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In a recent MailOnline article, CLEARY described millennials as "entitled, narcissistic, self-interested, unfocussed and lazy" (2017, n.p.). The language echoed DELAMONT's (2007) critique of autoethnography, an approach to research that examines the social world through the lens of the researcher's own experience (WALL, 2016), a form of academic "selfie" (CAMPBELL, 2017). We offer two case studies of autoethnographic projects, one examining punk culture, the other examining the practice of veganism. We highlight the challenges we faced when producing insider autoethnographic research, drawing a parallel with criticism frequently levelled at the so-called millennial generation, specifically notions of laziness and narcissism (TWENGE, 2014). We argue that, though often maligned and ridiculed based on its perception as a lazy and narcissistic approach to research, autoethnography remains a valuable and worthwhile research strategy that attempts to qualitatively and reflexively make sense of the self and society in an increasingly uncertain and precarious world. Using case study evidence, we offer empirical support to WALL's (2016) call for a moderate autoethnography, which seeks a middle ground between analytic and evocative autoethnographic traditions., In einem MailOnline-Artikel hat CLEARY die Generation Y als "narcissistic, self-interested, unfocussed and lazy" (2017, n.p.) bezeichnet. Diese Ausdrucksweise ist nahe der Kritik DELAMONTs (2007) an Autoethnografie, einem Forschungsansatz, bei dem soziale Welten durch die Linse der Erfahrungen der Forschenden untersucht werden (WALL 2016), eine Art eines akademischen "Selfies" (CAMPBELL 2017). Wir berichten in diesem Beitrag über zwei autoethnografische Studien, wobei sich eine der Punk-Kultur, die andere der Praxis des Veganismus widmete. Dabei fokussieren wir auch die Herausforderungen, denen wir im Rahmen unserer Insider-Forschung begegneten, indem wir Parallelen zu Kritiken an der sog. Generation Y hinzuziehen, insbesondere zu Vorwürfen der Faulheit und des Narzissmus (TWENGE 2014). Entgegen Schmähungen und Spott, die aus solchen Zuschreibungen an autoethnografische Forschung resultieren, erachten wir Autoethnografie als eine wertvolle und nützliche Strategie, mittels der versucht werden kann, reflexiv individuelles und gesellschaftliches Verstehen inmitten einer zunehmend unsicheren und prekären Welt zu generieren. Ausgehend von empirischem Material aus unseren Fallbeispielen plädieren wir mit WALL (2016) für eine "moderate" Autoethnografie, die zwischen analytischen und evokativen Traditionslinien angesiedelt ist.

Large-scale undercover policing of political activism in the UK has seen more than a thousand political groups spied on since 1968. Unlike ‘typical’ undercover policing operations, seeking to gather evidence towards criminal prosecutions, the focus of these infiltrations has been intelligence gathering, seemingly with the purpose of monitoring and disrupting the democratic right of political groups to protest. We know that undercover officers (or ‘spycops’) have spent years at a time infiltrating political campaigns. Whilst undercover, spycops have engaged in a range of harmful practices, including deceiving activists into sexual relationships, law breaking, appearing in court under false names, spying on children, and adopting the identities of dead infants without consent of their families. An ongoing official inquiry has been tasked with investigating the spycops scandal in depth. More than a decade on from the first spycops exposures, many of the impacts of these deployments remain uncertain.During the summer of 2021 an anonymous online survey was launched, inviting responses from activists who were impacted by spycops infiltrations. The survey sought to explore the impact of spying on activists themselves, as well as exploring their perceptions of the ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) and other related issues. Whilst a modest sample, the survey results demonstrate the need for drastic change within the UCPI to ensure it can regain and retain trust and faith among those impacted by the harms it purportedly seeks to investigate. In addition, the survey also demonstrates the enduring impact of spycops, as well as the enduring political agency of those impacted by spying, in the present, more than a decade on from the first exposures.

Despite having been banned by the Hunting Act (2004), and widespread public opposition, the practice of fox hunting with hounds still persists on a significant scale (Agerholm, 2019). Nevertheless, fox hunting remains a relatively understudied topic within criminological research, potentially as a result of it being an example of both rural and green crime, each of which have been traditionally marginalised in mainstream criminology (Donnermeyer & DeKeseredy, 2014). In an effort to partially redress this, this paper applies the concept of ‘regulatory capture’ to the case of fox hunting, in order to explore the policing of fox hunting through a rural green criminological lens. Drawing on 43 qualitative interviews and freedom of information requests to police forces, the paper critically examines the policing of fox hunting in rural England and Wales. The concept of ‘regulatory capture’ is useful in identifying “the process through which special interests affects state intervention in any of its forms” (Dal Bo, 2006, p. 203). We examine three related themes that were identified within the data. These are: the influence of industry; offenders as informers; and police who hunt. Whilst further research is needed to confirm it, we argue that regulatory capture might provide one compelling potential explanation for police reluctance to address wildlife crimes like fox hunting.

With the mounting pressures of biodiversity loss, ecological destruction, and species extinction, the protection of life on Earth is arguably the greatest challenge of the twenty-first century. As a critical perspective, green criminology is in the prime position to confront these emerging issues and broaden the recognition towards the harmful – yet not currently criminalised – impacts on the environment and living beings. This thesis advances a nonspeciesist green criminological position by incorporating cultural and Southern criminological perspectives to investigate how attitudes towards marine species shape the recognition of harm and victimhood for marine species listed on the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES).\ud \ud To achieve this objective, this thesis presents three case studies of marine species who are commercially exploited: the minke whale, the queen conch, and the Atlantic bluefin tuna. The conservation management and state of trade for each species has been assessed through a mixed method qualitative/quantitative survey (162 respondents) and interviews with 35 expert stakeholders grouped by: governing body (management), socio-cultural (local interest), fishery (industry), and conservation (research) sectors. I have also conducted a review of trade data, fishery statistics, and CITES documents.\ud \ud Together, these cases enable a narrow and specific examination of how socially defined perceptions surrounding each species relate to their treatment within CITES. The findings demonstrate how legal and moral perspectives diverge and are influenced by power asymmetries underlying the political, cultural, and economic value of each species. I develop on themes around cultures of consumption, and the combined yet conflicting motivations for economic growth and sustainable exploitation. In doing so, I demonstrate how these motivations have significant implications for species and environmental justice. Firstly, by devaluing and harming individual wildlife, and then through the joint victimisation and marginalisation of the people involved within these exploitative relationships.