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This study aims to analyse the developing security environment of Indian Ocean Region (IOR), in the context of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The study also discusses the important stake holders and strategic and economic significance of IOR. CPEC is aimed to increase regional connectivity by overland routes from Gwadar to Kashgar which will trigger economic development in the region. However, CPEC has its own security implications for the IOR. This is a qualitative study based on the secondary sources. The study finds that the Indian Ocean already has naval presence of major powers and with the commencement of CPEC the Ocean is expected to be heavily militarised by two Asian powers, India and China. An investment of 72 billion US dollars by China on CPEC requires increased Chinese military presence which pushes India and the US to balance. Likewise, India's attempts to enhance its military power vis-à-vis China force Pakistan to balance against India. Thus the CPEC has increased the chances of initiating a deadly arms race in the IOR. The study recommends that Pakistan and China by applying Regional Security Complex should increase interdependence among the stakeholders which will reduce the chances of the likely arms race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This paper examines whether strategic corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosures are value relevant for investors and analysts in the context of China. Using a sample of Chinese listed firms from One Belt One Road (OBOR) theme indices, we construct a rating system of strategic CSR disclosures including five dimensions and 20 indicators and perform a principal component analysis and a non‐hierarchical cluster analysis to group sample firms. We find that the market has a positive reaction to strategic CSR disclosures, but the market fails to perceive whether such disclosures are credible. We also find that the number of analysts following a firm is positively associated with its strategic CSR disclosures, and the positive association between strategic CSR disclosures and analysts following is less pronounced for firms with lower credibility. Additional analyses demonstrate that the higher the strategic CSR disclosure quality the more the positive market reaction and that the higher the strategic CSR disclosure quality the more the numbers of analysts following, but this positive association between disclosure quality and analysts following is discounted by a firm's lower credibility. Additional analyses further confirm that the CSR disclosure mandate has a negative moderating effect on investors' and analysts' positive reactions to strategic CSR disclosures. We do not find convincing evidence that the ownership of foreign institutional investors (QFII) has a moderating effect on investors' and analysts' reactions to strategic CSR disclosures. Finally, our extended analyses reveal that strategic CSR disclosures have a positive effect on firm performance with a complementary mediation of innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article argues that China’s Eastern Africa policy is based on Chinese national economic and strategic interests – but with significant contributions to regional order. Beijing couples its One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative and existing United Nations (UN) policies to ensure that economic development projects are linked to Chinese contributions to regional peace and stability. China contributes to regional order by emphasising the use of military force for defensive purposes only and by gaining pre-approval from the region for such interventions. It also provides strong government-backed economic and diplomatic assistance to African countries, to further foster such regional order. Yet, contrary to its stated intentions, Beijing’s focus on development and non-interference could pose challenges to human rights observance and issues of social justice – by potentially allowing rogue regimes to jeopardise the basic security of individuals. In turn, this could further challenge regional order by spreading instability and conflict across borders. more...

China’s public diplomacy in ASEAN countries started as part of strategic partnership both at the regional and bilateral levels since the mid-2000s. Focusing on Confucius Institute (CI) as one of the earliest means of China’s public diplomacy, this article aims to make a comparative review of establishing processes of CIs and examines features of the CI program, functions of the CI networking, and perceptions of the youth of host universities and local societies. Based on the empirical surveys, this article argues that China’s public diplomacy through CIs in the ASEAN countries is an institutional building process to develop young human resources with Mandarin proficiency, to promote business relations, and to disseminate China’s official ideas through CIs’ public forums to the extent that the CIs’ network has been utilized to promote the conceptual synergy of “One Belt One Road” “Maritime Silk Road in the 21st Century” with ASEAN Connectivity. In conclusion, this article argues that due to a wide gap particularly in terms of social pluralism and open access to multiple sources of information in the region, the rapid growth of China’s public diplomacy through CIs will have a double-edged effect, conducive to promoting relations with China and a centrifugal force to the ASEAN Centrality in the decade to come. more...

The increasing trade between the countries of East Asia, the European Union and other countries of the Eurasian continent predetermines a significant revival of transport links in the direction of East-West and vice versa. In order to solve the intercontinental transportation and logistics issues, Russian scientists have developed the concept of the Trans-Eurasian belt «Development» (Razvitie). In 2014, the leadership of the People’s Republic of China initiated “One Belt — One Road”. It includes the construction of a railway infrastructure linking China and the countries of Western Europe through the countries of Central Asia [13] under the project “Silk Road Economic Belt”. At present, the group of scientists from the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Lomonosov Moscow State University and the Joint Academic Council of the Russian Railways has proposed the Concept of the Integrated High-Speed Intelligent Railway TransEurasia. It will serve for the transport of passengers and high-tech electronic products for e-commerce from the ports of the Russian Far East and railway border crossings China — Russia. The railway will allow to transport goods three times faster in comparison with classical railway technologies and 15 times faster in comparison with the ocean transportation in the framework of “One Belt — One Road”. The experience of the design of the Moscow-Kazan high-speed railway (HSR) and the technical development of the HSR network in China and Western Europe, as well as the promising information technologies of the “Industry 4.0” generation, allow applying intelligent control systems in the Megaproject “Trans-Eurasia”. Therefore, it will guarantee the highest level of safety, reliability, comfort for passengers and competitive cost of transportation. To develop financial conditions for the implementation of the Megaproject, we propose to create an international consortium. more...

One of the major elements of the One Belt, One Road initiative launched by China in 2013 is the concept of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The author aims to give a summary of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, and the Chinese intentions in general, then to present in detail the participation of the Southeast Asian countries in the project, and the geopolitical consequences of this cooperation for the region. Of all the ASEAN countries, Indonesia showed the greatest enthusiasm towards the Chinese plans, but Malaysia, Myanmar and the Philippines have aspired to join the Chinese-led project as well. According to my conclusion, the Maritime Silk Road has great significance in a geopolitical sense, because it has become the decisive element of Chinese foreign policy. In the case ofASEAN countries, it especially has a greater strategic goal: reinforcing China’s influence in the region in the field of both economy and politics enjoys priority, due to the rivalry between China and the United States. more...

Propaganda is an illuminating and under-studied entry point for assessing the One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR). This essay discusses the ideological and historical claims embedded in three categories of OBOR propaganda: documentary films for domestic audiences, national history textbooks, and short films for English-speaking audiences. Chinese-language propaganda reframe the historical Silk Road as a deliberate, visionary achievement of renowned emperor Han Wudi (r. 141-87 B.C.). The historical narratives work systematically to legitimate Xi's international ambitions by juxtaposing his contributions with those of Han Wudi, including by adjusting factual claims about the ancient Silk Road to make the parallel more obvious. OBOR is thereby cast as a neo-tributary system, in which partner countries enjoy favourable access to China's market and technology-and acknowledge China's preeminent status in return. The historical adventurers Zhang Qian and Zheng He are recast as loyal agents of the emperor in expanding the geographic scope of this system. English-language OBOR propaganda feature a completely different and far more benign narrative about OBOR's historical legacy and contemporary China's ideological motivations. The "Belt and Road Bedtime Stories" cast China as a peace-loving power that respects difference and seeks to protect the existing international order by promoting globalization and free trade. In light of the first two categories of propaganda, I argue that this third narrative is unpersuasive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Journal of Strategic & Social Research is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University, Social Science Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Copyright of Mecmua is the property of MECMUA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Copyright of Secretary (16742354) is the property of Secretary Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

This proposed work aims to understand the Korean Academic Circle (KAC)'s research trend on the "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) by employing a quantitative analysis of the recent research articles published by the KAC. To do so, this proposed research has used the well-known network analysis software, Ucinet 6, by which the papers on related topics are collected and filtered from Korea Citation Index. To perform the analytical selection, the proposed work has chosen 'keywords' as the core research object and performed analysis from transverse to longitudinal aspects, and from holistic to individual aspects, respectively; and from this, the KAC's research trend on OBOR is derived. The present work has established that the KAC's attention is continuously increasing on OBOR and has sustainability. Centered on the OBOR, Korean researchers have spread their studies in various dimensions ranging from the issues like China's political economy to Sino-Korea economic and trade exchanges, and so on. The KAC has even combined OBOR with Korea's international development initiatives, which can help Korea benefit from active and sustainable cooperation with China. Moreover, the proposed work has found that Korean researchers have also actively expressed their growing attention, highlighted Korea's interest, and showed concern about China hegemony and Sinocentrism in their recent documented research works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The aim of this study is to Marmaray railway project's role is mentioned to the "One Belt One Road" project. Turkey is a natural bridge between Europe and Asia. Turkey is located in a natural bridge between Asia-Europe, railways work has accelerated in recent years and continues to add new railway projects. Turkey, today in the north-south and east-west rail work period in domestic passenger and freight transport has begun to take important steps. Together with the logistics bases, it has increased the potential for more professional freight entry/exit operations in our country and more import/export. Also, the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway line, our country has gained the ability to bring freight from Middle Asia and the Caucasus regions in rail freight transportation. "One Belt One Road" project of the railway network and the most appropriate alternative hosts Turkey, the multi-modal transport opportunities to integrate rail transport with in accordance with the geographical conditions also incorporated the feature. When the "One Belt One Road" project active completely, the Marmaray project will provide transition Europe fastly and it will shorten the time interval. It is anticipated that the Marmaray line will also facilitate the transportation of Asian and European based cargoes to our country. In particular, minimizing delays in seaway and road transport will be made possible by Marmaray and railway lines. Also, this study has mentioned to Asia and Europe railway transportation and effects of Marmaray to "One Belt One Road" from concrete data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

China instigated One Belt, One Road to connect China on a global scale not envisioned since the original Silk Road. The scope of this project includes development of trade routes, communications, cultural exchanges, and transportation infrastructure. Twenty-six percent of the megaproject transportation initiatives are in aviation. Several experts forecast the Chinese to surpass the US as the world's biggest aviation market by 2022. Has the world been asleep at the wheel while this expansion was taking place? Or is the project overly aggressive and will aviation infrastructure constraints thwart the prediction? Does China have the power to bring aviation market share forecast to fruition? This exploratory research scrutinized the plan, progress and projections in relation to capacity limitations to provide insight into these questions. The promise of the OBOR initiative is immense, as are the opportunities and risks to sustainable development in the aviation and aerospace industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This paper discusses the dynamics between Myanmar's peace process, its mismanagement of the Rohingya crisis, and China's strategic interests in Myanmar. It examines how internal ethnic conflicts in Myanmar will transpire and the implications for China's grand strategy of One Belt One Road in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Promoted by both the "going out" policy and the "One Belt and One Road" (OBOR) Initiative, China's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has grown rapidly in the past two decades. A spatial network has gradually formed that facilitates global production, sales, and innovation. This paper studies the spatial correlation of China's OFDI network along the OBOR and its determinants. The block model analysis suggests that China's OFDI spatial network comprises four gradient sections. In addition, the analyses of quadratic assignment procedure and exponential random graph models demonstrate a tendency of agglomeration of China's OFDI, which may hinder the further development of its spatial correlation networks. Finally, we present some policy suggestions stemming from the study in the hope of helping both the government and firms to optimize their OFDI spatial layout strategy along the OBOR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The historic results of the 14th Malaysian general elections (GE14) have largely been attributed to various domestic factors. This paper seeks to address whether foreign policy issues, specifically the rise of China in the Malaysian economy, were a prominent campaign feature in the election. This article argues that while foreign policy issues, including the rise of China in the Malaysian economy, neither featured prominently in GE14 (as it was overshadowed by domestic concerns), nor were the most decisive factor in determining the outcome of the election, the role of foreign affairs in the run-up to GE14 was by no means insignificant. Foreign affairs received much more attention compared to previous elections. Furthermore, as a result of growing democratic space in Malaysia, the Najib administration's foreign policy which was supposedly highly insulated from public scrutiny became increasingly challenged by domestic political opponents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Keywords: One Belt One Road; transnational capital; Chinese Communist Party; China; labor rights EN One Belt One Road transnational capital Chinese Communist Party China labor rights 60 66 7 05/19/20 20200401 NES 200401 The U.S. policy toward China for decades presumed that its growth, propelled by the export of labor-intensive commodities, would move toward a democratic form of government as its middle class grew. In a study of a thousand Chinese firms in eight African countries, McKinsey & Company, the global management and consultancy company, found that 89 percent of the workers employed by these firms were African. In the eight African countries on which they focused (Kenya, Angola, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zambia), the number of Chinese-owned firms identified was between two and nine times the number registered by China's Ministry of Commerce, until then the largest database of Chinese firms in Africa. As in the United States, China's gig economy workers, who are the backbone of the country's e-commerce and express food delivery industries, may prove another source of labor resistance, given their lack of formal labor contracts, limited access to basic social insurances, and their long hours for little pay. [Extracted from the article] more...

This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing "one belt, one road", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper. more...

Objective: The article focuses on developments within the ’16+1’ initiative: It aims to analyse whether the relations between China and CEECs are more multilateral or bilateral in nature and discuss the implications for business. Research Design & Methods: We review the literature on the ‘16+1’, overview international trade and investment between CEECs and China, development of institutional framework and examine the case of China-Slovenia economic relations in greater detail. Findings: Highly intensive diplomatic relationships since the establishment of the initiative in 2012 have evolved into deeper, though unbalanced economic relations, resulting in net trade deficit and high concentration in trade and investment. Implications & Recommendations: Formally multilateral platform, ‘16+1’, kept the trade policies and business strategies predominantly still within bilateral relations strategies of national countries. Multilateralising the ‘16+1’ remains an opportunity for CEECs and the EU. Secondly, in most countries strong bilateral cooperation with China is a part of efforts to diversify their international economic cooperation and a catching up process parallel with the growing role of China in the global economy. Contribution & Value Added: Monitoring trade and investments between CEECs and China provides insights to describe CEECs patterns of economic globalisation, institutional framework for entrepreneurship and information how the ’16+1’ has influenced globalisation patterns in the EU trade and investment, rethinking of EU-China cooperation and competition and cooperation among CEECs. more...

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was first mentioned in 2013, it has created a lot of expectations in many aspects: international trade and economy, logistics infrastructure, policy and managerial implications, and so on. That said, research regarding BRI, particular from logistics and supply chain management perspectives, is scarce. There is a lack of studies concerning innovation in logistics and supply chain in the BRI context. This article discusses recent research in this area, and then present a collection of papers featured under this theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article studies what I describe as "state-coordinated investment partnerships," an investment modality central to the deployment of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These partnerships bring together state and business actors to export overcapacity and address infrastructural demands in underdeveloped markets. To do so, they require accumulation and sovereignty regimes that mirror, in contingent ways, similar social arrangements within China. The superposition of such regimes and the interests and social imaginaries of local actors produces forms of uneven and combined development and shapes the contours of the BRI's emerging developmental and geoeconomic footprints. The BRI exports also an elite development paradigm which promotes urbanization, connectivity and economic growth over participatory approaches. This paradigm projects a depoliticized version of China's present into the BRI's future to justify social and environmental dislocations, and shields Chinese firms from civil society scrutiny. My analysis rejects this elite perspective and favors a labor-centric approach that unearths the social foundations of the BRI. From this perspective, despite relevant differences in format, the BRI's quintessential investment modality is closely aligned to a contemporary global current of public-private partnerships endeavored to mobilize public resources and state power for the expansion of capitalist social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Wool Textile Journal is the property of National Wool Textile Science & Technology Information Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Yu, J.; Hu, P., and Chou, L., 2019. Apply supply-driven input-output model to evaluate economic losses from coastal typhoons. In: Yu, T.-s. (ed.), Environmental Sustainability: Water Resources Integrated Management and the Development of Coastal Environments. Journal of Coastal Research, Special Issue No. 96, pp. 26–31. Coconut Creek (Florida), ISSN 0749-0208. Previous statistics on losses due to natural disasters often only accounted for direct losses, with a lack of statistics of indirect losses due to difficulty in estimation. In order to explore the impact of coastal disasters on island economy and provide suggestions for national investment, this paper focuses on Taiwan province(China), which is an strategic part of China's "One Belt One Road" initiative, and uses Supply-driven Input-Output Analysis to build an input-output model, taking typhoon as an example. The empirical results show that the Typhoon Fanapi has caused substantial damage to the agricultural industry in Taiwan (China), with a multiplier effect of output impairment of 1.33, and an increase in the unemployment rate of 0.06 percentage points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The aim of this article is to assess the creation of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank within the scope of China's smart power strategy, which will help not only to analyze China's strategic use of its coercive and co-optive capacity, but also to understand better the concept of smart power. Given that the wisdom of statecraft can only be situationally determined, through this study I will propose the ability to achieve targeted objectives, the skill to use hard and soft power instruments in such a way that they reinforce each other, good interpretation of the existing regional and global contexts, time planning, and compatibility with long-term interests as criteria for judging the effectiveness of a smart power implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The aim of the present study is to shed light on the diplomatic achievements of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), by exploring the way in which it has dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) implemented by China. ASEAN is little more than an association of minor powers with insignificant military and economic capabilities. However, in its dealings with the BRI, it has proactively advanced its own interests by skillfully conducting equidistant diplomacy with China and the US, without becoming too remote from or too close to either one of them, thereby reaping benefits from its favorable relations with each of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

China's 'One Belt One Road' (OBOR) initiative has been billed as its most ambitious project ever in trying to shape and influence behaviour in the international system in line with her growing stature. At the same time, growing Sino-Africa relations have been the subject of scholarly debate with supporters taking an optimistic view, also presented by China itself, of this relationship being a win-win partnership. Critics led by the United States argue China is just using Africa to extract resources for its use, an allegation it refutes. The authors therefore sought to look at Sino-African relations but focussing on the implementation of OBOR in the African continent. Being the centrepiece of China's foreign policy since 2013, a study on OBOR in Africa will give an understanding and hopefully answer some questions surrounding these relations. The lack of official bilateral agreements between China and some African countries has been examined, together with the possibility of expansion of the OBOR initiative to cover more African states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

The One Belt One Road (OBOR) project is perhaps China's most significant international relations initiative in recent times. It is based on openness, harmony, inclusivity, mutual benefit and market operations and aims to connect the economically vibrant East Asia and the developed Europe by land and by sea, and in the process, it brings growth and development to tens of countries along the modern Silk routes. In this paper, we compare the impact of the main initiatives of OBOR, namely enhancements in physical infrastructure and improvements in border administration, on the trade of countries that have signed on to this project, especially countries along the six economic corridors. We find overwhelming evidence that shows improvements in border administration has the greatest impact on exports of corridor countries. Although physical infrastructure is important for trade, the Chinese government should place equal attention to improvements in trade facilitation to ensure trade routes operate seamlessly across the various corridors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Objective: The article focuses on developments within the '16+1' initiative: It aims to analyse whether the relations between China and CEECs are more multilateral or bilateral in nature and discuss the implications for business. Research Design & Methods: We review the literature on the '16+1', overview international trade and investment between CEECs and China, development of institutional framework and examine the case of China-Slovenia economic relations in greater detail. Findings: Highly intensive diplomatic relationships since the establishment of the initiative in 2012 have evolved into deeper, though unbalanced economic relations, resulting in net trade deficit and high concentration in trade and investment. Implications & Recommendations: Formally multilateral platform, '16+1', kept the trade policies and business strategies predominantly still within bilateral relations strategies of national countries. Multilateralising the '16+1' remains an opportunity for CEECs and the EU. Secondly, in most countries strong bilateral cooperation with China is a part of efforts to diversify their international economic cooperation and a catching up process parallel with the growing role of China in the global economy. Contribution & Value Added: Monitoring trade and investments between CEECs and China provides insights to describe CEECs patterns of economic globalisation, institutional framework for entrepreneurship and information how the '16+1' has influenced globalisation patterns in the EU trade and investment, rethinking of EU-China cooperation and competition and cooperation among CEECs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

OBOR introduced by Xi Jinping in 2013 has not only posed as a competition to superpowers such as the US but it also attracted the interest from various countries in Southeast Asia, namely Malaysia and Indonesia, to join New Maritime Silk Road. The positive response from both countries is not only due to the confidence in the history, but more so because of their interest in obtaining China's capital and technology. However, the massive influx of China's investments through this cooperation has sparked anxiety among local leaders and other groups about the probability of China's domination. This article argues that the benefits enjoyed by Malaysia and Indonesia through cooperation in this initiative come together with prospects and challenges, especially on state autonomy. This article obtained primary data via interviews with selected key informants from Malaysia and Indonesia; such data was strengthened with empirical evidence from secondary sources. The findings show Malaysia and Indonesia do stand to benefit from this cooperation. However, the various implications may arise from such cooperation. For Malaysia, the rapid and massive influx of China's investments has raised concerns of domestic about the probability of overdependence on China. Whereas in Indonesia, Jokowi's global maritime fulcrum strategy can be seen as an attempt to preserve the country's independence and state autonomy. However, the huge flows of China's products flooding Indonesia's market is viewed as a competition and a threat to local businesses. This articles contributes to some extent to the corpus of knowledge in terms of regional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The paper assesses the potential and importance of Sukuk issuance in China. The research proposes that Sukuk can be used as an alternative financing instrument to materialise the “One Belt One Road” strategy. Hong Kong as a gateway of China had launched two Sukuks in 2014 and 2015 respectively. This paper analyzes the two sovereign Sukuk issuances out of Hong Kong in the last three years. Meanwhile, by conducting un-structured interviews of the potential issuers and related scholars, it is found that Sukuk issuance in China will face some challenges such as policies and regulations of Sukuk, tax and stamp duty issues, investors’ protection, establishing of Shariah Supervisory Committee, etc. However “One Belt One Road” initiative provides the best opportunity for Sukuk to move forward in China. more...

This article aims to historically contextualise the recent initiative of the Chinese government to promote its OBOR policy by discussing a number of similar initiatives for the establishment of overland transport corridors between Europe and Asia, pursued by a number of actors globally since the end of WW2. The PRC got involved in such projects initially in 1979, and this intensified in 1990s. The history of such projects reveals how regional and non-regional actors have promoted a variety of visions for the configuration of Europe-Asia overland freight transport corridors in two historical periods: the years of the Cold War, and the years of the post-Cold War. I argue that, here, such projects aimed at connecting countries and continents while also excluding others, and to show how various global actors have historically seen—and still do so today—the establishment of such corridors through a technocratic lens, namely not only to promote intercultural exchanges, but to consolidate political and economic alliances across countries and continents by bridging the peoples of different nation-states but also civilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Vietnam–China relations could be captured in the Chinese expression '同床异梦', 'same bed, different dreams'. Analysing Vietnam–China's asymmetric relationship, cultural and political similarities, divergences in global ambition and the involvement of foreign powers, this study shows how the relationship is increasingly interdependent but is equally fragile. One possible cause is the low level of trust on both sides, evidenced by repeated calls to 'consolidate political trust' or 'enhance mutual trust' in their high-level bilateral dialogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

China's public diplomacy in ASEAN countries started as part of strategic partnership both at the regional and bilateral levels since the mid-2000s. Focusing on Confucius Institute (CI) as one of the earliest means of China's public diplomacy, this article aims to make a comparative review of establishing processes of CIs and examines features of the CI program, functions of the CI networking, and perceptions of the youth of host universities and local societies. Based on the empirical surveys, this article argues that China's public diplomacy through CIs in the ASEAN countries is an institutional building process to develop young human resources with Mandarin proficiency, to promote business relations, and to disseminate China's official ideas through CIs' public forums to the extent that the CIs' network has been utilized to promote the conceptual synergy of "One Belt One Road" "Maritime Silk Road in the 21st Century" with ASEAN Connectivity. In conclusion, this article argues that due to a wide gap particularly in terms of social pluralism and open access to multiple sources of information in the region, the rapid growth of China's public diplomacy through CIs will have a double-edged effect, conducive to promoting relations with China and a centrifugal force to the ASEAN Centrality in the decade to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...