Search

This study examined children's mothers', fathers' and other caregivers' socioemotional parenting practices in 159,959 families with 3- to 4-year-olds from 51 low-and-middle income countries. Mothers engaged in the most socioemotional caregiving practices, followed by other caregivers and then fathers. The more socioemotional caregiving practices mothers engaged in, the more fathers engaged in, but the fewer other caregivers engaged in. The higher the level of national development, the more likely it is that mothers and fathers, but the less likely it is that other caregivers, engaged in socioemotional caregiving practices. Nations with mothers who engaged in more socioemotional caregiving practices had children who demonstrated more advanced development. At the within-country level, the more that all three caregivers engaged in socioemotional caregiving practices, the greater was children's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Safety is essential for life. To survive, humans and other animals have developed sets of psychological and physiological adaptations known as life history (LH) tradeoff strategies in response to various safety constraints. Evolutionarily selected LH strategies in turn regulate development and behavior to optimize survival under prevailing safety conditions. The present study tested LH hypotheses concerning safety based on a 6-year longitudinal sample of 1,245 adolescents and their parents from 9 countries. The results revealed that, invariant across countries, environmental harshness, and unpredictability (lack of safety) was negatively associated with slow LH behavioral profile, measured 2 years later, and slow LH behavioral profile was negatively and positively associated with externalizing behavior and academic performance, respectively, as measured an additional 2 years later. These results support the evolutionary conception that human development responds to environmental safety cues through LH regulation of social and learning behaviors.

This study examined longitudinal links between household income and parents' education and children's trajectories of internalizing and externalizing behaviors from age 8 to 10 reported by mothers, fathers, and children. Longitudinal data from 1,190 families in 11 cultural groups in eight countries (Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and United States) were included. Multigroup structural equation models revealed that household income, but not maternal or paternal education, was related to trajectories of mother-, father-, and child-reported internalizing and externalizing problems in each of the 11 cultural groups. Our findings highlight that in low-, middle-, and high-income countries, socioeconomic risk is related to children's internalizing and externalizing problems, extending the international focus beyond children's physical health to their emotional and behavioral development.

Primal world beliefs ("primals") capture individuals' basic understanding of what sort of world this is. How do children develop beliefs about the nature of the world? Is the world a good place? Safe or dangerous? Enticing or dull? Primals were initially introduced in social and personality psychology to understand beliefs about the world as a whole that may influence well-being and personality. This article introduces the concept of primals to developmental scientists and reviews preliminary research examining how primals relate to sociodemographic and well-being indicators. The article then situates the concept of primals in some classic developmental theories to illustrate testable hypotheses these theories suggest regarding how primals develop. Understanding how individuals develop basic beliefs about the nature of the world deepens insights into the human experience, including how malleable these beliefs might be and how they may be influenced by, and in turn influence, other domains of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The studies in this special issue on forgiveness and vengeance in the Muslim world explore three hypotheses drawn from interpersonal acceptance-rejection theory (IPARTheory): (1) Adults' memories of maternal and paternal acceptance in childhood are associated with the disposition toward forgiveness, as mediated by psychological adjustment. (2) Adults' memories of maternal and paternal rejection in childhood are associated with the disposition toward vengeance, as mediated by psychological maladjustment. (3) There are no significant gender differences in relations between adults' (men's and women's) memories of parental acceptance-rejection in childhood and adults' disposition toward forgiveness or vengeance, as mediated by psychological (mal)adjustment. Results of most studies reported here conclude that memories of parental (maternal and paternal) acceptance in childhood are significantly related to men's and women's disposition toward forgiveness and vengeance as mediated by psychological (mal)adjustment. However, gender and cultural differences also sometimes appear as significant contributors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Promoting children's prosocial behavior is a goal for parents, healthcare professionals, and nations. Does positive parenting promote later child prosocial behavior, or do children who are more prosocial elicit more positive parenting later, or both? Relations between parenting and prosocial behavior have to date been studied only in a narrow band of countries, mostly with mothers and not fathers, and child gender has infrequently been explored as a moderator of parenting-prosocial relations. This cross-national study uses 1,178 families (mothers, fathers, and children) from 9 countries to explore developmental transactions between parental acceptance-rejection and girls' and boys' prosocial behavior across 3 waves (child ages 9 to 12). Controlling for stability across waves, within-wave relations, and parental age and education, higher parental acceptance predicted increased child prosocial behavior from age 9 to 10 and from age 10 to 12. Higher age 9 child prosocial behavior also predicted increased parental acceptance from age 9 to 10. These transactional paths were invariant across 9 countries, mothers and fathers, and girls and boys. Parental acceptance increases child prosocial behaviors later, but child prosocial behaviors are not effective at increasing parental acceptance in the transition to adolescence. This study identifies widely applicable socialization processes across countries, mothers and fathers, and girls and boys. [Action editor by Cleopatra Howard Caldwell.]

Inconsistent parental discipline is a robust correlate of child attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms, but few studies have considered the role of inconsistent "positive" parenting on ADHD, as well as the effects of stress on negative and positive parental consistency. This study advanced a novel ecological momentary assessment (EMA) using participant smartphones to measure parental consistency, and examined its associations with family, social, and parenting-related dimensions of stress and child ADHD symptoms. Participants were 184 kindergartners with and without ADHD and their parents. Harsh and warm dimensions of parental behavior were assessed using questionnaires, observations, and an EMA administered through parents' smartphones, which measured parent-child behaviors every day for a period of 1 week. Family, social, and parenting-related stress were assessed from questionnaires, and child ADHD symptoms were assessed from a fully structured diagnostic interview with the parent. Child ADHD symptoms were associated with variability in warm parenting behaviors, and higher levels of parenting-related stress were related to greater variability in harsh parenting behaviors. No significant interactions were detected between parental stress and child ADHD on parental variability. These findings suggest that different factors influence the "consistency" in parenting behavior, depending on whether positive parenting or negative parenting is assessed. Parent-based treatment programs for children with ADHD should include a stronger focus on reducing stress from parenting (e.g., teaching coping skills for parents), as this may lead to greater consistency in parental behavior more generally, and presumably better child outcomes.

Manifestations of internalizing problems, such as specific symptoms of anxiety and depression, can change across development, even if individuals show strong continuity in rank-order levels of internalizing problems. This illustrates the concept of heterotypic continuity, and raises the question of whether common measures might be construct-valid for one age but not another. This study examines mean-level changes in internalizing problems across a long span of development at the same time as accounting for heterotypic continuity by using age-appropriate, changing measures. Internalizing problems from age 14-24 were studied longitudinally in a community sample (N = 585), using Achenbach's Youth Self-Report (YSR) and Young Adult Self-Report (YASR). Heterotypic continuity was evaluated with an item response theory (IRT) approach to vertical scaling, linking different measures over time to be on the same scale, as well as with a Thurstone scaling approach. With vertical scaling, internalizing problems peaked in mid-to-late adolescence and showed a group-level decrease from adolescence to early adulthood, a change that would not have been seen with the approach of using only age-common items. Individuals' trajectories were sometimes different than would have been seen with the common-items approach. Findings support the importance of considering heterotypic continuity when examining development and vertical scaling to account for heterotypic continuity with changing measures.

To examine whether the cultural normativeness of parents' beliefs and behaviors moderates the links between those beliefs and behaviors and youths' adjustment, mothers, fathers, and children (N = 1,298 families) from 12 cultural groups in 9 countries (China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States) were interviewed when children were, on average, 10 years old and again when children were 12 years old. Multilevel models examined 5 aspects of parenting (expectations regarding family obligations, monitoring, psychological control, behavioral control, warmth/affection) in relation to 5 aspects of youth adjustment (social competence, prosocial behavior, academic achievement, externalizing behavior, internalizing behavior). Interactions between family level and culture-level predictors were tested to examine whether cultural normativeness of parenting behaviors moderated the link between those behaviors and children's adjustment. More evidence was found for within- than between-culture differences in parenting predictors of youth adjustment. In 7 of the 8 instances in which cultural normativeness was found to moderate the link between parenting and youth adjustment, the link between a particular parenting behavior and youth adjustment was magnified in cultural contexts in which the parenting behavior was more normative.

The authors sought to determine whether the Fast Track mental health intervention delivered to individuals in childhood decreased mental health problems and the need for health services among the children of these individuals. The authors examined whether Fast Track assignment in one generation of children (generation 2; G2) from grades 1 through 10 reduced parent-reported mental health problems and health services use in these children's children (generation 3; G3) 18 years later relative to a control group. The Fast Track intervention blended parent behavior-management training, child social-cognitive skills tutoring, home visits, and classroom social-ecology changes across grades 1–10 to ameliorate emerging conduct problems among the G2 children. For this study, 1,057 G3 children of Fast Track participants (N=581 intervention group, N=476 control group) were evaluated. G3 children of G2 parents who were randomized to the Fast Track intervention group used fewer general inpatient services and fewer inpatient or outpatient mental health services compared with G3 children of G2 parents randomized to the control group. Some of these effects were mediated: randomization to Fast Track predicted fewer internalizing problems and less use of corporal punishment among G2 adults at age 25, which subsequently predicted less general inpatient service use and outpatient mental health service use among the G3 children by the time the G2 parents were 34 years old. There were no significant differences between G3 children from these two groups on the use of other health services or on mental health measures. Fast Track was associated with lower use of general inpatient services and inpatient and outpatient mental health services intergenerationally, but effects on parent-reported mental health of the children were not apparent across generations. Investing in interventions for the mental health of children could reduce service use burdens across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Across several sites in the United States, we examined whether kindergarten conduct problems among mostly population‐representative samples of children were associated with increased criminal and related (criminal + lost offender productivity + victim; described as criminal + victim hereafter) costs across adolescence and adulthood, as well as government and medical services costs in adulthood. Methods: Participants (N = 1,339) were from two multisite longitudinal studies: Fast Track (n = 754) and the Child Development Project (n = 585). Parents and teachers reported on kindergarten conduct problems, administrative and national database records yielded indexes of criminal offending, and participants self‐reported their government and medical service use. Outcomes were assigned costs, and significant associations were adjusted for inflation to determine USD 2020 costs. Results: A 1SD increase in kindergarten conduct problems was associated with a $21,934 increase in adolescent criminal + victim costs, a $63,998 increase in adult criminal + victim costs, a $12,753 increase in medical services costs, and a $146,279 increase in total costs. In the male sample, a 1SD increase in kindergarten conduct problems was associated with a $28,530 increase in adolescent criminal + victim costs, a $58,872 increase in adult criminal + victim costs, and a $144,140 increase in total costs. In the female sample, a 1SD increase in kindergarten conduct problems was associated with a $15,481 increase in adolescent criminal + victim costs, a $62,916 increase in adult criminal + victim costs, a $24,105 increase in medical services costs, and a $144,823 increase in total costs. Conclusions: This investigation provides evidence of the long‐term costs associated with early‐starting conduct problems, which is important information that can be used by policymakers to support research and programs investing in a strong start for children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Most studies of the effects of parental religiousness on parenting and child development focus on a particular religion or cultural group, which limits generalizations that can be made about the effects of parental religiousness on family life. Methods: We assessed the associations among parental religiousness, parenting, and children's adjustment in a 3-year longitudinal investigation of 1,198 families from nine countries. We included four religions (Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Islam) plus unaffiliated parents, two positive (efficacy and warmth) and two negative (control and rejection) parenting practices, and two positive (social competence and school performance) and two negative (internalizing and externalizing) child outcomes. Parents and children were informants. Results: Greater parent religiousness had both positive and negative associations with parenting and child adjustment. Greater parent religiousness when children were age 8 was associated with higher parental efficacy at age 9 and, in turn, children's better social competence and school performance and fewer child internalizing and externalizing problems at age 10. However, greater parent religiousness at age 8 was also associated with more parental control at age 9, which in turn was associated with more child internalizing and externalizing problems at age 10. Parental warmth and rejection had inconsistent relations with parental religiousness and child outcomes depending on the informant. With a few exceptions, similar patterns of results held for all four religions and the unaffiliated, nine sites, mothers and fathers, girls and boys, and controlling for demographic covariates. Conclusions: Parents and children agree that parental religiousness is associated with more controlling parenting and, in turn, increased child problem behaviors. However, children see religiousness as related to parental rejection, whereas parents see religiousness as related to parental efficacy and warmth, which have different associations with child functioning. Studying both parent and child views of religiousness and parenting are important to understand the effects of parental religiousness on parents and children.