students received food, sleeping and working space, clothes, treatment, etc. The life of all students of the Academy revolved around the main building on the Arsk Field of Kazan. They spent most of their time there but were occasionally allowed to make short-term trips into the city. When the First World War broke out, the students started visiting more places. They went to the infirmaries and hospitals to take part in religious sermons and entertainment events. Many of them fell into a poor financial situation because the annual basic scholarship was only enough to pay for staying at the boarding house. The canteen no longer served sufficient meals, especially during the fast, so the students were malnourished and forced to seek out other sources of food. They were offered nutritious food only on holidays. The statutory clothes (raincoats, uniforms, jackets, trousers, and shoes) supplied by the Academy were of little use to keep warm in the cold seasons. In 1917, the biggest changes occurred. The premises of the Academy were gradually militarized. By the end of the year, due to the social upheavals and the economic crisis, only 142 out of 300 students continued their education. They were mainly accommodated in government apartments, and the classes were held either in the assembly hall or in the rector’s apartment.