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Most international students, for the last 150 years, have been paid for by their families. Governments paid for some of their own citizens to study abroad in the interest of political and economic development. They also funded foreign students where they saw this as in the national political interest, in pursuit of soft power and influence. Some universities, with different fees for home and foreign students, have particularly valued the latter; this was the case in Switzerland and France before 1914 and countries including Britain and Australia from the 1980s. Scholarship agencies funded a modest but important number of students, often seeking with some success the most able, for their own political and ideological ends.

The study is motivated by the need to develop cost-effective tools to estimate the value and size of local food systems. Organizations in need of such evaluations often cannot afford the large price tag for the type of in-depth analysis they desire, and thus alternative, cost-effective methods are the next best choice. We use a recent evaluation of the Chicago foodshed to demonstrate one such cost-effective tool. Expansion of local sales constitutes import substitution, where local foods supplant existing imports. The proposed input-output (I/O) modeling method combines a “follow the money” approach with one that isolates total contributions of the local food systems, and uses an alternative definition of local foods. The approach modifies the underlying IMPLAN data and uses secondary data to account for other changes. The method is applied to a multicounty region comprising four states; the method’s limitations are also discussed. See the press release for this article.

We estimate the tax elasticity of dividends using two recent French re- forms: a hike in the dividend tax rate followed, five years later, by a cut. To follow the cash movements within the balance sheets of households and firms caused by these reforms, we use newly-accessible personal and cor- porate tax registries. Following the tax increase, the elasticity of dividends equals four and there is no shifting towards other personal income cate- gories. We find instead an increase in companies’ spending. After the tax decrease, payouts revert to their initial level, but not enough to offset the amounts received during the high-tax period.

The move towards digital payments and mobile money, and away from physical cash and banking services offers users opportunities to change the ways that they can spend, save and manage their money through a variety of personal financial management services. However, set against ordinary, everyday patterns of spending, saving and other forms of financial transaction, it is not clear how users might interact with, understand, or value financial management services that utilise rich data and connected digital content for their personal use. In order to explore how people might engage with such systems, we conducted a study of financial activity, following people’s transactional activity over time, and interviewing them about their practices, understandings, needs, concerns and expectations of current and future financial technologies. Drawing from the everyday activities and practices observed, we identify implications for the design of digitally enabled, personal financial systems.

This chapter turns to the bottom line of outsourced regeneration and self-regulation – the colossal financial riches made, following the money from government to the immediate companies and then through to their ultimate owners, often offshored in tax havens. A first section recaps on the variety of unnecessary costs imposed on the public sector through PFI procurement that would simply not be possible if the scheme was financed and procured directly through the public sector. A second section focuses on the complex yet lucrative financial deals done to raise the upfront investment that provide private banks, financial market traders and PFI investors with enormous, risk-free profits. A third section turns to the generous profit margins commanded by the construction and maintenance firms in these PFI schemes from the lack of genuine competition in the procurement process. A fourth section details how corporate consultants and the big four accountancy firms also financially benefit from advising and auditing on these schemes in ways that create real conflicts of interest. A final section that follows these different profitable financial flows through the MFN regeneration scheme.

While Roma are both Europe’s largest minority, there is no “homeland” state that claims to guard their interest. The lack of “an external national homeland” [Brubaker, R. 1996. Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press] to watchdog and safeguard their rights has a particular effect on how Roma engage as political actors and subjects. International donors/foundations have assumed the role of “external homeland”. This article explores the effect that donors’ funding priorities have on Romani advocacy – specifically Romani journalism. Drawing upon multi-sited fieldwork in five countries, extensive document analysis, and interviews, Idemonstrate that the change in Romani media content over the past two decades reflects the shift in funders’ priorities, particularly in relation to the European project. “The Roma” become a tool for donors and European institutions to build a “European” identity while Romani-led advocacy becomes in...

Purpose Before the enactment of the Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Terrorism Financing Act 2001 (AMLATFA), the fight against financial crime can be found in several statutes such as the Penal Code, Anti-Corruption Act 1997 and Companies Act 1965. It is generally accepted that by freezing and forfeiting the proceeds of the crime, it would give significant impact on the fight against financial crime. However, under these legislations, there were few shortcomings of the procedures on how the proceeds of the crime could be seized and forfeited. As such, the enactment of the AMLATFA is considered timely to overcome these problems. This paper aims to examine how the AMLATFA could be utilized to combat financial crime in Malaysia. Design/methodology/approach This paper mainly relies on statutes as its primary sources of information. As such, the relevant provisions under the Malaysian anti-money laundering laws that relate to measures for freezing, seizure and forfeiture of proceeds of the crime will be identified and analyzed. Findings The AMLATFA provides innovative tools for the law enforcement officials to follow the money trail, which will eventually lead to those who committed the financial crime. It also provides authorities with more powerful seizure and forfeiture measures. This is seen as a new law enforcement strategy to combat financial crime. It is believed that this approach is more effective than the traditional approach, which only punished the individual criminal but failed to diminish the criminal operations. However, it is vitally important to ensure that the effectiveness of the regime must not jeopardize the innocent third parties who could lose their money or any other proprietary interest due to the invocation of the forfeiture order. Originality/value This paper analyzes the new legal regime under the Malaysian anti-money laundering law that can be invoked to combat financial crimes activities. This paper would provide some guidelines into this particular area for legal enforcement authorities, academics, legal practitioners and policy makers, not only in Malaysia but also elsewhere.

Follow the Money (followthemoney.stanford.edu) is a Web-based mapping project developed at Stanford University’s Center for Spatial and Textual Analysis (CESTA). The project represents a multidisciplinary approach to telling a spatial history of federal payment programs, and a team of scholars with diverse expertise is constructing it. (See figure 1.) In this essay, the project’s participants explain how the project unfolded. Jay Taylor: The most unifying spatial feature of the American West is its federal lands. They play an outsized role in western culture, economics, and politics, comprising 47 percent of the eleven far western states—ranging from 29.9 percent in Montana to 84.5 percent in Nevada. These lands accrued in slow, piecemeal fashion following the 1830 Indian Removal Act and the 1832 Hot Springs Reservation Act, and then rapidly and systematically after the Forest Reserve Act of 1891 and the Taylor Grazing Act of 1934. The resulting federal domain has framed regional politics and historiography for a century. Debates usually focus on nature, race, and sovereignty, but rarely mentioned—either in historical or political discourse—is their political economy. Federal lands are framed as ecological, recreational, and industrial spaces, but not as tax bases. Figure 1. This Web site (followthemoney.stanford.edu) presents the spatial and temporal patterns of federal land in-lieu payments to counties in the American West, from 1906 to 2015. When complete, the project will document ten revenue programs, involving as many as 414 counties, for the lifetime of the programs. The site was developed collaboratively by Jay Taylor, CESTA staff, and two undergraduate students, who programmed the site in D3.js. I thought nothing of that silence until I was researching a biography of Edward Taylor, the Colorado congressman who authored the Taylor Grazing Act. Tracing Taylor’s career during the Progressive Era, I was intrigued by criticisms that he and other westerners made regarding federal …

Behavioural tracking is an increasingly discussed method of early detection of potential gambling-related problems. Recent research has focused predominantly on information derived from gambling transactions and communication logs. Even though payment behaviour establishes a direct link to the financial consequences of gambling, it had thus far not become subject to this field of research. This article uses transactional data generated by 2696 customers from the online gambling label bwin.com to investigate how far specific payment behaviours and specific payment methods enable a prospective differentiation between self-excluders and controls. The number and amount of deposits, the variance of withdrawals, the amount of funds subject to reversed withdrawals and the usage of mobile phone billing were found to be positively associated with self-exclusion; the number of active gambling months and the usage of electronic wallets and prepaid cards negatively. Customer age displayed a U-shaped relation,...

Business school rankings have been criticized, to blindly “follow the money” with their strong focus on salaries and economic performance, thereby reflecting the values and expectations of the times the rankings were created. Rankings are increasingly seen as out of touch with changing demands on business and business schools to address issues of social impact and sustainability. The newly created Positive Impact Rating for Business Schools (PIR) provides an answer to these demands. This paper presents a case study on the new PIR. It first provides an overview of the critique of current business school rankings. It highlights emerging trends towards including social impact and sustainability in the business school landscape, with a focus on the UN Sustainable Development Goals, research initiatives, accreditations, and rankings. It then presents and discusses in detail the new PIR launched in January 2020 at the WEF in Davos and its initial reception. This new “by students and for students” rating reaches out to students to assess their own business schools on how they perceive them in creating a positive impact on and for the world.

Follow the Money Major corporations appear to fund their charitable foundations in part to cater to politicians who are important to the firm's profitability. Integrating corporate tax returns, lobbying data, and data on U.S. congressional committee assignments, Bertrand et al. show that donations from a given corporate-funded foundation to charities in a particular congressional representative's district, or for which a congressional representative is a board member, ebb and flow according to whether the representative sits on a committee that is of interest to the corporation. The patterns parallel spending by political action committees (PACs). Around 7% of charitable giving (∼$1.2 billion annually) appears to be politically motivated, amounting to about 2.5 times the annual PAC spending and one-third of the total federal lobbying spending—and it is tax exempt and thus subsidized by taxpayers. Am. Econ. Rev. 110 , 2065 (2020).

This paper integrates the largely separate literatures of financial bootstrapping and pecking-order theory (POT) in order to explore how funding acquisition processes evolve at the firm level. Base...

The chapter reflects upon the money–politics nexus in the Indian Parliament and parliamentary/electoral politics. It focuses attention on issues of corruption and on the effects of money on garnering resources for influence: election expenses, asset accumulation, and spending of MP Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS). The chapter assesses how money is seen and spent, on and by women MPs. The concern here is to examine how money plays a part in the gendered life of Parliament. While corruption in an important issue for accountability, the chapter shows how it is constructed in gendered ways. While women garner fewer monetary resources than men, they are not particularly less corrupt, or more sensitive to the demands of their constituencies. At the same time, public commentary on women’s role as members of Parliament is particularly harsh and intolerant of their shortcomings—perhaps because women are burdened with expectations of care in the way that male politicians are not.

An increasingly global venture capital (VC) business raises the question whether foreign VCs’ investments pull economic activity away from domestic economies. Using a large sample of VC-backed European ventures, we analyze whether involvement of foreign VCs influences firms’ and entrepreneurs’ migration patterns. We provide evidence that foreign investors, in particular from the U.S., on average, back much better European ventures and increase the likelihood of foreign exits and emigration of entrepreneurs. These effects are robust to endogenous selection. Our findings suggest that VC firms are a funnel through which high-impact economic actors are absorbed by countries with foreign VC presence. Governmental efforts to increase domestic supply of VC should have a positive impact on domestic economies.

Two phenomena dominate reports about blockchain-based transactions—that they will disrupt and displace legacy banking, securities, and trade intermediaries, and that they present new or greater opportunities for hiding proceeds of crimes or corruption. This essay does not deal with the former topic. Rather, the organizers of the symposium at George Mason University’s Antonin Scalia School of Law asks me to consider the latter question. It proved to be a tough assignment. This essay looks at the separate questions of (1) the degree to which permission-less blockchain transactions will disrupt current anti-money laundering (AML) regimes and enforcement efforts, and (2) what efforts governments that have agreed to pursue goals of deterrence and detection of money laundering may need to initiate as blockchain-based transactions become more common. My thought process has moved through stages and, finally, has focused on three silos of potential concerns about blockchain technologies. In the first silo are blockchain technologies as technologies. I assign to this first silo the lowest level of concerns because of their potential for inclusion, security and integrity. I do not favor regulating technologies; such regulation will be outdated too fast. The second silo contains cryptocurrencies and other crypto-assets or products and services related to them that are offered in compliance with applicable domestic laws where the user of the product or services is domiciled. I assign a low-to-low-middle level of concern to these crypto assets but recognize and discuss below that this “grade” could change. In the third silo, I have bad actors whose products and services are designed for illicit purposes, and opportunists that offer products and services they do not have and that have no intention of delivering products or services or allowing redemption of value delivered to them. This third silo gets a big red flag from me – and this silo will require continued attention from domestic and global law enforcement agencies. Part of the reason that I see a low or low-to-low-middle level of concern for the first two silos is that, for the immediate future at least, that traditional financial services “gatekeepers” in payments, securities, and commodities will continue to play vital roles in deterring and detecting money laundering and terrorism finance efforts here and abroad. The presence of regulated “gatekeepers” may not forestall the need for new legal requirements or enforcement systems forever, but their presence in the marketplaces of today reduce the need for immediate action and allow legislatures and regulators more time to observe crypto innovations and determine their next steps. As a subset of the third silo, for the time being at least, are the new brands of government-backed cryptocurrencies, such as the Petro from Venezuela and those that Russia, China, and other governments, and the special challenges they may pose to AML legal regimes and, separately, to the United States Dollar as the global reserve currency that it has represented since World War II. These government-backed cryptocurrencies also challenge longstanding concepts of sovereigns’ control over “legal tender” inside their own borders and their potential sponsors are designing them to avoid economic sanctions imposed by other governments. The balance of this essay proceeds as follows: Part II provides background on permission-less blockchains and, separately, recent interest by governments in issuing cryptocurrencies themselves. Part III provides background on the three stages of value laundering – (1) initial “placement” of illicit proceeds, (2) “layering” through multiple forms of property or banks or banking systems to obscure its source or ownership, and (3) “integration” or emergence of assets that look legitimate to the outsider. Part IV reviews different challenges to traditional means of detecting value laundering that non-government-issued cryptocurrencies, permission-less blockchains, and government-sponsored cryptocurrencies pose. This Part looks at the vital roles that “gatekeepers” play in AML enforcement in the United States. Part IV also explains how (1) regulators and law enforcement authorities are already using new tools to trace and identify blockchain-based transactions that are in furtherance of illicit activities, and (2) government-issued cryptocurrencies and more private and opaque cryptocurrencies may make detection of money laundering more difficult. Part V explains my view that permission-less blockchains are not our major problem in the global campaigns against money laundering (regardless of the purposes for which money laundering is attempted) but finding someone to regulate in future may be. Part VI briefly evaluates efforts by global authorities, such as the G-20’s Financial Action Task Force (“FATF”) regarding the regulation of cryptocurrencies and the European Parliament’s 5th Anti-Money Laundering Directive (“AMLD5”), some of which goes into effect on January 10, 2020, to re-frame the AML and market-protection regulatory recommendations to cover issues relating to cryptocurrencies and other crypto-assets. Part VII states some conclusions and identifies questions for additional research.

Follow the money, the saying goes, and you will understand why things are the way they are. Serving as coeditors for Families, Systems, and Health's Policy and Management section, we seek to do just that. As new models of payment offer hope for improved delivery of integrated care for families, this newly relaunched section of the journal will highlight both the opportunities and the deeply rooted challenges in the evolving US payment system. While many of the challenges associated with integrated care payment are driven by public policy, others are driven by management and leadership decisions. We wish to explore both this year. Drawing on our combined experience in health care policy and management-nearly 70 years and counting-our aim is to offer readers timely, thoughtful, and promising insights into payment policy reforms and cost reduction opportunities that impact the spread and sustainability of integrated care. We invite your opinions, case studies, and research as we follow the money, and explore how to best pay for integrated care. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).

This note gives guidance on using International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) data to trace aid flows from donor treasuries to their final end use. Traceability in IATI works by following the money as it flows from organization to organization through the development implementation chain. Provided that all organizations publish their information, it is possible to assess how much of the total funding at the beginning of the implementation chain is spent on goods and services, and where the money is spent. See also Tracing US Development Flows .

In an earlier book by Sara Reckhow, Follow the Money (2012), the author drew attention to the significance of money in the analysis of education policy, and specifically how major US philanthropies...

The recent resurgence of interest in economic and business history -- popularly known as the new “history of capitalism” -- has prompted many American historians to revisit subjects long neglected in their particular subfields. Much of this new work has focused on a particular dimension of capitalism: finance. For historians of the early American republic, the history of finance has been especially neglected. This article examines why these subjects have generally escaped attention, and offers a theoretical framework for understanding finance during this period. Finally, it offers a detailed roadmap to new avenues for research into a range of promising, if little-studied, topics.

Title I funding has been the largest federal program of K–12 education for the past fifty years, the objective being to eliminate the educational disadvantage associated with poverty. I provide new evidence on the long-term effects of school spending from Title I on children’s educational and adult economic outcomes. To study effects of Title I, I link school district spending and administrative data on Title I funding to nationally representative data on children born between 1950 and 1977 and followed through 2011. Models include controls for birth cohort and school district fixed effects, childhood family–neighborhood characteristics, and other policies. I find that increases in Title I funding are significantly related to increases in educational attainment, high school graduation rates, higher earnings and work hours, reductions in grade repetition, school suspension or expulsion, incarceration, and reductions in the annual incidence of poverty in adulthood; effects on educational outcomes are more pronounced for poor children.

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.

The past 30 years have witnessed a radical shift in European politics, as new far-right wing parties have entered national parliaments. Driven by discontent, fear and the notion of cultural struggle, they have gradually come to twist the political conversation around their core issues. For many far-right parties, cultural heritage is one such issue. While this ought to put them on the radar of scholars studying heritage politics, the topic of far-right heritage policy remains largely unexplored. This article seeks to ignite this field of enquiry by taking a closer look at what far-right heritage policies actually look like. Focus is set on three Scandinavian far-right parties with seats in national parliaments: the Danish People’s Party, the Progress Party in Norway and the Sweden Democrats. By examining the notion of heritage put forth in their party manifestos and the heritage priorities expressed in their parliamentary budget proposals, we consider the weight of their rhetoric.

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.

The chapter analyses the establishment of and the case law on civil recovery. It suggests that the procedure arose, essentially, as a technique to avoid granting the set of rights associated with human rights law in criminal proceedings. The chapter argues that the jurisprudence leading to the decisions that the civil recovery procedure is not covered by Articles 6.2 and 6.3 is unsatisfactory and that its consequences for the admissibility of evidence and for the other Article rights are troubling. The chapter suggests that that the twin causes might be an environment of unreflecting commitment to the ‘follow the money’ dogma in respect of proceeds of crime and the recognition of the civil/criminal distinction as an axiom of human rights law. Both require fuller and more critical attention.

Endoscopic spine surgery is receiving intense interest as minimally invasive techniques, robotics and biologics are the latest focus in spine care that is embraced by a myriad of providers, all touting their area of expertise as the answer to treating painful conditions of the spine. All stakeholders agree that if non-surgical methods of treatment are effective, the natural adaptation of painful degenerative conditions will eventually be mitigated or resolved with some modification of work or activities of daily living that avoids aggravating the clinical condition or delays a rapid advancement to a painful condition. Each stakeholder in the treatment spectrum is touting, and marketing their areas of expertise, but few stakeholders work together in a truly multidisciplinary and cooperative agenda. Procedural or surgical interventions are easiest to market and to measure its efficacy and cost effectiveness. The cumulative cost of spinal care is, however, becoming less affordable as spinal care does not follow the economics of a free market since increased consumption and availability does not result in decreased cost as an economic model. There is a need for cooperation and a focus on the diagnosis and treatment of common painful conditions of an aging spine, starting with common back pain that affects tens of millions of patients. Back pain is one of the most costly and debilitating conditions universally affecting work productivity. In the United States and in industrialized countries, new procedures for back pain tend to “follow the money” aided by industry. In Asian and OUS countries, there is more acceptance of traditional non-surgical treatment from thousands of years of medical treatment history. New and non-traditional treatments based on evolving science, are being made readily available in the information highway by Open Access Journals where researchers can publish their Level V evidenced based concepts for interested parties and other scientists. Anthony T. Yeung’s work focuses on the surgical treatment of the pain generator in the lumbar spine. Patient selection is aided by using diagnostic and therapeutic injections, to identify the likelihood of surgical success when the pain source is targeted. This article focuses on the details of Yeung’s 27 years’ experience on identifying and treating the pain generators in the lumbar spine by an endoscope and combined with an endoscopic system that he has trademarked the Yeung Endoscopic Spine System (YESSTM).

Organized crime emerged suddenly on the political and law enforcement agenda in manyEuropean countries in the 1980s and 1990s. The increasing focus on financial aspects oforganized crime followed suit, but at a much slower pace. Anti-money laundering efforts wereactively promoted by some governments and organizations such as the Financial Action TaskForce (FATF),butwerealsoopposedbyotherparties,as somemeasures imposea highburdenoncertaineconomicsectors(seeforareview,e.g.,LeviandReuter2006;Levi2013;Kilchling2014; Halliday et al. 2014). These sustained anti-money laundering efforts gained newmomentum through the shocking terrorist attacks in New York (2001), Madrid (2004), andLondon (2005), and several recent incidents in European countries and abroad. Consequently,the discussion has been widened from organized crime (with a strong emphasis on drugtrafficking) to terrorism and terrorist funding, although these phenomena and the financialaspects of these phenomena may be quite different in several respects.The discussion on money laundering has a strong policy focus and is dominated byuntested assumptions about offenders and offender behavior, and the impact of criminalnetworks and criminal activities on society. Can organized crime activities and terrorism belumped together or should they be treated separately? What influence does money have onthese phenomena and is this differentfor different aspects such as investing money in criminalactivities, moving and laundering proceeds of crime, and investing money in legal economy?Whatis the impact ofmoney launderingonthe integrity of thefinancialsystem andonsocietyas a whole? Is it really a big threat and in what respect? Can money laundering be curbedthrough specific crime prevention strategies and investigation strategies (‘follow the money’)?And how should these new strategies be integrated in the law enforcement system?Empirical research into financial aspects of organized crime is very important to test theassumptions that are part of public debate, but are often taken for granted, not explicated, andput to the empirical test. Despite the importance of this task, academic researchers — with afew notable exceptions — have not paida lotof attention to these salientquestions. Therefore

Private sector participation in education has both changed and intensified in recent years, engendering dramatic shifts in policies and schooling practices. These shifts have garnered the attention...

In this Twitter Research Forum essay, Brett Hutchins, a leading researcher on the increasing digitization of sports media, reflects on the use value of Twitter for sports media researchers. Hutchins notes two responses for the increase in the number of research articles examining Twitter in the sporting context: (1) acknowledgment of the pivotal role of social networking platforms in contemporary sport industries and (2) a distinct repetitiveness in some research about social media and sport. Noting the ease of data collection concerning Twitter, Hutchins argues that the novelty of Twitter is insufficient justification for analyzing a limited sample of tweets. It is suggested that future research needs to examine Twitter’s status as a commercial enterprise and that commodification needs to be more centrally considered when “scraping” data from Twitter output. Foremost, it is argued that Twitter is best positioned as the subject but not the center of inquiry and matters only because it is a source of insight into the transformation of media and technology markets. The essay closes by encouraging sport media researchers to broaden their agenda by engaging with research on the nonsporting sociocultural contexts and impacts of new digital media.

S. Lochlann Jain, Malignant: How Cancer Becomes Us. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. 304 pp.I had not intended to become a cancer anthropologist. I can say, without shame, that when I finished my first project, the intent behind my move to the National Cancer Institute (NCI) was to follow the money. Acknowledging the NCI as the 800-pound, pink ribbon-festooned, funding gorilla of the NIH, the epitome of Nixon's War on Cancer, it was a move to understand one of the single, greatest public efforts to address human illness. I wanted to understand cancer disparities as an anthropological object, the dual construction of science and politics, a research agenda and grant portfolio made real by health scientist administrators who themselves would constitute my new "village" (Lee 2009a). It was also a four-year post-doctoral fellowship with full healthcare benefits. Cancer science and cancer care is truly an enormous configuration of contemporary American undertakings, and we should not overlook the (ancillary? derivative?) academic enterprise that grows alongside it, albeit dwarfed in scope and dollars."Cancer may start as a series of dividing cells...but it is more richly understood as a rhetorical term that can powerfully organize relationships and as a key player in the broader history of the United States and elsewhere" (233). More simply, "cancer can't be inside so many people and remain outside society" (221). It is in this light that Jain's new text comes together as a meditation on cancer as part of a uniquely American contemporary landscape. Three previously published essays are adapted here in a new configuration with four new chapters, building new arguments while simultaneously weaving an analysis that draws on her prior projects in injury and malpractice law (Jain 2006). To push the metaphor, Malignant started as an idea evolving into something new to progress and proliferate, to take a life of its own. Jain's choice of title was not benign, which should tell you something about her thoughts on the matter.1 Jain describes her book as an effort to map out cultural containment strategies (221), exposing or calling into question how the organizing of information about cancer- even with the aim of finding cures-does violence to the lived experience of the disease and its effects. Malignant uses cancer as a framing device to present a different take on the downstream consequences of the rise of population thinking (Porter 1995).Scholarly writing offers an inherent challenge, none more so than anthropology. To be scholarly, the author has to immerse herself in the phenomenon, deeply, perhaps for years, such that the strangeness of the thing in question becomes familiar, thereby understandable. And then, in the moment of writing, an author must bring readers close enough to see that thing in stark relief, all the while conveying the daily-ness-the routine of what is, in truth, simply other people living their lives-such that readers are compelled to recognize how this account can only be true.2Jain uses Maurice Blanchot to provide a philosophical vignette for "Living in Prognosis: The Firing Squad of Statistics" (Chapter 1). Her engagement with the Frenchman pivots on the juxtaposition, "I am alive. No, you are dead." This is an interesting invitation that I take up because it helps me think about Jain's positionality across the texts that she has assembled to create Malignant. Blanchot, who writes poignantly elsewhere about literature and the right to death, says of Thomas Mann's fiction:...he does not respect the rule of nonintervention: he constantly involves himself in what he is telling, sometimes through interposed persons, but also in the most direct kind of way. What about this unwarranted intrusion? It is not moralizing-a stand taken against a certain character-it does not consist of illuminating things from outside-the thrust of the creator's thumb as he shapes his figures the way he wants them. …

The debate about charter schools and public schools has been conducted on an ideological level. However, the ideological argument obscures the ongoing transfer of public funds to private use, the creation of business and investment opportunities, and the effects of the private enterprise model on education. In the current two-part article, the authors discuss charter schools and finances. Part 1 concerns charter schools and management organizations. Part 2 focuses on charter schools as business investments. Throughout, the authors link the information to effects on education.

Whether it was bread-wielding Tunisians, marching Suez workers, or Yemeni protestors chanting against corruption, the 2011 Arab uprisings put political economy issues front and center. Indeed, a critical thread throughout the region's uprisings has been the simple question: “where has the money gone?” And though the field of political economy is multifaceted, the basic refrain “follow the money” unites most of it. Having students engage and debate political economy issues helps counteract much of the popular media's fixation on violence, terrorism, and sectarianism that too often exclusively frames how Americans understand the Middle East. Political economy gets at some of the most important (but certainly not all) factors and dynamics that define social and political life in the Middle East. A political economy approach also reinforces the critical disposition and tools of inquiry to instill in university undergraduates. In particular, the approach stresses to students that the realms of the economy and the political are hardly distinct, and therefore a more complete explanation for the events of 2011, and after, require grasping that interaction (Lindblom 1982; Polanyi 2001).

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.

The United States has always defined itself in terms of great optimism and progress. For long periods, that self-definition was accurate. It no longer is. Robert J. Gordon’s magisterial economic history, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, describes 1870-1970 as the miracle century that improved the real standard of living tenfold. For the future, says Gordon, the United States faces an anemic growth rate of less than a third of a percent per year, and — even worse — only the richest tier will see growth. For tax, the realistic expectations of slow future growth mean a high danger of collapse in our ability to run deficits or borrow money well within the decade. Federal creditors have been extraordinarily generous to the U.S. government, accepting interest below the expected rate of inflation. They have assumed that federal debt is risk free. If our creditors lose faith in our ability to repay debt, or believe that we will just pay it off with inflated paper, then the debt will no longer be treated as risk free. The loss of faith will probably not be just a squeeze but a collapse. The increasing inequality of America means we must follow the money to reach the broad taxable capacity. We need to increase the efficiency of tax and shift the burden of tax to richer taxpayers — not with higher rates, but by better descriptions of their economic resources.

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.

The essays collected in Uncommon Wealths in Postcolonial Fiction “follow the money” to illuminate literature’s keen awareness of the multiple and often conflicting meanings of wealth and commons in formerly colonized spaces.