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We discuss issues in interpreting the results from mood induction experiments. In most cases, only small absolute changes in moods were induced, even though the effect sizes that compare the difference from the baseline are quite large. The balance of positive to negative moods was usually positive regardless of the mood manipulation and the measure used, meaning that even in negative mood inductions, people are often in a slightly positive mood, albeit less positive than before. These findings help bring the experimental findings in line with studies of long-term mood, where mild positive moods are sometimes more strongly associated with beneficial outcomes than stronger positive moods. It is possible that some of the benefits attributed to negative moods based on the experimental studies are in fact benefits of lower levels of positive moods. Recommendations are made to strengthen the inferences drawn from mood induction experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examined life stage and cultural differences in the degree to which familiarity of one's physical location and interaction partner is associated with daily well-being. Participants reported all the activities they engaged in and how they felt during these activities on a previous day using the Day Reconstruction Method (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2004). Both Korean and American retirees were happier when in a familiar place than in an unfamiliar place, whereas the reverse was true for both Korean and American working adults. In addition, we found cultural differences in the role of familiarity of the interaction partner. Specifically, Koreans (both retirees and working adults) were substantially happier when they interacted with a familiar person than when they interacted with an unfamiliar person. In contrast, Americans (both retirees and working adults) were no happier with a familiar person than with an unfamiliar person. (Contains 3 tables, 3 figures and 3 footnotes.)

Using the German Socio-Economic Panel, we examined life-satisfaction and housing satisfaction before and after moving (N = 3,658 participants from 2,162 households) with univariate and bivariate two-intercept two-slope latent growth models. The main findings were (a) a strong and persistent increase in average levels of housing satisfaction, (b) no increase in average life-satisfaction, (c) low stability in individuals' level of housing satisfaction, and (d) high stability in individuals' level of life-satisfaction. The results are discussed in the context of top-down and bottom-up models as well as adaptation theories of well-being. We conclude that moving or living in a better home is unrelated to life-satisfaction judgments for two reasons. First, housing makes a small contribution to life-satisfaction judgments. Second, positive effects of better housing are undermined by the greater costs of living in a better home. The results provide no support for the prediction of adaptation theory that shifting aspirations undermine the benefits of living in a better home.

Counseling psychologists often work with clients to increase their well-being as well as to decrease their distress. One important aspect of well-being, highlighted particularly in humanistic theories of the counseling process, is perceived meaning in life. However, poor measurement has hampered research on meaning in life. In 3 studies, evidence is provided for the internal consistency, temporal stability, factor structure, and validity of the Meaning in Life Questionnaire (MLQ), a new 10-item measure of the presence of, and the search for, meaning in life. A multitrait-multimethod matrix demonstrates the convergent and discriminant validity of the MLQ subscales across time and informants, in comparison with 2 other meaning scales. The MLQ offers several improvements over current meaning in life measures, including no item overlap with distress measures, a stable factor structure, better discriminant validity, a briefer format, and the ability to measure the search for meaning.

Past research has shown that perceived partner responsiveness (PPR) is a key process contributing to individual and relational outcomes and identified dispositional, relational, and situational factors that can influence it. However, little is known about how cultural factors play a role in the process of PPR. In Studies 1 (n = 4,041) and 2 (n = 414), we examined whether the degree of PPR differs across cultures by comparing European Americans and East Asians. We found that East Asians are less likely to experience perceived responsiveness from others than European Americans (Cohen's d = 1.11–1.25 for Study 1 and Cohen's d = 0.23 for Study 2). Furthermore, we found that self-consistency explained the cultural difference in PPR, indicating that East Asians underperceived partner responsiveness compared with European Americans because they behave less consistently across social situations. We conclude by highlighting the importance of exploring the process of PPR from a cultural perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]