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This book considers the doctrinal and ecclesiological trends that were present during the construction of the revised Book of Common Prayer of 1927. Through the use of the records of both Convocations and of the National/Church Assembly, it examines the debates that led to the revised Book and the doctrinal shifts that were present in these debates. It challenges the idea that the revision process stalled in the First World War by showing how the birth of the National Assembly that took place during the war was born out of the revision process. Through the Assembly records it shows the integral role the laity played in the revision process. It examines the attempts to get the revised Books through Parliament, the difference between pro and anti-revision speakers, and the radical ecclesiological thinking that followed the rejections.

This book explores the ways that families were formed and re-formed, and held together and fractured, in Britain from the sixteenth to twentieth century. The chapters build upon the argument, developed in the 1990s and 2000s, that the nuclear family form, the bedrock of understandings of the structure and function of family and kinship units, provides a wholly inadequate lens through which to view the British family. Instead the volume's contributors point to families and households with porous boundaries, an endless capacity to reconstitute themselves, and an essential fluidity to both the form of families, and the family and kinship relationships that stood in the background. This book offers a re-reading, and reconsideration of the existing pillars of family history in Britain. It examines areas such as: Scottish kinship patterns, work patterns of kin in Post Office families, stepfamily relations, the role of family in managing lunatic patients, and the fluidity associated with a range of professional families in the nineteenth century. Chapter 8 of this book is available open access under a CC BY 4.0 license at link.springer.com

This book explores the political and ideological developments that resulted in the establishment of two separate states on the island of Ireland: the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. It examines how this radical transformation took place, including how British Liberals and Unionists were as influential in the “two-state solution” as any Irish party. The book analyzes transformative events including the third home rule crisis, partition and the creation of Northern Ireland, and the Irish Free State's establishment through the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The policies and priorities of major figures such as H.H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, John Redmond, Eamon de Valera, Edward Carson, and James Craig receive prominent attention, as do lesser-known events and organizations like the Irish Convention and Irish Dominion League. The work outlines many possible solutions to Britain's “Irish question,” and discusses why some settlement ideas were adopted and others discarded. Analyzing publicdiscourse and archival sources, this monograph offers new perspectives on the Irish Revolution, highlighting in particular the tension between public rhetoric and private opinion.

This book explores the interests of British leaders, diplomats and consuls in the unifying of Italy. It is the first study to provide a comprehensive narrative of British policy on Italian affairs between the formation of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861 and its consolidation as a new nation-state through the acquisitions of Venice in 1866 and Rome in 1870. Commencing with an investigation of the place of Italy within the context of mid-Victorian Britain's global interests, the book investigates the origins of British sympathy for Italian nationalism during the 1850s, before charting the development of British foreign policy regarding Italy during its unification and consolidation. Emphasis is placed upon the tendency of British leaders and representatives to consider it their responsibility to guide the new Italy through its formative years, and upon their desire to draw Italy into a ‘special relationship'with Britain as the dominant power within the Mediterranean.

This book explores the experience of childhood and adolescence in later medieval English rural society from 1250 to 1450. Hit by major catastrophes – the Great Famine and then a few decades later the Black Death – this book examines how rural society coped with children left orphaned, and land inherited by children and adolescents considered too young to run their holdings. Using manorial court rolls, accounts and other documents, Miriam Müller looks at the guardians who looked after the children, and the chattels and lands the children brought with them. This book considers not just rural concepts of childhood, and the training and schooling young peasants received, but also the nature of supportive kinship networks, family structures and the roles of lordship, to offer insights into the experience of childhood and adolescence in medieval villages more broadly.

This book shows how a stormy parliamentary debate over the sale of German properties in Nigeria on 8 November 1916 began the process which brought down Asquith and made Lloyd George prime minister. The colonial secretary, Bonar Law, who was also leader of the Conservative Party, wanted neutral firms to bid. Usually presented as a policy imposed on him by doctrinaire Liberal free-traders, it was in fact that of the colonial government, which hoped that encouraging foreign competition would prevent the Nigerian export economy becoming controlled by a ring of mainly Liverpool firms. Seeing itself as the defender of Nigerian interests, the Colonial Office endorsed this. The large British companies got up an agitation, which was taken over by Sir Edward Carson, the one significant opposition politician, as part of his attack on supposed German influence in high places. Law counter-attacked by arguing that a supposedly patriotic cause masked the greed of an emergent cartel. He succeeded because smaller British and African firms, trying to break into the now profitable produce export trade, had already painted that picture. By defeating Carson in the debate, Law became again an effective party leader, who hoped to re-invigorate the coalition, but instead found himself working with Lloyd George to sideline Asquith. Based on underused sources, and overturning established interpretations, the book situates the debate within the context of the development of the Nigerian economy, the conflicts between the major firms, the role of oils and fats in wartime, and the emergence of Nigerian nationalism.

This book examines the fraught political relationship between British governments, which wanted information about peoples'lives, and the people who desired privacy. To do this it looks at something that Britain only experienced in wartime, a centralized and up-to-date list of everyone in the country: a population register. The abolition of this wartime system is contrasted with later attempts to reintroduce registration, and the change in the political mind-set driving these later schemes to develop centralised webs of so-called objective data is examined. These policies were confronted by privacy campaigns, studied here, but it is shown how government responses succeeded in turning political debates about data into technical discussions about computerization; thus protecting its data, largely on paper, from oversight. This reformulation also shaped the 1984 Data Protection Act, which consequently did not protect privacy but rather increased government's ability to gain knowledge of, and hence power over, the people.

This book explores the relationship between Queen Caroline, one of the most enigmatic characters in Regency England, and Sir William Gell, the leading classical scholar of his day. Despised and rejected by her husband, Caroline created a sphere and court of her own through patronage of scholarship. The primary beneficiary was Gell, a pioneering scholar of the classical world who opened new dimensions in the study of ancient Troy, mainland Greece, and Ithaca. Despite his achievements, Gell had scarce financial resources. Support from Caroline enabled him to establish himself in Italy and conduct his seminal work about ancient Rome and, especially, Pompeii, until her sensational trial before the House of Lords and premature death. Concluding with the first scholarly transcription of the extraordinary series of letters that Caroline wrote to Gell, this volume illuminates how Caroline sought power through patronage, and how Gell shaped classical scholarship in nineteenth-century Britain.

This book investigates how British diplomats in Tehran and London reacted to the overthrow of the Shah and the creation of an Islamic Republic in Iran, which had previously been a major political and commercial partner for London in the Middle East. Making substantial use of recently declassified archival material, the book explores the role of a significant diplomatic institution – the resident embassy – and the impact of revolutions on diplomatic relations. It evaluates the performance of those charged with British diplomacy during the Iranian Revolution, as Britain's position fell from favour under the post-revolutionary regime. Examining the views of key diplomatic personnel at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and British ministers, this study seeks to explain how British policy towards Iran was shaped and the means of diplomacy employed. In charting the evolution of Britain's diplomatic relationship with Iran during this period, a number of factors are considered, includinghistorical experience, geography, economics, world politics and domestic concerns. It also highlights the impact of events within the Iranian domestic political scene which were beyond London's control but which shaped British policy significantly.

This book is a work of press history that considers how the music press represented permissive social change for their youthful readership. Read by millions every week, the music press provided young people across the country with a guide to the sounds, personalities and controversies that shaped British popular music and, more broadly, British culture and society. By analysing music papers and oral history interviews with journalists and editors, Patrick Glen examines how papers represented a lucrative entertainment industry and mass press that had to negotiate tensions between alternative sentiments and commercial prerogatives. This book demonstrates, as a consequence, how music papers constructed political positions, public identities and social mores within the context of the market. As a result, descriptions and experiences of social change and youth were contingent on the understandings of class, gender, sexuality, race and locality.

This book examines the history of the relationship between Liberia and Britain—the world's first black republic, founded by former slaves, and the world's strongest colonial power. Jyotirmoy Pal Chaudhuri excavates a wealth of archival sources to reconstruct a turbulent narrative spanning key points in twentieth-century Liberian history. Pal Chaudhuri argues that the Black Republic was never a serious item on the British agenda for constructive action in West Africa, as seen in the repeated failure of their concessionaires, their interference with the Firestone rubber project, and their efforts to have Liberia expelled from the League of Nations. Untangling the conflicts and contradictions between Britain's colonial interests and humanitarian ideals, Whitehall and the Black Republic is a long overdue contribution to the history of Liberia and the British Empire.

This book offers new perspectives on the origins and development of John Ruskin's political thought. Graham A. MacDonald traces the influence of late medieval and pre-Enlightenment thought in Ruskin's writing, reintroducing readers to Ruskin's politics as shaped through his engagement with concepts of natural law, legal rights, labour and welfare organization. From Ruskin's youthful studies of geology and chemistry to his back-to-the-land project, the Guild of St. George, he emerges as a complex political thinker, a reformer—and what we would recognize today as an environmentalist. John Ruskin's Politics and Natural Law is a nuanced reappraisal of neglected areas of Ruskin's thought.

This book analyses the perceived legitimacy of health and safety in post-1960 British public life. Since 2010 health and safety has appeared to be in crisis, being attacked by press, politicians and public alike, but are these claims of crisis accurate? How have understandings of health and safety changed over the past 60 years? By exploring the history, culture, and operation of health and safety in contemporary Britain, this book provides a new assessment of an understudied, but surprisingly far-reaching, part of the British political and social landscape. Combining archival research with focus group, social survey and oral history testimony, the book examines the historical background to health and safety, how health and safety has been enacted in public and in the workplace, the impact of changing economic, occupational and social structures on the operation of health and safety, and the conflicts and interests that have shaped the area.

This book explores the political ideas of the Belgian Revolution of 1830, which led to the break-up of the Restoration state of the ‘united'Kingdom of the Netherlands. It uncovers the origins of liberalism and political Catholicism in the Southern Netherlands in the wake of the French Revolution, and traces the development of political language in the context of the tensions between the Northern and Southern part of the united Netherlands. It shows how differences in ‘Dutch'and ‘Belgian'political and intellectual history resulted in different understandings of essential political concepts such as ‘sovereignty'and ‘balance of powers', as well as of the nature of the constitutional order of 1815. Finally, it traces the emergence of Belgian nationalism within the discourse of opposition against the government. Stefaan Marteel therefore provides a fresh perspective on the intellectual background of the rise of the nation-state in the nineteenth century.

This book explores the links between the British government and the dictatorships of Argentina and Chile, 1973-82, using newly-opened British archives. It gives the most complete picture to date of British arms sales, military visits and diplomatic links with the Argentine and Chilean military regimes before the Falklands war. It also provides new evidence that Britain had strategic and economic interests in the Falkland Islands and was keen to exploit the oil around the Islands. It looks at the impact of private corporations and social movements, such as the Chile Solidarity Campaign and human rights groups, on foreign policy. By analyzing the social background of British diplomats and tracing the informal social networks between government officials and the private sector, it considers the pro-business biases of state officials. It describes how the Foreign Office tried to dissuade the Labour governments of 1974-79 from imposing sanctions on the Pinochet regime in Chile and discusses whether un-elected officials place constraints on politicians aiming to pursue an ‘ethical'foreign policy.

This collection brings together leading and emerging scholars to evaluate the viability of four nations approaches to the history of the United Kingdom from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. It recognises the separate histories of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales and explores the extent to which they share a common, ‘British'history. They are entwined, with the points at which they interweave and detach dependent upon the nature of our inquiry, where we locate our ‘core'and our ‘periphery', and the ‘cause'and ‘effect'of our subject.The collection demonstrates that four nations frameworks are relevant to a variety of topics and tests the limits of the methodology. The chapters illuminate the changing shape of modern British history writing, and provide fresh perspectives on subjects ranging from state governance, nationalism and Unionism, economics, cultural identities and social networking.

This book traces how Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher, during their respective years as Conservative Opposition Leaders (1965-70 and 1975-79), managed their Party's attempts to ensure a return to government, each after two electoral defeats. They did so in the context of an emergent New Conservatism, championed by the likes of Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph and Nigel Lawson, which betokened a long-term change from the post-war Butskellite settlement. Against a national background of declining economic status, high inflation, debilitating public sector strikes and internal Conservative Party debates, particularly over industrial relations policy and monetarism, they adopted strikingly different approaches to policy-making in Opposition. The book illustrates how, paradoxically, Heath's technocratic over-prescription failed to save his eventual premiership, while Thatcher's under-committed policy design failed to impede her leading a purposeful and transformative government in the 1980s.

The Societies of Europe is a series of historical data handbooks on the development of Europe from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The series is a product of the Mannheim Centre for Social research, a body dedicated to comparative research on Europe and one of the leading social research institutes in the world. It is a collection of datasets giving a clear and systematic study of long term developments in European society. The data is presented statistically and is clearly comparative. The Societies of Europe is the most comprehensive data series available on Western European social issues.

This book examines the native Irish experience of conquest and colonisation in Ulster in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Central to this argument is that the Ulster plantation bears more comparisons to European expansion throughout the Atlantic than (as some historians have argued) the early-modern state's consolidation of control over its peripheral territories. Farrell also demonstrates that plantation Ulster did not see any significant attempt to transform the Irish culturally or economically in these years, notwithstanding the rhetoric of a ‘civilising mission'. Challenging recent scholarship on the integrative aspects of plantation society, he argues that this emphasis obscures the antagonism which characterised relations between native and newcomer until the eve of the 1641 rising. This book is of interest not only to students of early-modern Ireland but is also a valuable contribution to the burgeoning field of Atlantic history and indeed colonial studies in general.

This book considers three defining movements driven from London and within the region that describe the experience of the Church of England in New England between 1686 and 1786. It explores the radical imperial political and religious change that occurred in Puritan New England following the late seventeenth-century introduction of a new charter for the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the Anglican Church in Boston and the public declaration of several Yale ‘apostates'at the 1722 college commencement exercises. These events transformed the religious circumstances of New England and fuelled new attention and interest in London for the national church in early America. The political leadership, controversial ideas and forces in London and Boston during the run-up to and in the course of the War for Independence, was witnessed by and affected the Church of England in New England. The book appeals to students and researchers of English History, British Imperial History, Early American Historyand Religious History.

This book explores British post-colonial foreign policy towards Kenya from 1963 to 1980. It reveals the extent and nature of continued British government influence in Kenya after independence. It argues that this was not simply about neo-colonialism, and Kenya's elite had substantial agency to shape the relationship. The first section addresses how policy was made and the role of High Commissions and diplomacy. It emphasises contingency, with policy produced through shared interests and interaction with leading Kenyans. It argues that British policy-makers helped to create and then reinforced Kenya's neo-patrimonialism. The second part examines the economic, military, personal and diplomatic networks which successive British governments sustained with independent Kenya. A combination of interlinked interests encouraged British officials to place a high value on this relationship, even as their world commitments diminished. This book appeals to those interested in Kenyan history, post-colonial Africa, British foreign policy, and forms of diplomacy and policy-making.

This collection begins on the premise that, until recently, religion has been particularly influential in Ireland in forming a sense of identity, and in creating certain versions of reality. History has also been a key component in that process, and the historical evolution of Christianity has been appropriated by the main religious denominations – Catholic, Church of Ireland, and Presbyterian – with a view to reinforcing their own identities. This book explores the ways in which this occurred; the writing of religious history, and some of the manifestations of that process, forms key parts of the collection. Also included are chapters discussing current and recent attempts to examine the legacy of collective religious memory - notably in Northern Ireland - based on projects designed to encourage reflection about the religious past among both adults and school-children. Readers will find this collection particularly timely in view of the current ‘decade of commemorations'.

This book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license.This book provides the most in-depth study of capital punishment in Scotland between the mid-eighteenth and early nineteenth century to date. Based upon an extensive gathering and analysis of previously untapped resources, it takes the reader on a journey from the courtrooms of Scotland to the theatre of the gallows. It introduces them to several of the malefactors who faced the hangman's noose and explores the traditional hallmarks of the spectacle of the scaffold. It demonstrates that the period between 1740 and 1834 was one of discussion, debate and fundamental change in the use of the death sentence and how it was staged in practice. In addition, the study provides an innovative investigation of the post-mortem punishment of the criminal corpse. It offers the reader an insight into the scene at the foot of the gibbets from which criminal bodies were displayed and around the dissection tables of Scotland's main universities where criminal bodies were used as cadavers for anatomical demonstration. In doing so it reveals an intermediate stage in the long-term disappearance of public bodily punishment.

This book is an excellent work of scholarship. It seeks to redefine the early modern English economy by rejecting the concept of capitalism, and instead explores the cultural meaning of credit, resulting from the way in which it was economically structured. It is a major argument of the book that money was used only in a limited number of exchanges, and that credit in terms of household reputation, was a'cultural currency'of trust used to transact most business. As the market expanded in the late-sixteenth century such trust became harder to maintain, leading to an explosion of debt litigation, which in turn resulted in social relations being partially redefined in terms of contractual equality.

Based on an extensive range of sources, this impressive book analyses the principal institutions and features of British politics on the eve of reform: the monarchy, the prime ministership, the cabinet, the departments of State, parliamentary legislation, investigation, debate and parties, and the relationship between Parliament, the media, public opinion and popular politics. Designed to provide an accessible guide to how British politics was conducted in the early nineteenth century, this book leads to two main conclusions about pre-Reform politics: the unpredictability and openness of parliamentary affairs, and the centrality of Parliament to the politics of all social classes.

Provides a comprehensive chronological narrative of the history of the British Empire between 1815 and 1914, together with a more theoretical and reflective concluding chapter, thus giving an overview of British policy and action which takes account of the many factors underlying British expansion.

This book poses a major revisionist challenge to 20th century British labour history, aiming to look beyond the Marxist and Fabian exclusion of working class experience, notably religion and self-help, in order to exaggerate ‘labour movement'class cohesion. Instead of a ‘forward march'to secular state-socialism, the research presented here is devoted to a rich diversity of social movements and ideas. In this collection of essays, the editors establish the liberal-pluralist tradition, with the following chapters covering three distinct sections. Part One, ‘Other Forms of Association'covers subjects such as trade unions, the Co-operative Party, women's community activism and Protestant Nonconformity. Part Two, ‘Other Leaders', covers employer Edward Cadbury; Trades Union Congress leader Walter Citrine; and the electricians'leader, Frank Chapple. Part Three, ‘Other Intellectuals', considers G.D.H. Cole, Michael Young and left libertarianism by Stuart White. Readers interested in the British Labour movement will find this an invaluable resource.

The ITV network was designed as a federation of companies, different in size and character, jointly and severally constructing programme schedules in which strands of entertainment were interwoven with news bulletins, drama with sport, feature films with documentaries, church services with broadcasting for schools. The purpose of this volume is to convey some impression of diversity by illustrating and illuminating the rich assortment of companies and programmes making up ITV's overall service to the public in the operation of a plural system on a single television channel during a peak period in British broadcasting.

This book examines the role and place of the intellectual in twentieth-century French society. The essays are for the most part written by eminent French scholars and make available to the English-speaking reader a growing body of research which explores the ethical and historical issues raised by the prominence of the intellectual in politics since the Dreyfus Affair. The volume concludes with an examination of the contrasting and complementary roles of the French and British intellectual.

A team of leading scholars in the fields of Medieval Literature and History examine the origins of European ethnic groups which subsequently developed into the nations of Europe. The contributors look at evidence for the existence of an ethnic consciousness among the dominant European groups; this later formed the basis of nation states. The reconstruction and invention of the past by medieval writers in search of ethnic origins for their own particular political or tribal groups is also studied from a literary and historical point of view.

Escaping from narrative history, this book takes a deep look at the Catholic question in eighteenth-century Ireland. It asks how people thought about Catholicism, Protestantism and their society, in order to reassess the content and importance of the religious conflict. In doing this, Dr Cadoc Leighton provides a study of very wide appeal, which offers new and thought-provoking ways of looking not only at the eighteenth century but at modern Irish history in general. It also places Ireland clearly within the mainstream of European historical developments.

This study innovatively explores how Malory's Morte D'Arthur responds to available literary vernacular Arthurian traditions which the French defined as theoretical in impulse, the English as performative and experimental. Negotiating these influences, Malory transforms constructions of masculine heroism, especially in the presentation of Launcelot, and exposes the tensions and disillusions of the Arthurian project. The Morte poignantly conveys a desire for integrity in narrative and subject-matter, but at the same time tests literary conceptualizations of history, nationalism, gender and selfhood, and considers the failures of social and legal institutionalizations of violence, in a critique of literary form and of social order.

The varied cultural functions of dress, textiles, and clothwork are used in this collection of essays to examine long-standing assumptions about the Middle Ages. At one end of the spectrum, questions of dress call up feminist theoretical investigations into the body and subjectivity, while broadening those inquiries to include theories of masculinity and queer identity as well. At the other extreme, the production and distribution of textiles carries us into the domain of economic history and the study of material commodities, trade and cultural patterns of exchange within western Europe and between east and west. Contributors to this volume represent a broad array of disciplines currently involved in rethinking medieval culture in terms of the material world.

When Harold Macmillan became prime minister in 1957, Britain had reached a critical point in its contemporary history. There was still evidence of Britain's status as a great power, yet the previous year's humiliation at Suez had undermined its credibility. By taking key areas of overseas policy - summitry, the Middle East, defence, Empire, and Europe - this volume looks at Macmillan's attempts to establish a new foreign policy agenda after Suez. Based on research in public and private archives in Britain, America and Germany, Harold Macmillan and Britain's World Role offers a critical reappraisal of British foreign policy between 1957 and 1963, addressing how successfully Macmillan answered his own key question:'Why should the UK stay in the big game?'

`What a pleasure to see this pathbreaking research in print! Karl Ittmann's analysis of Bradford pushes forward our knowledge of the quiet revolution in social habits which took place in the late nineteenth century. In particular, his ability to link the decline of marital fertility with the reorganisation of work and gender roles is exemplary. This book should be of interest to all specialists in Victorian social history.'- David Levine, The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Toronto Work, Gender and Family in Victorian England examines the impact of the Industrial Revolution upon the family and questions the extent to which ordinary working men and women shared the'Victorian values'and prosperity of their middle-class countrymen. The book focuses on the industrial town of Bradford, West Yorkshire, in the second half of the nineteenth century and traces how men and women and their families adapted to the new life brought by the rise of the mill and the city.

Great Britain was the preeminent capital exporter between 1865 and 1914 not only in the volume of investment but also in the industrial and geographical diversity of its capital outflows. This study furnishes comprehensive annual data on the magnitude, destination and composition of British capital exports. Individual country data as well as global, regional and Empire aggregates are provided. Supplemental analyses examine the security composition of the capital exports, the changing ranking of recipients, the use of government interest guarantees on loans and the distribution of interest rates on debentures by industry.

Charlemagne's Mustache presents the reader with seven engaging studies,'thick descriptions', of cultural life and thought in the Carolingian world. The author begins by asking questions. Why did Charlemagne have a mustache and why did hair matter? Why did the king own peacocks and other exotic animals? Why was he writing in bed and could he write at all? How did medieval kings become stars? How were secrets kept and conveyed in the early Middle Ages? And why did early medieval peoples believe in storm and hailmakers? The answers, he found, are often surprising.

The ‘battle for Beijing'is universally – and quite wrongly – believed to have been about opium. This book argues that it was about freedom to trade, Britain's demands for diplomatic equality, and French demands for religious freedom in China. Both countries agreed that their armies, which repeatedly prevailed over Chinese ones that were numerically superior, would stay out of Beijing itself, but were infuriated by China's imprisonment, torture and death of British, French and Indian negotiators. At the same time, the British and French also helped the empire to battle rebels and to pocket port and harbour dues. They steered carefully between their political and trading demands, and navigated the danger that undue stress would make China's fragile government and empire fall apart. If it did, there would be no one to make any kind of agreement with; much of East Asia would be in chaos and Russian power would soon expand.Battle for Beijing, 1858–1860 offers fresh insights into the reasons behind the actions and strategies of British authorities, both at home and in China, and the British and French military commanders. It goes against the widely accepted views surrounding the Franco-British conflict, proposing a bold new argument and perspective.

This is a study of the words of political discourse in seventeenth-century England from which we now reconstruct its theories. Taking its starting point in modern theories of language,intellectual history is first reconceptualised. Part 1 presents an overview of the political domain in the seventeenth century arguing that what we see as the political was fugitive and subject to reductionist pressures from better established fields of discourse. Further, there were strong pressures leading towards an indiscriminate and relatively general vocabulary, in turn facilitating the imposition of our anachronistic images of political theory. Part 2 focuses on a sub-set of the political vocabulary, charting the changing relationships between the words subject, citizen, resistance, rebellion, the coinage of rhetorical exchange. The final chapter returns most explicitly to the themes of the introduction, by exploring how the historians own vocabulary can be systematically misleading when taken into the context of seventeenth-century word use.

During the early years of the Second World War, Britain devoted immense resources to building military bases in Egypt and Palestine. The political stability of the two countries was of prime concern to avoid diverting troops away from fighting the external enemy to internal security tasks. The paradox of Britain's eventual victory was that it could not perpetuate its political authority. Demands for independence intensified in Egypt and among Palestinian Jewry, and led to postwar struggles.

The latest volume in this series covers the period in British history from the Glorious Revolution of 1688 to the accession of George III in 1760. Chapters are included on administration, ministerial biographies, Parliament, defence and treaties, and the expansion of the Empire.

This challenging and original study examines the most important aspects of popular political culture in eighteenth-century Britain. The first part explores the way the British people could influence existing political institutions or could exploit their existing powers, by looking at the role of the people in parliamentary elections, in a wide range of pressure groups, in their local urban communities, and in popular demonstrations. The second part shows how the British people became increasingly politicised during the eighteenth century and how they tried to shape or defend their political world.

`The book has a freshness of viewpoint which makes most enjoyable reading.'- Joan Thirsk As the country's largest city, the focus of its trade and cultural life and the possessor of sizeable militia forces and the national capital, London's influence on the country's history has always been very important. In particular its adherence to the parliamentarian cause was crucial to the outcome of the first Civil War and its aloofness from the second Civil War was no less significant. The essays in this volume examine the background to its choice of allegiance, the way in which it was secured for the parliamentary cause in 1642, its contribution to the war effort, the royalists'reaction to its recalcitrance, the impact of the war upon the capital and its importance as the centre of politically inspired ceremonial.

Between 1848 and 1866 the Zollverein went through a series of momentous crises and the issue of commercial organization became increasingly politicized. Austro-Prussian rivalry, industrialization, and liberalism, created a tense atmosphere in which Britain had enormous influence. Using a wide range of German and British sources this study shows how Britain, blindfolded by doctrinaire Free Trade and institutional inadequacy, failed to grasp the connotations of its own actions in the German states and how misinterpretation began to sour Anglo-German relations.