Search

This article applies the concept of securitization to the Middle East with a focus upon the securitization of the Shi’a other. Such processes occur across time and space and are not restricted to state borders, escaping the Westphalian straitjacket. As a consequence, one must consider the construction of space and political structures across the region in order to understand the traction that such moves can find. It appears then, that in seeking to maintain short-term survival, regimes have sacrificed long-term stability, but the impacts of such moves transcend the typically linear constructed audiences within securitization moves. A key contribution of this article is to consider the extent to which audiences within the Middle East, both intended and unintended, transcend the linear audiences found within conventional processes of securitization. The article uses two case studies as a means of exploring the extent to which securitization can be applied to the Middle East. Such an approach helps us to identify the logics that are involved within the process of securitization, with consideration of the idea that we can populate a broad framework about the universal application of securitization to context specific cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some ethno-political organizations get support from their diaspora while others do not? There is little analysis that examines why some organizations (both violent and nonviolent) get support. Using data on 112 organizations in the Middle East we examine how factors like the power of the organization, ideology, political behavior, and government treatment might impact the likelihood of an organization getting support from its diaspora. We argue that contentious political behavior should have the largest impact on such support. We find that those that do the best job of getting attention through visible action get the most support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1921 to 1923, Turkey and the United Kingdom contended for control of the Vilayet of Mosul, now known as northern Iraq. The United Kingdom was the mandatory power in Iraq at that time. Although this crisis, which is known as the Mosul affair, was settled in 1925 in favour of Iraq, Turkey never totally relinquished its historical claim to this strategically important border region. Turkey's persistent claim to the area, and the fact that the region is predominantly inhabited by Kurds whose nationalism shows no signs of waning, make northern Iraq a potentially destabilizing factor in the region. The article will discuss the historical roots of Mosul frontier affairs, which is a legacy of colonialism in the Middle East. This international conflict has many dimensions, but the article will confine itself to the study of the distinguished career of Ali Shafiq, also known as Ozdemir, a Turkish statesman and the architect of Turkish policy during the Mosul affair. This is, to a large extent, a political history of the conflict and the author utilizes British and Turkish archival material and contemporary memoirs, journals, and relevant secondary sources in Arabic, Kurdish, Turkish, and English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about transforming the military force structure of the nations of the Middle East. Topics discussed include revolutionary transformations in governance structures brought about by Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2004, the Arab Spring in 2011, the conflicts in Libya, Syria and Yemen, and the emergence of the Islamic State.

Involving sixty countries, the Belt and Road Initiative sparked a global debate because of its potential economic and political implications. Sceptics argue this project cannot achieve its objectives as it requires close cooperation amongst many countries whose national interests are on a collision course. The optimists contend the initiative provides a win-win scenario for participating countries. This paper argues that success of the project in the Middle East depends on overcoming several challenges including: eliminating security threats and terrorist organizations; finding sustainable solutions to political tensions and armed conflicts; and consolidating good governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critical examination of the vocabulary associated with the study of 'sectarianism' in the Middle East. It surveys Arabic- and English-language works on 'sectarianism' to illustrate how the term's lack of definition has allowed it to be used in contradictory ways that render it, not simply meaningless, but distortive to our understanding of the region. In addition, the term 'sectarianism', with its inescapably negative connotations, has been used as a tool to neutralize political dissent and stigmatize people's religious identity and otherwise legitimate acts of expression and mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interaction between territory, sovereignty, and statehood in the Middle East and North Africa. Various groups have aspired -- and have failed -- to become states since the contemporary regional system's inception after World War I. Since the 2011 uprisings, movements claiming territory and sovereignty have emerged or become more viable throughout the region, including the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), Rojava, Cyrenaica, Azawad, and the Kurdistan Regional Government. Each poses different challenges to the regional system and holds out different hopes for rectifying historical missteps in state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2013, millions of Egyptians returned to Tahrir square in Cairo to demand the resignation of the country's first democratically elected president. This article examines the two key terms mainly used to describe the ousting of President Mohamed Morsy, 'coup' and 'revolution', and how these terms can be understood as arguments for two different interpretations of the event. Particular focus is given to the press corps of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, which reveals a discrepancy between the interpretation of Scandinavian online press and the Egyptian majority, meaning that the Scandinavian press corps is telling a story that is not recognized by those it is about. While many media producers speak of a severe polarization, it is found that the divide is actually small in number, but grows over time, raising questions about journalistic practice and media ethics. It is concluded that Scandinavian reporting on the Middle East needs to be seriously evaluated and reformed in order to improve its credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings' impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings' aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people's trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethnoreligious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present informative report discusses 8 of the 45th US President Donald Trump's team members, who have to do with the Middle East policy. These are: Mike Pence (Vice President); Rex Tillerson (Secretary of the State); General James Mattis (Secretary of Defence); Mike Pompeo (CIA Director); General Michael Flynn (National Security Adviser) Jason Greenblatt (Special Envoy for International Negotiations); Jared Kushner (White House Senior Adviser); and David Friedman (US Ambassador to Israel). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Middle East holds a unique significance for the rest of the world due to religious, political, economic, ethnic and geographic factors, this region is in the state of turmoil for a host of domestic, regional and international reasons. The ongoing conflicts, Yemen, Syria, campaign against ISIS have undermined security in the Middle East. Iran's likely emergence has been following the 5+1 nuclear deal at Vienna on 4 July, 2015. Middle East holds a unique significance for the rest of the world that has impacted on the regional dynamics in many ways. The quest for supremacy by regional players like Saudi Arabia and Iran has worsened the ethnic and sectarian divide and provided space to extra regional players to pursue their own interests. Turkey is reasserting its traditional role in the region. Israel appears to be the main beneficiary of this turmoil. The complex and turbulence situation in the Middle East makes any prediction regarding its future difficult to make; however, it can be reasonably assumed that violence and instability are not likely to abate at least, in the short term. In view of its numerous linkages with the Middle Eastern regions, Global World cannot remain immune to developments in that region. However, its interests will be best served by eschewing aligning with any of the rival parties. International actors may therefore maintain a balance in relations with the Middle East, while at the same time seeking to promote understanding between them wherever possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab uprisings of 2011 put into question previously held understandings about the stability of authoritarian regimes in North Africa as well as the European Union’s (EU’s) relations with countries in its southern neighbourhood. Despite early calls on behalf of the EU to change its policies, the Union’s responses in the early stages seemed mostly characterised by continuity. This article claims that certain dispositions and background knowledge developed over several decades vis-à-vis EU’s Mediterranean policies served as a baseline from which EU officials and diplomats acted. Drawing on insights from practice approaches, the article argues that the practical understandings on what the EU can (and cannot) do vis-à-vis partner countries in North Africa create a kind of power politics of practical dispositions. The article focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy - the EU’s flagship initiative - and builds on a unique set of data that combine policy documents and interviews with about 30 EU officials and national diplomats from before and after the Arab uprisings. In this way, it illustrates how practice relates to change in that even though the EU’s responses drew on an established repertoire of practice, enacting it in a new context opened up new possibilities for action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Middle East peace process has become the most important international Middle Eastern politics phenomenon during the recent decades. Since the U.S. has realized the political, military and economic power of Iran and its influence as peace building in the Middle East, diplomacy with a common approach on the agenda has developed between these two countries. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate American and Iranian role in the Middle East and diplomatic relations between the two countries in the process of establishing peace in the region. The main question in the present research is that; what is the role of American and Iranian Middle East policy in the peace process in the Middle East during 2001-2016? To response to the question, a descriptive--analytical approach is implemented. The results suggest that the lack of diplomatic relations between Iran and America in the years 2001-2016 is one of the main reasons of the lack of security and peace in the Middle East. Accordingly, creating opportunities and establishing diplomatic relations (political, economic, social, and etc.) between Iran and America with the interests of the two countries as the two poles of influence in all parts of the region, not only provides security, but also is an indicator to stabilize discipline and a lasting peace in the region. Last but not least, communication between Iran and the U.S. ensures safety of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I argue that Christianity is essentially secular. Hence, secularisation not only has a theological connotation concerning Christian faith but also it is the highest and most perfect realisation of Christian religion, since it signifies the cross that is in the centre of Christian faith. As Christians take upon themselves secularisation as an existential choice, namely the powerlessness of God and of the human being, they simultaneously take the worldly-human existence as 'here' and 'now' upon themselves. I will argue that this is the culmination of Reformation. Further, I want to demonstrate that secular Christianity, in the sense given in this article, remains a challenge for both Western and Eastern worlds. In order to accomplish this I will reflect in the first part of this article - from a theological point of view - upon some sociological interpretations or theories concerning mainly secularisation in Western Europe and also the contemporary socio-political scene in the Middle East. In the second part of the article I will present several Western and Eastern theological positions that defend secularisation, and through their contributions I will construct my own theological stance for secular Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on establishment of formidable industrial and military capacity of Europe.

The article focuses on political sovereignty in Middle East and mentions violence in the region. Topics discussed include terror attacks, military interventions and civil wars in the region. Other topics which includes political situation in Syria and Iraq are also discussed. Sectarianism and militarization in the region are mentioned.

The Middle East is experiencing one of the darkest periods in its history and a new regional order is still far from being established. Yet, it appears increasingly clear that few matters will affect its developments more than the ongoing regional demographic dynamics. The region’s history and spatial background provide a framework for approaching these epochal shifts and critically examining the ‘ethnic stabilisation’ thesis, which interprets current demographic movements as a kind of normalisation of the region’s ‘original’ demographics. Instead of this ‘medievalization of the Middle East’, many people in the region are keen on ‘gettingbackinto history’ and ‘regaining possession’ of their multifaceted past: a powerful antidote to the geopolitical reductionism so popular nowadays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some ethno-political organizations resort to violence while others abstain? Are ethno-political organizations with a religious/Islamist ideology more violence-prone compared to non-religious ones? In addition to commonly cited factors such as grievances, political opportunities/constraints, resources, and organizational characteristics, I argue that the existence of youth bulges in a society also increases the probability of adopting violent strategies by ethno-political organizations. Frustrated young males under repressive and authoritarian regimes tend to be likely recruits for violent organizations. I use the Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior dataset, which includes 118 organizations in 16 countries of the Middle East and North Africa to test my hypotheses. The findings suggest that youth bulges, economic grievances, group fractionalization, external support, and state repression increase the probability of use of violent strategies by ethno-political organizations whereas religious ideology is insignificant. Youth bulges foster violence especially in autocratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a necessity to build a new republican regime in the Great Middle East, based on a broad sense of citizenship, on a respect for pluralism, and on re-evaluating difference as a positive element rather than as a threat. However, this re-building will succeed only when it is accompanied by a restoration of the religious space. The reformist national model is the best and most appropriate model for real situations within the current historical period. It is a model that is able to develop according to each society’s developmental and political experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the debate over the effectiveness with which late Umayyad and early ʿAbbāsid caliphs negotiated their respective rights and duties with provincial elites during the second/eighth century. The focus is on the relationships that evolved between the caliphs and those elite families residing in the Ḥijāz whose ancestors had helped to establish the Muslim community and the early caliphal empire in the mid-first/seventh century. The article's analysis centres on a series of four revolts in the Ḥijāz over the second/eighth century and examines developments in the enthusiasm with which local elites either supported or opposed those revolts. This discussion demonstrates that, aside from a brief period during the first decades of ʿAbbāsid rule, Umayyad and ʿAbbāsid caliphs during the second/eighth century were actually quite successful at inspiring loyalty among the local elites of the Ḥijāz. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]