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This article presents the findings of a research study on the videos posted by the New DPRK YouTube channel during a specific time period. The objective is to determine whether the channel represents a form of public diplomacy or international propaganda in the field of diplomacy. The study is based on the theoretical frameworks of public diplomacy and soft power by Joseph Nye Jr. and other authors. The videos analysed were categorised into twelve groups based on their objectives, target audience and composition. These categories provide a comprehensive understanding of the videos posted by New DPRK. In conclusion, the study suggests that although the YouTube channel exhibits some characteristics of a public diplomacy strategy, it does not align with the theoretical framework adopted in the study of public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work is dedicated to the study of interstellar medium (ISM) along the line of sight (LOS) of the transient low-mass X-ray binary, MXB 1659-298, capitalizing the high resolving power of XMM-Newton in the soft energy range. We emphasized the analysis of reflection grating spectrometer (RGS) data in the energy range 0.5–2.15 keV, suitable for the study of ISM. The paper includes an explanation of why, in the soft X-ray energy range, only two observations (out of seven) were deemed eligible for analysis. Three absorption lines associated with highly ionized Fe XX (1s22p2-2p2 (3p) 4d), Si XIV (1s2-1s2p), and Mg XI (1s2-1s6p) were identified in the observations, with IDs of 8620701(2001) and 748391601(2015). These new absorption lines and the absorption edge due to the neutral oxygen K edge seen in the spectra validate the multiphase structure of ISM. The predominance of interstellar medium over the ionized absorber is established along the direction of the source. The equivalent hydrogen column density measured is nearly equal to the galactic HI value derived previously. The small value of the ionic column density of Fe, Si, and Mg in the site of the high-temperature region resembles previous findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2017, Denmark and China signed a film co-production agreement, marking Denmark as the first and only Nordic country to establish such a treaty with China. Taking two recent China-Denmark film co-productions as examples, Bille August's The Chinese Widow (2017) and Lin Jianjie's Brief History of a Family (2024), this paper investigates why China chose to sign a film agreement with Denmark and vice versa. It also examines the cultural and film policies that catalysed the emergence and development of this new co-production partnership. This paper aims to address two emergent trends in transnational screen studies: conceptual engagement with soft power and transnational talent development. It discusses how cinema serves as an instrument for states, institutions, and corporations to mediate diplomatic and political goals, generate soft power, and engage in nation branding. This paper argues that the transformation in geopolitical relationships between these two countries and their respective film and cultural policies over the past decade has led to this new collaborative partnership. Furthermore, it suggests that the latest European cultural policies supporting Sino-European co-production and transnational talent development have facilitated Sino-Danish film co-production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the shift from the first phase to the second phase of transnational cinema studies, this volume examines a set of practices of transnational cinema that have been taking place between China and its counterparts. In exploring transnational cinema activities in the form of film collaborations and co-productions, this volume puts the spotlight on critical trends in transnational cinemas that are not limited to Western spheres of influence. Focusing on practical applications of case studies between China, Arab countries, Denmark and the U.S. it contributes to the debates on the definition and practical applications for research on film collaboration and co-production and transnational cinema studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We start by exploring how the interplay of soft power and learning levers helps firms address competitive uncertainty in innovation-intensive environments (IIEs). We then theorize that firms' motivation to pursue a specific combination of soft power and learning tactics in IIEs is shaped by CEO regulatory focus. The analysis of a panel of IIE firms supports our theorizing and reveals that accounting for CEO regulatory focus is elemental to the understanding of firms' performance heterogeneity in such environments. We conclude that a perspective focused on a combination of soft power and learning tactics is better fitted to explain firms' performance in environments plagued by extreme uncertainty compared to traditional theoretical lenses. Our main contribution is to the study of performance in innovation-intensive environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe Confucius Institute (CI), as China’s flagship soft power initiative, experienced rapid development in its early years, reaching 500 centres worldwide in just over a decade. However, the past few years have seen a wave of CI closures, especially in the US, where more than 100 CIs have been closed, problematising China’s soft power efforts. In response, China revised its international language and culture promotion (ILCP) strategy in mid-2020 by abolishing the CI Headquarters/Hanban and creating two sperate organisations: the Chinese International Education Foundation (CIEF) and the Centre for Language Education and Cooperation (CLEC). This shift demonstrates a decentralising trend across three dimensions: administrative, political, and fiscal. This article explores the reasons behind the CI’s rapid development and recent setbacks, examines the details of China’s decentralised ILCP strategy, and finds that the positive effects of this strategy are yet to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spacefaring has emerged as a critical element of global security and strategic intelligence, playing a significant role in all aspects of national power: diplomacy, information, military, and economics (DIME). China's 2007 anti-satellite (ASAT) test ushered in a new era in spacefaring. China conducted a devastating direct ascent ASAT test that destroyed a weather satellite, resulting in over 3000 pieces of space debris. The unexpected nature of this test caught the international spacefaring community off guard, and gave rise to immediate concerns among spacefaring powers, prompting questions about China's intention. This was a stark reminder of the multifaceted dimensions of power associated with space exploration, encompassing all the DIME soft and hard power components. These were crucial in motivating China's decision to conduct the test and shaping the responses of other spacefaring nations. The United States and China have been competitors in space for decades. However, China's recent advancements in space and acts of aggression like the ASAT test have raised concerns with the space-faring community. The ASAT test and other potentially disruptive activities also present a thorny warning intelligence problem, as many of these activities span national power elements. Using the theoretical framework of realism, this paper assesses the significance of China's ASAT test through the lens of DIME components to shed light on its implications on global security and propose a set of intelligence recommendations intended to prevent strategic surprises in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bioeconomy, circular economy and green economy (BCG) tourism model was developed by an extension with gastronomy, local and wellness tourism to investigate the potential tourism model and improve the tourism industry in Thailand. Concurrently, Thailand's soft power has created 11 dimensions of creative industries and is encouraged by the Thai government to become an important economic strategy. The objectives of this research are (a) to examine the 11 dimensions of the creative industries of Thailand's soft power as an economic strategy related to tourist revisit; (b) to investigate the potential extension of the three dimensions of the BCG tourism model correlated with revisit, and (c) to identify the extended dimensions of the BCG tourism model and revisit mediated by Thailand's soft power. The research explores the opinions of 384 international tourists from Malaysia, Singapore and China who had travelled to Songkhla province, located in Southern Thailand. The research findings indicate that several the 11 dimensions of Thailand's soft power can be a strategy that impacts revisit in Songkhla province; gastronomy, local, and wellness tourism have a significant influence on revisit in Songkhla province; and Thailand's soft power plays a key role in mediating between the gastronomy, local, and wellness dimensions of the BCG tourism model and revisit in Songkhla province. These findings reveal the opinions of international tourists pertaining to Thailand's soft power, use of the BCG tourism model in the tourism industry, and revisit of international tourists in Songkhla province, Thailand, as well as the important impact of Thailand's soft power on the tourism industry using the BCG tourism model and the revisiting of tourist places by international tourists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, became the most significant military conflicts in Europe since the Second World War. In fact, the conflict demonstrated the fundamental nature of the existing Russian political regime and its ambitions for reconstructing Russia as an empire in the modern world. The war became the last step after failed attempts to use the tools of soft power to realize in practice the growing ambitions of the Russian Federation. However, the war was just the tip of the Russian political iceberg. The hidden part of that iceberg was a political ideology, which became a background for aggression toward neighboring countries, which was called fraternal people before the aggression. The article makes a humble attempt to analyze the ideological roots of the Russian war in Ukraine as a key and fundamental factor of aggression towards a sovereign country. The article explores the key roots of the doctrine of the "Russian world" as one of the essential principles of modern Russian political thinking, which tries to justify the current aggression and, at the same time, works as a marker of particular virtues of the uprising Russian nation. However, this ideology is not something new in Russian national political tradition but a continuation of ideas from the period of the Russian Empire. The article describes the main development trends of Russian national ideology and thinking from the 16th century to modern times and explains the role of this ideology as one of impetus and driving powers while conducting open aggression toward Ukraine in February 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze Türkiye's humanitarian diplomacy and development cooperation strategies toward Africa within a theoretical and conceptual framework, assessing their impact and significance on the continent. The research problem addresses how Türkiye's unique approach, which integrates historical ties, cultural interactions, and development efforts, distinguishes it from other global and regional actors. The arguments presented highlight that Türkiye's humanitarian diplomacy strategy, based on mutual benefit and sustainable development goals, has effectively enhanced its positive image and influence in Africa. The hypothesis posits that Türkiye's humanitarian diplomacy and development cooperation efforts have strengthened its position as a humanitarian actor on the continent and contributed to achieving sustainable development goals. The findings suggest that the country's activities in healthcare, education, agriculture, and socio-cultural fields have created significant impacts, improving local communities' living conditions and fostering sustainable development. Furthermore, Türkiye's distinct approach, unlike traditional Western policies, is characterized by an emphasis on mutual interdependence and cooperation, positioning it as a reliable partner in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies advocate expanding the concept of soft power from the nation to city context and emphasize the importance of culture in building urban soft power. The existing research neglects the role of classical music on urban cultural soft power and reflects the necessity to explore long-term musical projects that are beneficial to residents. By analyzing the case study of a classical-music-educational-based public services project, the Guangzhou Youth Symphony Orchestra (GYSO), this research finds that public cultural services can continuously improve urban cultural soft power through the triple model of "contractor-cultural policies-public participation". This research argues that although the In Harmony and the EI Sistema projects are also public cultural services of classical music, the triple model of GYSO has multi-faceted impacts on urban development, including cultivating creative class, enhancing residents' cultural tastes, promoting social cohesion, integrating cultural resources and establishing city branding. This triple mechanism is a model with Chinese characteristics that combines the arm's length principle with the cultural exception policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of 2019, the world has been shocked by a new disease called the coronavirus or called COVID-19 which started from one of the cities in China, namely Wuhan. The researcher uses a qualitative approach based on the type of data taken and then explained descriptively in order to produce a discussion that leads to the conclusion of the research. The purpose of China's diplomacy vaccine as soft power and how to implement the diplomacy vaccine between Indonesia and China. China's vaccine diplomacy not only aims to help other countries to deal with COVID-19 and its impact, but also aims to improve China's good image shown by international relations, especially with Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to foreign policy analysis by applying role theory to the study of soft power, evaluating the relationship between a state's chosen international role(s) and susceptibility to non-coercive influence. I argue that in countries where said role involves committed engagement with varied power poles, elites derive benefits from their various partners and thus abide soft power bases such as the Russian Diplomatic Academy (RDA) without violating the principle of autonomy maximization. I utilize a mixed methods approach, using logistic regression as part of a qualitative case study of Kazakhstan. Drawing on an original dataset of Kazakhstani ambassadors since 1992, I find that foreign policy role better explains the continued presence of RDA-trained diplomats within the Kazakhstani ambassadorial corps than traditional security arguments. This outcome demonstrates the promise of examining soft power through the lens of role theory, with an emphasis on the agency of potential targets of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the sources of Turkish, Iranian, and Saudi soft power in the Middle East through the utilization of Joseph Nye's soft power concept. The study is based on three claims. The first claim argues that there exists an increasing discrepancy between espoused values and actual practices in Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at home, which may undermine their soft power. The second claim contends that cognizant of the fact that the Palestinian cause is a major concern for most of the Middle Eastern people, all of the three states pursue an active foreign policy to alleviate the plight of the Palestinians. Finally, the last claim upholds that Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been benefitting, albeit to varying extents, from high culture products such as education and popular culture products such as mass entertainment and tourism to appeal to the public in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biblical narration can generally be understood as fictional narration. This draws attention to the fact that a level of 'communication about communication' has been introduced into the texts, which in turn has consequences for the understanding of revelation. Accordingly, the key to the 'truth' of the texts does not lie (primarily) behind the texts in historical facts, nor in the substantiation by supranatural events, but in the persuasive power of the view of the world that the texts unfold in the readers. In this, revelation remains bound to the text, which becomes an experience for the reader in the course of reading. At the same time, this opens up a broad understanding of revelation that includes both religious and secular perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The Australian Government has long used its international scholarship programs as an instrument of soft power in international diplomacy. The paper examines an international scholarship program and its role in Australia's soft power efforts during a period in recent history. Design/methodology/approach: The Australia in the Asian Century White Paper of 2012 is used as a lens to reveal how the Australian Government viewed the role of international scholarship programs in international diplomacy at a specific point in the recent past, and compares it with research revealing what was contemporaneously happening with one key government-funded scholarship program. Findings: This paper is based on a comprehensive case study of the Australian Government's Endeavour Scholarships and Fellowships program (2004–2019). Endeavour was an ambitious and expensive merit-based program with 6,600 recipients in numerous and diffuse sub-categories. The program was complex and cumbersome and lacked clear priorities, particularly in its lack of geographic focus. It missed opportunities to connect with the political zeitgeist, largely due to opaque priorities and inadequate evaluation regimes which focused entirely on outcomes for individual recipients rather than on relationships for Australia. Originality/value: This research draws on the first academic study of the Endeavour program. Other scholarship programs (for example Australia Awards and the New Colombo Plan) have attracted considerable scholarly interest. The Endeavour research provides an additional counterpoint for studies of Australian scholarship programs and their contribution to international diplomacy. It is timely to consider this in 2024 when Australia is putting a new focus on its investment in international scholarships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper draws on two studies from a wider research program exploring the long-term graduate outcomes of Australia's international development scholarships, the Australia Awards. The paper's focus is on exploring how soft power can be identified through international scholarships and outlines conditions for success in achieving such outcomes. Design/methodology/approach: This article discusses a mixed-methods sequential design that uses a quantitative online survey to identify themes to explore in a case study using a quantitative social networks approach. Findings: The research identified two outcomes linked to the soft power of international scholarships, these are: (1) The value of existing connections – exposure and opportunity for scholarship recipients to build professional networks while in-country, influences the likelihood of alumni actioning these positive experiences by developing partnerships with host-country organisations after returning home; and (2) The value of alumni interconnectivity – the critical mass of peer-to-peer alumni relationships is a soft power asset that donors can harness to influence their international development and diplomacy objectives. Together, these findings also provide evidence that soft power attraction engendered in international scholarship participants can have longevity. Originality/value: This article builds on early literature examining the effectiveness of international scholarships for developing countries in achieving soft power for scholarship donors. It provides a new view of these outcomes by looking at alumni networks individually and as a critical mass, to demonstrate how these contribute to achieving the diplomacy objectives of this type of state-sponsored student mobility program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Drawing upon the Social Identity Theory, this research aims to investigate the effectiveness of Qatar's soft power sponsorships among the Indian Premier League (IPL) fans in India. We explore the relationship between team identification, team-sponsor fit, and purchase intention of sports fans, while also examining the moderating effect of sponsor brand awareness in the context of the IPL. Design/methodology/approach: Using a quantitative research design, we conducted both offline and online surveys from sports fans. The proposed model was examined using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modelling to test the study's hypotheses. Findings: The results reveal a positive and significant association between team identification and team-sponsor fit, and team-sponsor fit and purchase intention of sponsor brands. Further, brand awareness moderates the relationship between team-sponsor fit and purchase intention of sponsor brands, but not on the team identification and team-sponsor fit relationship. Research limitations/implications: This research adds to the paradigm of social identity theory and soft power sponsorship research. By providing insights into fans' predisposition towards the team sponsors, the study will help managers design effective brand promotion strategies. Originality/value: This research is the first to explore the effectiveness of soft-power sponsorships in the Indian mega-sports landscap. It is also the first to explore the moderating effect of sponsor brand awareness on sponsorship effectiveness, which is determined through the purchase intentions of the sponsor brand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is human instinct to move from one place to another. This migration phenomenon will be followed by a movement of various aspects of life such as ideology, politics, economy, society, culture, security, demography, human resources, the environment, and various other aspects of life. Along with the times, international migration carried out by people is increasing; this is directly proportional to the advancement of technological civilization that produces innovations in the fields of information, transportation, and communication. This paper uses a qualitative approach. This research will produce descriptive data in the form of paragraphs explaining the events studied. The result of this study is that in order to influence the policy of granting visas to other countries, the country must take a persuasive approach, namely by having a high level of soft power so that it is in a bargaining position. Soft power and visa granting policies are both continuous and directly proportional. This can be proven by the top position of passport strength of a country also occupying the top position on the soft power index. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the growing challenges the United States faces in defending the homeland, particularly in the Arctic region. It highlights the importance of a strong defense alliance, such as the partnership between the United States and Canada through the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). The article emphasizes the need to address the increasing geopolitical and security risks in the Arctic, including cyber, conventional, unconventional, and hybrid threats from strategic competitors. To address these challenges, the United States has established the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies (TSC), the first new Department of Defense (DOD) regional center in more than 20 years. The TSC is tasked with advancing Arctic awareness, supporting DOD Arctic priorities, reinforcing the rules-based order in the region, and contributing to deterrence efforts. The article outlines the center's five enduring conditions that guide its mission, including improving domain awareness, enhancing defense capabilities, maintaining regional stability, and addressing the impacts of climate change. The TSC is positioned to be a key soft-power complement to the DOD's integrated deterrence measures in the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emerging marketing tactic of artificial intelligence (AI) ingratiation of humans and reveals that AI ingratiation leads to increased consumer acceptance of product recommendations. The positive effect of ingratiation is explained by consumers' self-enhancing motivations to believe that AI's ingratiating comments are particularly accurate and objective. Moreover, these ingratiation effects are moderated by the extent to which AI is anthropomorphized. Counter to the literature showing benefits of anthropomorphism and consistent with the persuasion knowledge model, consumers perceive ingratiation by humanlike (vs. machinelike) AI systems to be more driven by ulterior motives, thereby activating consumer defense mechanisms against ingratiation attempts. Our theory and findings elucidate how AI design features serve to strengthen or weaken consumer resistance to persuasion. We discuss the implications of our findings for the development and ethical utilization of the sophisticated conversational AI that are fast emerging in various marketing contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kipus: Revista Andina de Letras y Estudios Culturales is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper unearths how climate change influences women's security dynamics in fragile and conflict-affected contexts in Baragoi Samburu County Kenya. It provides an opportunity to rethink security. Security responses must be at par with evolving security underlying forces. One of the precursors is that individuals and groups that were traditionally excluded from combat both as participants and targets such as women and children have now become prime targets. This demands a shift in strategy by not only focusing on traditional threats but also getting more specific linking our approaches to gendered non-traditional security threats. Alternative soft power approaches to addressing insecurity are timely. Framing response to banditry as war creates a narrative with several implications that are suited to extend, stigmatize and prolong the violence. As Baragoi populace, continue to struggle with the adverse impacts of climate shocks, banditry, and hard power securitized interventions. An additional revelation is the interlink between low response that further aggravates women's adaptation to the conflict-climate nexus and fragility. It is agreeable that the climate crisis is a threat to everyone. However, it does not affect everyone to the same extent, and too often magnifies gender inequalities. Gender and identity can either undermine or support security resilience in response to shocks. More broadly, climate "uneven vulnerability" and gender inequality overlap to shape women's adaptation and resilience. There is growing evidence that the adverse effects of climate change increases both "risk" and "severity" of violent conflict on women. However, the impact of climate change has not yet been adequately incorporated into fragility or analysis of women peace security dynamics. In view of the multi-faceted nature of gendered causal factors and rapid evolving trends, timely and fresh perspectives and approaches are required to foster resilience, mitigation and adaptation. In this context, comprehensive gendered early warning and response systems play a substantial role in building absorptive capacity and reducing the impact of hazards. At the same time, timely response on early warning by governments and other authorities can significantly mitigate the effects of disasters and decrease mortality rates. The better we understand what drives the "differentiated outcomes", the better policies and interventions can be tailored to strengthen resilience for all. This calls for new diplomatic shift in security to revolve around conflictclimate risks. Gender Inclusion has to be at the center of prevention efforts. The above discourse serves as a poignant testament to the complex tapestry which serves as setback in knowledge regeneration, policy, practice and to a great extent, the constrictions of "traditional security" vis-a-vis "nontraditional approaches". The study employed a qualitative method of data collection to obtain secondary data. Specifically, this design highlighted the perspectives, history, perceptions, expectations and social construction of the thematic areas. The study, therefore, is one of the ways to intervene on the long protracted conflict which is a congruence of political, social, cultural and security dimensions. The human security approach is intended to present an inclusive, participatory platform, with "equal power dynamics" and "diverse perspectives" to integrate climate risks into security and development plans. The study also provides policy recommendations and some of the best practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: The opening of the Congress Hall in Berlin-Tiergarten in 1957 took place during the heyday of the Cold War. Designed by American architect Hugh Stubbins, the building became a focal point in East–West confrontations. Against this backdrop, the article explores the role of architecture in national soft power by taking the example of the Berlin Congress Hall. Commencing with a discussion of architecture as a component of soft power along five criteria, it goes on to examine the planning of the Congress Hall and the significance of its unique design vocabulary. The article concludes that the building, strategically located near the sector borders separating East and West, represents a concrete embodiment of US soft power. Although not an official representational building, the Congress Hall has thus served as a political, cultural and ideational 'embassy' of the United States and a major building block in German–American relations up to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores India's historical pursuit of major power status in international relations, from the Nehru era to the Modi government. It discusses the challenges India faces in achieving this recognition, including human development issues, military weaknesses, and the need for democratic governance. The author, T.V. Paul, compares India's status-seeking efforts with China's and argues that India must address its shortcomings to gain the respect it seeks in the global arena. [Extracted from the article]

Sportswashing has emerged full force in the 21st century, highlighting the gap between word and deed in the sports world. Yet, the term suffers from definitional imprecision and is often applied solely to autocratic hosts. This article offers a robust definition of sportswashing and—building from the soft-power approach to analyzing mega-events like the Olympics and World Cup—creates a sportswashing typology. This paper offers four advances in conceptualizing sportswashing: (a) the practice is not just the domain of autocrats, but can emerge in democracies as well; (b) domestic audiences are crucial to understanding the political complexities of sportswashing; (c) sportswashing often sets the stage for military intervention; and (d) new forms of sportswashing are emerging, with authoritarian regimes funding teams and events in democratic states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft power has engendered lively discourse within the international community. The development of a nation's soft power frequently hinges on cultural communication and the promotion of language. This manuscript concentrates on Japan as a case study and undertakes an investigation of the methods it has employed to cultivate its soft power. To accomplish this objective, Japan's strategies for cultural communication and the promotion of the Japanese language are comprehensively examined. From the perspective of language planning, prestige planning of language and culture constitutes a crucial mode of cultural communication, whereas language education planning (or acquisition planning) is the primary method of language promotion. Japan has adeptly disseminated its culture overseas through cultural communication and language promotion. On one hand, it fashions a "cool culture" embodied by anime and manga to augment cultural appeal and amplify national image. On the other hand, it advances the Japanese language abroad by establishing supportive institutions, dispatching experts and volunteers, and creating online teaching materials. Building on Japan, this paper establishes a theoretical framework for the construction of soft power, employing the aforementioned two approaches as valuable guides for research on soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of religion and international relations has achieved renewed attention in the last two decades. This study investigates a specific aspect of this field: religious soft power. It focuses on individuals who were affected by religious soft power and develop a typology of courses of action these individuals can take vis-à-vis their home state. I argue that individuals can take three different types of actions: disruptive, reformative, and transnational. Using the cases of the Catholic Church and its followers, ISIS and Sunni believers, and the relations between Israel and the Evangelicals, I assess how these alternative actions are being manifested by different groups of individuals. Lastly, I offer an answer to the question of when individuals would use disruptive action and when will they use reformative one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Posters are graphic design products that have the function of directly conveying the message they contain to the audience. Poster designs, including many metaphors, are materials that carry out tasks such as memorising, arousing interest, and visually conveying the cumulative accumulation that needs to be transferred for a purpose to a community. Poster design and illustration are integrated in many multidisciplinary fields, primarily in the field of graphic design, seeing that they are artistic and subjective. The impressive and persuasive power of the illustration technique enables the reinforcement of meaning in poster designs and ensures memorability. This study tries to reveal the metaphoric meanings in Luba Lukova's minimalist illustration posters by analysing the metaphor phenomenon in illustration posters. With the phenomenon of metaphor, the actual meaning hidden under the visual elements is transformed from abstract to concrete and conveyed to the audience as a message. This study utilised from document analysis, one of the qualitative research methods, Luba Lukova's 10 minimalist illustration posters were randomly selected and interpreted. When Lukova's minimalist illustration posters were examined in relation to the subject matter, it has been concluded that she used a single colour background in all her minimalist posters, handled the metaphor phenomenon thematically competently, and conveyed the trilogy of ideas, emotions and meaning to the audience in a simple style. Lukova, who adopts a thought-provoking and powerful design style with depictions far from confusion, uses illustrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent and increasingly antagonistic relationship between the world's two great powers, the United States and China, has caused collateral damage to many secondary countries as their interests might rely on amicable relationships with both the US and China. Employing soft power as the theoretical framework, this study is one of the first empirical investigations of how the divergent US and Chinese anti-virus approaches (i.e., mitigation strategies vs. zero COVID policy) may influence people's policy preferences in secondary countries. A two-wave cross-national panel survey (n = 3,216) was conducted in four Asian societies: South Korea, Japan, Singapore, and Hong Kong. The results disclose an uneven game regarding the soft power competition between the US and China: Asian publics with greater confidence in the US anti-virus approach perceive domestic anti-virus measures as restrictive, and express less support for international trade; whereas, Asian publics trusting China's anti-virus approach express no specific preferences for domestic anti-virus measures, but more support for international trade and immigration. These findings illustrate differential responses from Asian publics to the US's and China's soft power practices in different policy arenas. This study contributes to the emerging literature linking COVID-19 to soft power, public diplomacy, and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2019, The Shenzhen Model City Initiative was released in which the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) announced its decision to support Shenzhen, the long-standing poster city for China's economic reform, in building a demonstration pilot zone for Chinese socialism with a particular emphasis on further developing the city's technological prowess. What are the ideological implications of the latest model-making of Shenzhen? And how does the city's innovative turn relate to its role as the nation's perceived civilizational front line? This study explores the continuities and evolution of contemporary Chinese governance by considering the reinvention of the "Shenzhen Model" in relation to processes of urbanization, globalization and industrial upgrading. Drawing upon Tim Oakes's theory of the "urban" as an ideological device, it examines the (re)making of the "Shenzhen Model" through different discourses, apparatuses and policies related to the city's technological innovation and entrepreneurship. Situating the "Shenzhen Model" at a time of precarity and uncertainty amidst economic growth slowdown, the China-United States trade war and the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates how the state mobilizes narratives and practices pertinent to technological innovation and entrepreneurship to enhance its political influence and thus sheds light on the latest developments in urban governance during China's post-industrial turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptualisation and popularisation of soft power have spurred nation-states to establish and operate international institutions of cultural diplomacy (ICD) to exert global influence through cultural activities. The uniqueness of ICD lies in its many multiplicities: multi-national operation, multi-level coordination, and multi-actor participation. Such multiplicities challenge the understanding, policy design, and assessment of ICD. In response to this compounding challenge, this article constructs a transformational governance framework with a focus on the dynamic relationship between governing decisions (measured by the dimensions of structure and process) and institutional capacities including legitimacy, efficiency, flexibility, and sustainability. The utilities, benefits, and limitations of the framework as a policy and research tool are discussed through the case of the Chinese Confucius Institute (the CI). We argue that the CI's top-down decisions are shaped by international political discourse and target legitimacy as the institutional capacity, whereas the CI's street-level governance is largely driven by the considerations of efficiency and sustainability as the institutional capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war on terror as a discourse assumes that terrorism is an essential threat of global proportions, is mostly perpetuated by Islamist networks, and requires a strong international response. This discourse had tremendous impacts on both domestic and international politics. Consequentially, a large number of studies analyse the assumptions underlying and the policies legitimised by the war on terror discourse. However, existing work mostly focusses on one or a few cases, predominantly in the global north. This article introduces a novel dataset containing information on the war on terror discourse in the school textbooks of 36 countries, representing around 64% of the world's population, for the period 2003–2014. Based on this dataset, I present the first comprehensive analysis of the global diffusion of the war on terror discourse. The study finds that the discourse has by no means globalised but is mostly limited to wealthy countries in Europe and North America. There are hence clear limits to the USA's soft power and the hyper-globalisation of terrorism discourses. Factors like terrorism intensity, armed conflict and authoritarian regime have little predictive power. This is despite clear incentives for challenged (authoritarian) regimes to adapt the war on terror discourse. Contrary to common assumptions in critical security and terrorism studies, the war on terror discourse is hardly associated with an emphasis on terrorists' irrationality and hatred or with the marginalisation of socio-political grievances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing interdependence among nations, the advancement of science and technology and the impact of globalisation have made it less useful for nations to rely predominantly on hard power to pursue their foreign policies' goals. In the contemporary era, nations have shifted their attention to soft power as an alternative policy to maximise gains from other countries. Although the exercise of hard power is still relevant in international relations, soft power has become a less destructive option. For instance, sports has proved its power as a tool of diplomacy at different times. In India, cricket has moved from its status as a mere sport to a powerful instrument of diplomacy. In this article, the authors analyse the value of sports in general and cricket in particular as an instrument of public diplomacy, its capacity for nation branding, and the future prospects of cricket in pursuing India's foreign policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the purpose, system of subjects, principal tools and consequences of neo-authoritarian intervention. The peculiarities of the neo-authoritarian regime, neo-authoritarian intervention, and export of neo-authoritarianism are clarified. China and Russia are selected as the main cases for analysis. The purpose of neo-authoritarian intervention is defined as the intention to strengthen the internal stability of non-democratic regimes and to broaden their influence on international processes, the effort being to change the world order and destroy liberaldemocratic values. It is argued that the key subjects of neoauthoritarian intervention are the governments of neoauthoritarian states and a great number of actors (puppet parties; government-organized non-governmental organizations; marginal, ultra-radical social and political movements; statecontrolled media; unscrupulous analytical centres; and international multilingual networks of TV, radio broadcasts, news agencies, which are financed by neo-authoritarian governments). The system of tools of neo-authoritarian influence includes tools of: power; influence within the soft power; subversion; value modification; election tampeering; and pressure on international organizations. The tools of neo-authoritarian intervention are based on the classic tools of authoritarianism, but are modernized due to digitalization, information and communication progress, and the other technologies. Neo-authoritarian intervention is proven to increase the risks to global security. The main consequences of the strengthening of neo-authoritarian intervention on a global scale are the growth of threats to democracy, the risks of changing the world agenda. The consequence of neo-authoritarian interference in the internal affairs of non-democratic states is the growth of dependence on neo-authoritarian exporter states, further socio-political instability, increased use of force in solving socio-political problems. The research states that in the case of neo-authoritarian intervention in the affairs of democratic states, the consequences may include both effective counteraction to neo-authoritarian interventions and thus strengthening of the quality of democracy, and destructive tendencies including the growth of populism, radicalism, corruption, and hate speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dynamic relationship between international news organisations and politics in the United Kingdom and Russia. Using the 2014–15 Ukraine conflict as its case study, this research argues that humanitarianism has been applied to set the news agenda by RT. The BBC, on the other hand, used relatively less human rights frames but depicted Russia and Russia-backed separatists as responsible for the conflict. Despite the concepts of manufacturing consent and indexing may not capture the arguments in journalistic practice comprehensively, they are useful in explaining and revealing broader insights into the market and politics-driven media industry and the illiberal tendency in the reporting of international war/conflict in that news framing constitutes a vital soft power tool. This also raises the question that where should we draw lines of distinction between the state-sponsored soft power media RT and the publicly funded BBC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Drawing on the concept of psychopolitics by Byung-Chul Han, this article discusses how the replacement of biopolitical technologies of power by the soft psychopolitical technologies of power is displayed in Halle Butler's novels. The article starts with the discussion of three psychopolitical models: 1) algorithmic governmentality, 2) therapy culture, 3) emotional capitalism. Then, it shows how these models are played out in Butler's novels through the presence of characters with undisciplined bodies, and through the disjunction between selfperception and perception by others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the growing lapses of sports-based strategies in the Philippine setting, the gap between its theoretical foundation and its praxis has ballooned, predominantly attributed to the need for more academic work in this area. Correspondingly, this study provides implications for sports-related strategies for predicting a positive public image of the Philippines and harboring peaceful state cooperation through the merits of soft power. To achieve this, this paper has contrived the objectives, including (1) identifying the implications of hosting the SEA Games 2019 for the country by examining the management of the Philippine government, (2) determining the implications of the elite sporting success of Filipino athletes in sports tournaments, and, lastly, (3) identifying the potential of sports through the implementation of sports-related strategy by the Philippines. Moreover, this paper implements qualitative methods, including document review and key informant interviews, to gather pertinent testimonials from various sub-sectors in sports, including national elite athletes, professional coaches, and sports experts, to assess the state of Philippine sports and significantly determine its potential as a serious form of public diplomacy, particularly in achieving its intended outcomes. This study infers that Philippine sports have the capability to influence the country's stature with consideration of the global media as well as advance its foreign policy of international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1971 and 2001, the Government of Canada supported the national fitness promotion organization, ParticipACTION. The federal government invested in ParticipACTION to bring Canadians together and reduce healthcare costs caused by a sedentary lifestyle by encouraging the public to participate in fitness activities. By funding ParticipACTION as an arm's length not-for-profit organization, the federal government deployed soft power instead of coercive manipulation to persuade the population to improve their fitness. However, ParticipACTION contributed toward creating a disciplined society by asking Canadians to make informed decisions to change their lifestyle habits. ParticipACTION's mandate was to advertise the benefits of healthy and active lifestyles for Canadians, young and old. It used a proactive strategy to educate, motivate, and guide Canadians along the path to healthy, active lifestyles as a form of preventive medicine. ParticipACTION developed creative public service announcements and community events to get Canadians moving in simple ways, such as walking, running, swimming, or biking in the workplace, school, home, or park. For thirty years, ParticipACTION's logo and message became widely recognizable across Canada and motivated millions to leave their homes to get active together. By 2001, ParticipACTION was forced to close after the federal government severely reduced its funding in favor of high-performance sports. This article analyzes the federal cultural and medical objectives to invest in ParticipACTION, the organization's creative marketing strategy, and the influence of the organization on a generation of Canadians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The war in Ukraine has demonstrated Russia's incapacity to implement a foreign policy strategy without resorting to hard power means, exposing the limits in its soft power capacity to 'attract' and 'persuade'. Specifically, Russian soft power in Ukraine built around the model of the 'Russian world' (Russkiy Mir) was unable to persuade Kyiv to align with Moscow through peaceable means. Simultaneously, EU-inspired soft power based on the idea of 'Greater Europe' and Ukrainian 'Europeanness' conceived through the normative prism of liberal-democratic values and the potential of higher levels of economic development, limited the impact of Russia's soft power in Ukraine. Russian soft power in Ukraine was not inspired by the idea of attraction but conceived as a propagandistic means to justify expansionist policies, merging de facto with hard power. After the 2022 invasion, in the occupied regions, Moscow's influence could only be imposed coercively as an ancillary tool of hard power through a unique combination of smart and sharp power. Overall, a comparison of the influence of Russian and EU soft power in Ukraine highlights that the latter proved to be generally more persuasive, leading Moscow to resort to military force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to add to the field of foreign policy in general and, specifically, make an insightful contribution to Ghana's use of soft power in projecting her image internationally. The research involved largely secondary data sources and a few primary pieces of information that is experts' opinions. Foreign policy formulation and implementation by states is underpinned by exerting both hard and soft power in the international system. Ghana was the first country in Sub-Saharan Africa to gain independence from colonial rule as far back as 1957 and has made a tremendous contribution to achieving Pan-Africanism. It enjoys an enviable position as a bastion of peace in Africa. In contemporary times, states are investing in soft power strategies, policies, and programmes to grow their influence globally. Soft power is the ability to persuade state and non-state actors to attain goals through attraction rather than force. A state's soft power emanates from its political values, its culture, and its foreign policies. Ghana's political values (example, a haven of democracy), rich cultural heritage, economic diplomacy and good neighbourliness foreign policy has positioned the country as a soft power state. The country's involvement in peacekeeping missions globally has engendered admiration in the international system. This paper emanates from the examination of the strategies, policies, and programmes that Ghana is using to cement its soft power position internationally. Three major themes emerged from the data that were gathered and analysed, namely: soft power, foreign policy, and gastro diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]