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The Open Parliament Indonesia (OPI) declaration in 2018 was a pivotal moment in the democratization of the Indonesian parliament. The OPI declaration marked a strategic achievement of Indonesia’s parliamentary diplomacy. At a time when the public trust towards the Indonesian parliament was low, the OPI declaration opened a new chapter for the Indonesian parliament to revitalize its commitment toward increasing public trust. It is worth noting that the decision of the Indonesian parliament to join the open parliament initiative began with its leadership in the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption (GOPAC). This article has addressed the key question of how the Indonesian parliament’s leadership in GOPAC contributed to the establishment of Open Parliament Indonesia and further argued that Indonesia’s leadership in international organizations such as GOPAC has influenced Indonesian parliamentary behaviour. This has been achieved by creating room and access for the parliament to intensely engage with issues of open parliament in the international fora. It marked the compliance of the Indonesian parliament with international norms, demonstrating its commitment to adhere to the global democratic principles of transparency, openness and accountability. International norms prompted by GOPAC’s open parliament advocacy has affected Indonesia’s parliament’s policy choice as regards the open parliament agenda. Indonesia’s leadership in GOPAC, represented by the Deputy Speaker in Politics, Law and Security as GOPAC president, accelerated the institutionalization of the OPI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the causes of Euroscepticism in the recent period and attempts to find the determinants that affect Eurosceptical public opinions. Associating the rise in Eurosceptical opinion with the economic and financial crisis, a number of studies argue that the rising Euroscepticism can be explained by several macro-level factors. Using the Eurobarometer survey results, this article has conducted empirical tests on public trust in 28 Member States of the EU for the period of 2004–2017. It shows that various economic and fiscal variables comprehensively explain the rise of Euroscepticism during the recession period in most countries. However, non-domestic variables such as fiscal conditions of other countries and exposure to the refugee crisis also appear to have a direct effect on the Eurosceptical public opinion. This finding suggests that restoring trust in the EU will require a broad economic recovery with a lower debt level in the EU and a more effective capacity of the EU to respond to the external challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change will add to the many harms already suffered by environmental justice communities. State actions to enforce the public trust doctrine as a doctrine of citizen equality could ameliorate such harms. This requires a better understanding of the public trust as a normative system, and a willingness to use its dynamic nature to address current problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there has been consistent evidence indicating that school closures have only limited efficacy in reducing community transmission of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), the question of whether children should be kept home from school has attracted extensive and often divisive public debate in Australia. In this article we analyse the factors that drove high levels of concern among parents, teachers and the public and led to both demands for school closures in late March 2020, and to many parents' reluctance to return their children to school in May 2020. We discuss how the use of wellestablished principles of risk communication might have reduced much of this community concern. Then we set out a range of practical suggestions for communication practices that build trust and hence diminish concerns in relation to managing schools over the long term of the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wildlife management is evolving in many ways including adaptation of philosophy and practices to contemporary ideas about governance of wildlife as public trust resources. Inherent to good governance is citizen engagement, especially regarding who is engaged and to what ends management efforts are directed. Two decades ago, the profession was encouraged to shift from a client orientation (i.e., a narrow focus on people who pay for services and products) to a stakeholder orientation (i.e., any people affected by or affecting wildlife or its management). We believe that it is time again to broaden thinking about the related questions: wildlife management for whom and for what? We argue that management needs to shift slightly from a stakeholder orientation to a beneficiary orientation. This shift may be less challenging than the earlier call for change but nevertheless has implications for practices of public engagement and for objectives and outcomes of wildlife management that bring the enterprise into better alignment with the expectations of public trust resource management. © 2019 The Wildlife Society. Recent interest in the Public Trust Doctrine has helped clarify the question of "Wildlife management for whom and for what?" The concept of all wildlife for all people broadens the scope of who the beneficiaries of wildlife management should be and shifts conservation agencies' focus from stakeholders to beneficiaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As news media face declining levels of trust, research has suggested that partisans may differ in their views of news media. Depending on their ideological positions, partisans may have different perceptions of how faithfully news media adhere to journalistic norms. This study explores the intersections of ideology, perceived ethical performance of news media, trust in news media, and news participatory behaviors. Our analyses of data from a national representative survey of 452 respondents show that liberals are more likely than conservatives to perceive that news media operate ethically. More important, we found that liberals trust news media more than conservatives because of this evaluation. Our results also suggest that participation in news is positively related to ethical performance evaluations, which partly account for different levels of participation between conservatives and liberals. Implications for regaining media trust and encouraging participatory practices are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to have access to sufficient water is enshrined in section 27(1) (b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Constitution). This right, in combination with section 24 of the Constitution (the right to an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being), resulted in the adoption of the National Water Act 36 of 1998 (NWA) which fundamentally changed the foundations of the country's water law system. The preamble to the NWA states that water is 'a scarce natural resource that belongs to all people'. The Act broke new ground by introducing the concept of public trusteeship into the South African water law. Section 3 of the NWA stipulates that water falls under the centralised control of the public trustee to, inter alia, improve the allocation, management, use, conservation and equality of access to this scarce resource. Such statutory transformation has led some scholars to argue that elements of the Anglo-American public trust doctrine has, through the concept of public trusteeship, been introduced into South African water law. This Anglo-American public trust doctrine speaks to the concepts of public ownership, the public's rights in natural resources, the state's fiduciary responsibilities, as well as the protection of the public interest in particular natural resources. There are, however, 'inherent shortcomings' in the Anglo-American public trust doctrine as a potential model for trusteeship in the South African water regulatory framework. This article draws on a 'functional equivalent' of the Anglo-American public trust doctrine, namely the German property law concept of offentliche Sache, to inform the South African concept of public trusteeship, and to identify and analyse a number of potential legal implications of the concept for South Africa's water in the "public space". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zakat is a fiscal instrument in Islam. This is because zakat functions as a media for the distribution of income of people from the able class to the poor. Maximum accumulation and its effectivity and targeted distribution are expected to be able to alleviate the poverty of the community in the fields of economy, education, health, and social in general. The management of zakat is an important thing to maximize the function of collection and distribution; therefore, it is necessary to have institutions that specifically manage it. The performance of the institution must be transparent and trustworthy of the community, so that the trust of the community continues to increase and the collection fund also grows. The purpose of this study is to find out, assess, and analyze the professionalism of the performance of zakat management institutions (BAZ and LAZ). This study uses a qualitative study approach, with a case study strategy and explorative analysis, which aims to identify and measure the professional performance of zakat management institutions. The results of this study are that the performance of zakat institutions in East Java observed with the GCG approach has a value of 89.79%, which is a very good category in performance and professionalism in terms of (i) the right of the advisor of LPZ, (ii) corporate governance policy, (iii) corporate governance practices, (iv) transparency/disclosure of financial conditions, and (v) audit. The implication of these studies are as follows: it is expected that LPZ is increasingly sensitive to the sophistication of the system, responsive to the muzaki need, in order to maintain a level of trust so that it can be used as a reference and evaluation material for the performance of zakat institutions, especially in maintaining public trust (muzaki). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increased focus on applying procedural justice into policing practice, a small number of studies have examined officer attitudes to procedural justice. These studies have measured a diverse range of attitudinal concepts - from officers' alignment to procedural justice principles, to the perceived effectiveness of the principles in obtaining compliance from the public. A concept of particular interest is officers' sense of themselves as acting in a procedurally just manner. As police work is characterised by a high degree of discretion in how officers interact with the public, measuring how such procedural justice self-assessments change over time might indicate hindrances to the longer term uptake of procedural justice. Additionally, understanding what factors influence positive procedural justice self-assessments will assist police organisations in developing officers who identify as procedurally just. This study explores how officers' procedural justice self-assessments change through recruit training and after officers have become operational. Using longitudinal survey data from Queensland Police recruits collected at the beginning of recruit training (n = 501), at the end of training six months later (n = 331), and after one year of operational experience (n = 152), this study finds that recruits' procedural justice self-assessments decrease substantially by the end of training, but change little after officers become operational. Further, positive procedural justice self-assessments are predicted predominantly by self-assessed interpersonal skills more so than other attitudinal or demographic measures. The findings suggest that if police organisations wish to develop procedurally just officers, efforts should be concentrated toward improving recruits' interpersonal skills when dealing with the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The best way to find out if you can trust somebody is to trust them." —Ernest Hemingway "Establishing trust with the one establishes trust with the many." —Stephen Covey [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Professional self-government participates in the exercise of public authority. When supervising performance of public trust professions it may limit the competition and freedom of the profession, however it should be within the limits of the public interest. Aim: Purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that activities of professional self-government, which is an organization uniting and representing the interests of every person practicing a specified profession, may lead to restriction of competition. Thus professional self-government should be to subject to supervision of competition and consumer protection authorities. Results: Professional self-government is classified as an association of entrepreneurs under Polish law and associations of undertakings under EU law. It is subject to competition rules, however pursuant to EU jurisprudence those rules do not apply to the exercising powers of a public authority. Under Polish law, normative acts issued by professional self-governments are controlled by the Supreme Court. When affecting competition, they are subject to a special administrative anti-trust regulation. An analysis of case law shows, that such control in necessary because professional self-governments attempt to influence to influence competition, in particular through a pricing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of corruption convictions on government trust is complicated. On one hand, they may reflect the severity of corruption in a jurisdiction. On the other hand, they might indicate the degree of anticorruption efforts. Existing literature has suggested the severity of corruption’s negative effects and the positive effect of anticorruption efforts on institutional trust. This research synthesized existing studies, identified the intellectual puzzle in the literature, and developed open hypotheses to investigate the way in which corruption convictions systematically affect citizens’ trust in government. State-level panel data merged from different sources were used for the empirical analyses. The results showed a positive influence of corruption convictions on public trust in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public trust doctrine (PTD) has sometimes been mischaracterized as applicable only to state-owned resources. But this "proprietary PTD" is only half of the scope of the PTD, for the doctrine also contains a "sovereign" component. The latter has been recognized for over a century and is not dependent on state ownership of the public trust res. This article examines the evolution of both the proprietary and sovereign PTDs. We first trace the development of the former from Roman and English law through several prominent and recent decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court. We then turn to the lesser-recognized sovereign PTD, which grew out of a largely overlooked, but highly influential, decision of the Minnesota Supreme Court. The article explains the legacy of that case, Lamprey v. Metcalf, which established the now-dominant state-law view that the PTD applies to waterbodies whose beds are privately owned. Unlike the proprietary PTD, which employs the federal test for title navigability, the sovereign usufructuary PTD is not tethered to the federal title test, but is instead the product of state definitions of navigability, which often are much broader than the federal test. The article assesses the implications of widespread judicial recognition of the sovereign PTD as distinct from the proprietary PTD, spotlighting a case pending before the Oregon Supreme Court involving a 400-acre Oregon lake, Oswego Lake, in suburban Portland. But the implications are much broader than that controversy and point to the application of the PTD to all resources of public concern like wildlife, groundwater, and the atmosphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers Ramsey's principle of fidelity to covenant as applied to the controversy regarding the determination of death on neurological grounds. After (1) explaining Ramsey's ethical concern that framing the brain death debate with reference to the need for transplantable organs would undermine public trust, I then (2) go on to show that his concern was well-founded and continues to be applicable today, (3) consider some of the underlying reasons for the current crisis of public trust, and (4) evaluate one controversial solution to this problem that has been proposed by several prominent bioethicists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resource allocation for fisheries management and conservation in the United States has not grown substantially in recent years, and there is ongoing debate over how limited resources should be used to create, maintain, or restore fisheries. Hatcheries have been in existence in North America since 1848, but their organization and role in fisheries management are not widely understood or appreciated. The continuing debate about hatcheries has painted them in broad strokes, with critics suggesting that hatcheries are altogether ineffective, unnecessary, too costly to operate, or do more harm than good to wild populations. Such characterizations fail to capture the diversity of hatchery operations and do not acknowledge the hatchery reform initiatives of the past 20 years or public expectations and legal requirements that influence the production and use of hatchery‐origin fish. In this paper, we describe the current number and distribution of fish hatcheries operated for public purposes in North America, provide insights on the costs and benefits of hatcheries operated for public use and other public trust purposes, provide initial cost comparisons to habitat rehabilitation or restoration, and consider the role of hatcheries into the future as a fisheries management tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Summary: By drawing from psychology and economics, we present an experimental evaluation of a procedural justice training program designed to “slow down” police officers’ thought processes during citizen encounters. We find that officers who were randomly assigned to participate in training were as engaged in the community as similarly situated officers, but they were less likely to resolve incidents with an arrest or to be involved in incidents where force was used. These changes were most evident among officers who worked in areas with a modest level of risk. Policy Implications: Police officers who are actively engaged with the public can reduce crime through general deterrence and by arresting criminals. Nevertheless, excessive discretionary arrests and the use of force by officers can reduce public trust in the police. To date, there is scant evidence as to how police departments can successfully train officers to balance enforcement and public trust in the field. Through our study, we demonstrate that a relatively minor supervisory intervention may cause substantive changes in how police and citizens interact with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines audiences mistrusting in Czech journalists. It is based on two representative survey of Czech adult population. Data were subjected to descriptive, correlation and regression analysis. Analysis reveals that public trust in journalists declined by a third between 2004 and 2016. The major contribution of study is the finding that the mistrust in Czech journalists has multidimensional structure and supports main parts of the regression model. The regression analysis revealed five main predictors of mistrust among mistrusting audiences - age (the youngest respondents), the lowest economic background, left-wing orientation, perceived negative ethical image of journalists and perceived negative professional image of journalists. The analysis suggests that a significant part of the Czech public is returning to the old communist regime perception of journalists as representatives of establishment who do not represent its interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Government departments and agencies around the world routinely collect administrative data produced by citizen interaction with the state. The UK government increasingly frames data as an 'asset'. The potential in administrative data can be exploited by sharing and linking across datasets, but when the rhetoric of the benefits of data sharing is bound up in commercial exploitation, trustworthy motivations for sharing data come into question. Such questions are framed around two apparently conflicting public goods. The public good in re-using data to increase government efficiency and to enhance research is set against the public good in protecting privacy. Privacy is a collective as well as an individual benefit, enabling the public to participate confidently in citizen-state interactions. Balancing these public goods is challenging given rapidly evolving technology and data science. The analysis presented here draws on research undertaken by the authors as part of the Administrative Data Research Centre in England. Between 2014 and 2017, four case studies were conducted on government administrative data across education, transport, energy and health. The purpose of the research was to examine stakeholder perspectives in relation to administrative data sharing and re-use. The themes of trust, risk and consent were chosen to articulate the research questions and analysis: this article focuses on the findings related to trust. It explores the notion of trust in the collection, analysis, linkage and re-use of routinely collected government administrative data in England. It seeks to demonstrate that securing public trust in data initiatives is dependent on a broader balance of trust between a network of actors involved in data sharing and use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public trust lacks a precise, theoretically grounded and empirically tested definition, despite the increasing research interest and widespread use of the term in relation to different health care systems as well as other societal institutions. The mass media as well as the scientific community use the term public trust as if there is a common understanding of its meaning. As this is evidently not the case, this article proposes a broadening of an existing conceptualisation of public trust for use in health care system and policy research drawing on wider scholarship on trust from outside health care. In doing so, it further develops an existing conceptualisation of public trust in the health care system as a basis for discussion. In this conceptualisation, the origin of public trust is understood to be in the public sphere, which is situated between the individual, the health care system, the state and other societal institutions. Public trust in the health care system is influenced not only by the health care system itself, individuals' experiences of it and its media image but also by discourse in the public sphere about individuals' experiences and the system as a whole. This conceptual framework now needs empirical validation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order for governments to realise the qualitative elements of democratic governance, essentially good governance (the limitation of power, effectiveness in governance, accountability and transparency, and justice), and for counter-measures to be effective in the fight against the ever-present scourge of corruption, it is absolutely imperative that ethics and integrity play a central role in politics and public service. Whereas democratic governance is about responsive and responsible leadership (the attitudes of political leaders towards their roles as public trustees, transparency in public policy-making, the readiness to share information with citizens, and adherence to the rule of law), ethics and integrity rank among the qualities most valued in politicians and public servants; it is a general, all-purpose yardstick against which to measure public conduct, and it is selfless service based solely on the public interest, demonstrated by honesty in the execution of public duties. Corruption, the abuse of public office (or entrusted power) for private gain, undermines institutions, destroys lives and communities, translates into human suffering, leads to failure in the delivery of basic services, derails the building of essential infrastructure, and generates popular anger that threatens to destabilise societies. Corruption thrives because the state can be used as a mechanism for ensuring upward mobility or patronage, easing the way for private access to public resources. Thus, the apparatus of the state becomes the means for an elite to acquire wealth, rather than serving as a corrective mechanism to promote social justice and sustainable development. There is, therefore, a need to develop strategies that uncouple private wealth accumulation through corruption from access to public office through politics -- hence the development of tools and mechanisms to enhance integrity in governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1999, the Global Advisory Committee on Vaccine Safety (GACVS) was established by the World Health Organization (WHO) to provide independent scientific advice on issues relating to the safety of vaccines and immunization. Fifteen years onward, we conducted a multi-faceted review to evaluate the impact, reach and challenges facing GACVS, including the role GACVS plays in informing global, regional and WHO member state vaccine policy. The methods included measures of organizational structure, citation impact, themes approached, and a discussion by previous and current members to evaluate past, present and future challenges. Given the increasing range of data sources and the deployment of many new vaccines, the Committee is facing the complex task of identifying the best available evidence for recommendations on vaccine safety. To help meet the increased demand for public transparency in decision making, GACVS-structured methodology for evidence-based decisions is evolving. GACVS also promotes best practices and capacity building for timely and accurate risk assessment; risk communications; outreach to help countries maintain and, if needed, rebuild public trust in vaccines; and advocacy for bridging the major gaps in vaccine safety capacity globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Documenting how the Japanese state responded to increasing social discontent during initiation of unpopular welfare reforms, this study examines the factors that hindered the political empowerment of civil society despite the timely introduction of participatory policymaking institutions. The Japanese government opted in the early 2000s to introduce a participatory method to initiate the unpopular pension reform. Deliberation councils were established to encourage open discussions among government policymakers and committee members, including citizen representatives. The final outcomes of the deliberations, however, were mostly about parametric adjustments and did not adequately consider the urgent demand of the general public. The participatory measure did not significantly improve the public's trust in the pension programs, but it did justify the government's reform initiatives. The welfare bureaucracy that set the goal, defined the scope of the agenda, and steered the discussions toward technical issues structurally restricted the voices of the citizen members in the deliberation councils. The lack of citizen advocacy groups, which could otherwise have effectively supported the citizen members on the committee, contributed to the limited roles and influences of the citizens. It is argued that the traditional conservative corporatism of Japan was reinforced during this time period, despite the introduction of the idea of participatory governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze public trust during the aftermath of technological and hybrid natural-technological/natech disasters – Hurricane Katrina (2005) and the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear meltdown in Japan (2011). The work identifies common themes, actions and inactivity that can lead to citizens distrusting the government after disasters. Design/methodology/approach – News reports from the two areas leading newspapers formed the body of the Hurricane Katrina and the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear meltdown case studies. Of key interest were emerging themes of trust and/or distrust during the immediate impact phase of the disaster in addition to government failures and social breakdowns resulting in a loss of trust in government institutions and individual leaders. Findings – The series of examples illustrate how specific action or in-action by local and federal governments served as a catalyst for a loss of trust in government institutions and individual leaders in government while proposing potential strategies to help public leaders reduce distrust during times of crisis. Research limitations/implications – The two limitations were the use of only newspapers and the passage of a new law in 2013, the “Specially Designated Secrets Protection Law,” designed to limit news reporting of the press in Japan on the issue of nuclear radiation exposure of the general public in Japan, some of the new data are not available. Practical implications – The research concludes by offering specific ways to regain trust after a perception of failure during pre- and post-disaster management in the age of mega disasters. The paper lists several recommendations that can be practically implemented to develop a culture of transparent communication, civic engagement in planning processes and inspire trust among stakeholders. Originality/value – While the paper identifies barriers to establishing trust among government agencies, the citizenry and private industry, it seeks to help inform policy frameworks regarding the importance of the government’s ability to sustain a strong sense of trust that engenders civic participation in preserving or regaining trust in the aftermath of disasters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to re-assess the often negative evaluations of the political press, through a detailed analysis of a case study from inter-war Czechoslovakia, the newspaper Národní listy, and its publishing company the Prague Stock Printery (PAT), which were affiliated to the National Democratic Party. The analysis is theoretically framed by a discussion of notions of party-press parallelism and political parallelism, and how these political models are evaluated within the contemporary literature. In the following parts, an extensive (but necessary) contextualization is offered, which first focuses on the political-economic history of inter-war Czechoslovakia, and a description of its media landscape, and then details the workings of PAT and Národní listy. The analytical parts first describe the financial, managerial and editorial situation of PAT and Národní listy, and then evaluates their functioning at the economic, political and journalistic level. This evaluation shows the complexities of the political model from within the actual publishing practice, and demonstrates both the advantages and problems of the political model, compensating for the frequent exclusively negative evaluations of this model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the value and vulnerability of the traditional public trust doctrine in the U.S. Topics discussed include ways in which doctrine require each state preserve navigable water and underlying land for the benefit of all citizens; history of the doctrine from Roman to English to early American law; and the U.S. Supreme Court decision in the case 'Illinois Central Railroad v. Illinois.'

The article examines the value and vulnerability of the traditional public trust doctrine in the U.S. It discusses the importance of application of traditional public trust concepts to the preservation of aesthetic and ecological values in addition to navigation, fishing, and other water-based activities in the country. It reports that the doctrine require each state preserve navigable water and underlying land for the benefit of all citizens.

Every major U.S. commission appointed to review Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) as well as numerous reports and scholarly articles have recommended increasing the number of lay (nonscientist and unaffiliated) members on IRBs. Meanwhile, qualitative studies have shown that lay IRB members experience confusion about their roles, including ambiguity whether their roles are different from other members of the board. Without articulating the unique reasons why unaffiliated and nonscientist members are needed, IRBs have little guidance on how to recruit and train these members, and how many should be at the table. By looking back through the history of IRB regulations, policies, and commentaries we can articulate unique contributions these members can make. Only with these contributions in mind can we make arguments for how to best achieve them and make the case that increasing their numbers is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]