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COVID-19 shocked the world and provided a particular challenge for populist radical right (PRR) forces. We lay out three research questions that this special issue addresses through case studies of the PRR in government in Brazil, Hungary, Turkey and the US and in opposition in France, Italy, Germany and Spain: (1) How have PRR actors responded to the pandemic? (2) How have PRR actors framed the politics of the pandemic? and (3) What have been the effects of the pandemic on the popularity of the PRR? We explain the case selection of this special issue and summarize the main findings of the eight case studies, which show that the pandemic did not severely damage the PRR and that they had very different responses to the challenge. This reinforces the idea that the PRR is not ephemeral but is rather the by-product of structural transformations of contemporary societies and is here for the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Although mice mostly communicate in the ultrasonic range, they also emit audible calls. We demonstrate that mice selectively bred for high anxiety-related behavior (HAB) have a high disposition for emitting sonic calls when caught by the tail. The vocalization was unrelated to pain but sensitive to anxiolytics. As revealed by manganese-enhanced MRI, HAB mice displayed an increased tonic activity of the periaqueductal gray (PAG). Selective inhibition of the dorsolateral PAG not only reduced anxiety-like behavior but also completely abolished sonic vocalization. Calls were emitted at a fundamental frequency of 3.8 kHz, which falls into the hearing range of numerous predators. Indeed, playback of sonic vocalization attracted rats if associated with a stimulus mouse. If played back to HAB mice, sonic calls were repellent in the absence of a conspecific but attractive in their presence. Our data demonstrate that sonic vocalization attracts both predators and conspecifics depending on the context.

The rise of populism as a global phenomenon has captured the attention of scholars and raised concerns about its impact on democracy. Thanks to a growing academic consensus around an ideational definition of populism, one can observe the generation of important cumulative knowledge on the relationship between populism and democracy. Political science has been at the forefront of this development, and this symposium seeks to both offer state-of-the art information on this topic and discuss blind spots that future studies should try to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interviews for faculty positions in psychology often include a teaching demonstration or research talk, but there is little empirical data about what makes these job talks successful. Psychology faculty (N = 303) described the job talks required at 4-year institutions and the attributes of a successful job talk. For both teaching demonstrations and research talks, being accurate and knowledgeable was of highest importance, but being practiced, open, and engaging were also important. However, significant differences between institutions showed that baccalaureate institutions emphasize teaching skills during job talks and doctoral institutions emphasize research skills. The results confirm that a polished job talk is crucial, but they also illustrate that successful job talks must fit the teaching and research mission of the institution.

This article offers an analysis of the evolution of the Chilean right from the transition to democracy to the present day. It aims to show that programmatic moderation has not only allowed the right to become more competitive in electoral terms, but has also orphaned a sector of the electorate and, therefore, made it highly probable that this political faction will split into two poles: one liberal-progressive and one populist-conservative. Methodology: The research involved a descriptive analysis of data from the World Values Survey, revealing the evolution of Chilean public opinion toward issues normally defended by the right, and of the “Manifesto Project,” in order to trace the variation over time of the positions defended by the Chilean right in their electoral campaigns. Conclusions: This article concludes that the great future challenge of the Chilean center-right will be how to handle internal tensions that, if not adequately channeled, can unleash a political fragmentation that gives rise to a period of greater electoral uncertainty. Originality: This article seeks to fill the gap that exists in the academic literature on the evolution of the post-transition Chilean right. At the same time, it posits that a space has opened for new types of government coalitions in Chile, either between radical populist forces and conventional parties or between conventional parties that historically have been reluctant to establish electoral alliances.

The main strategy for combatting SARS-CoV-2 infections in 2020 consisted of behavioural regulations including contact reduction, maintaining distance, hand hygiene, and mask wearing. COVID-19-related risk perception and knowledge may influence protective behaviour, and education could be an important determinant. The current study investigated differences by education level in risk perception, knowledge and protective behaviour regarding COVID-19 in Germany, exploring the development of the pandemic over time. The COVID-19 Snapshot Monitoring study is a repeated cross-sectional online survey conducted during the pandemic in Germany from 3 March 2020 (waves 1-28: 27,957 participants aged 18-74). Differences in risk perception, knowledge and protective behaviour according to education level (high versus low) were analysed using linear and logistic regression. Time trends were accounted for by interaction terms for education level and calendar week. Regarding protective behaviour, interaction terms were tested for all risk perception and knowledge variables with education level. The strongest associations with education level were evident for perceived and factual knowledge regarding COVID-19. Moreover, associations were found between low education level and higher perceived severity, and between low education level and lower perceived probability. Highly educated men were more worried about COVID-19 than those with low levels of education. No educational differences were observed for perceived susceptibility or fear. Higher compliance with hand washing was found in highly educated women, and higher compliance with maintaining distance was found in highly educated men. Regarding maintaining distance, the impact of perceived severity differed between education groups. In men, significant moderation effects of education level on the association between factual knowledge and all three protective behaviours were found. During the pandemic, risk perception and protective behaviour varied greatly over time. Overall, differences by education level were relatively small. For risk communication, reaching all population groups irrespective of education level is critical.