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In this EUDO CITIZENSHIP Forum Debate, several authors discuss the growing trend in Europe and North America of using denationalisation of citizens as a counter-terrorism strategy. The deprivation of citizenship status, alongside passport revocation, and denial of re-admission to citizens returning from abroad, manifest the securitisation of citizenship. Britain leads in citizenship deprivation, but in 2014, Canada passed new citizenship-stripping legislation and France’s Conseil Constitutionnel recently upheld denaturalisation of dual citizens convicted of terrorism-related offences. In the wake of the ongoing crisis in Iraq and Syria, assorted legislators in Austria, Australia, the Netherlands, and the United States have expressed interest in enacting (or reviving) similar legislation. The contributors to the Forum Debate consider the normative justification for citizenship deprivation from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. There is relatively little disagreement among commentators about the limited instrumental value of citizenship revocation in enhancing national security, and more diversity in viewpoint about its significance for citizenship itself. The contributors discuss the characterisation of citizenship as right versus privilege, the relevance of statelessness and dual nationality, the relative merits of citizenship versus human rights as normative framework, and the expansiveness of banishment itself as a concept. Kickoff contribution and rejoinder by Audrey Macklin. Comments by Peter Spiro, Peter H. Schuck, Christian Joppke, Vesco Paskalev, Bronwen Manby, Kay Hailbronner, Rainer Bauböck, Linda Bosniak, Daniel Kanstroom, Matthew J. Gibney, Ruvi Ziegler, Saskia Sassen and Jo Shaw.

Namen zaščitene kmetije je v varstvu srednje velikih kmetij, ki bi zaradi nadaljnje drobitve izgubile možnost za samozadostnost. Vprašanje, ali kmetijska zemljišča, ki sodijo v zapuščino, predstavljajo zaščiteno kmetijo, je zato v postopku ključnega pomena. Ker je vprašanje obstoja statusa zaščitene kmetije pomembno za nadaljnjo ohranitev in krepitev kmetijskega gospodarstva, sta upravni in sodni postopek tesno povezana. Odločitev sodišča ali bo uporabilo splošna pravila o dedovanju ali specialne predpise, je vezana na odločitev upravnega organa. Pri odločanju o teh vprašanjih se tako upravni organi kot sodišča soočajo s številnimi problemi. Upravni organ mora svoje odločitve opreti samo na podatke, ki so v uradnih evidencah, četudi so ti morebiti v dejanskem stanju drugačni in bolj točni. Sodišča pa morajo pri svojem odločanju upoštevati odločitev upravnega organa. Šele po odločitvi upravnega organa sodišča odločijo, kdo bo dedoval, po katerem predpisu in kako. Veliko težav sodiščem povzroča odločitev v primerih, ko je dedičev več in jih več izpolnjuje pogoje za dedovanje zaščitene kmetije. V praksi pa se težave pojavljajo tudi v primerih, ko je bilo vrnjeno podržavljeno premoženje in je treba ugotoviti, po katerem predpisu bo izvedeno dedovanje. The purpose of protected farms is in the protection of medium-sized farms, which would, due to further fragmentation, lose the possibility of self-sufficiency. The key meaning to the question is if farm lands, which belong to a legacy, represent a protected farm, because the existence status of protected farms is important for further conservation and strengthening of Agricultural economy as administrative and judicial procedures are highly related. The court's decision to use general rules regarding inheritance or special regulations is decided by the administrative authority. When making such decisions both the administrative authority and the court face many problems. The administrative authority can only back up their decisions with legal information from official records, even though these may be different and more up to date than the true state. The Courts must take into consideration the decisions made by the administrative authority and only then can the courts decide who inherits and what is inherited. The main problems faced by the courts is when there is more than one heir and most of them fulfil the acceptable terms. In practice, there are even more problems when the country denationalizes properties and then the courts have to decide regarding regulations on how the inheritance will be realizable.

Today and throughout its history, Lebanese politics has been marked by the struggle to unite a diverse community within a single political entity, as citizens of a single nation-state. Rather than challenging the country’s demographic divisions and installing a shared identity, Lebanon has developed a complex political system based on the proportional representation of different sects. Under such a system, demography matters and the attribution of citizenship becomes part of a numbers game. As such, since its inception, Lebanese citizenship policy has stood out as one of the most controversial areas of domestic law. It is against this backdrop that many thousands face exclusion and have been left stateless. Statelessness is indeed a significant problem in the country, affecting many people who were left out of the country’s original body of citizens and their descendants, as well as individuals and groups with other profiles. Children of Lebanese mothers who are unable to acquire a nationality from their father are often left stateless because of the very limited acceptance of maternal jus sanguinis. Real and entrenched obstacles to birth registration are hampering the recognition of Lebanese nationality for children across different segments of society. And safeguards against statelessness which are present in Lebanese nationality law function poorly and often do not ensure access to nationality in practice. This working paper explores some key stages in the development of Lebanese citizenship policy. A particular focus is on how the aforementioned numbers game has contributed to the appearance, resolution and, recently, the potential re-emergence of cases of statelessness. The paper concludes that the country is stuck in a stalemate in terms of debating any – even relatively simple – amendments to citizenship policy that might improve this situation. This, the paper concludes, is impeding access to nationality for persons with strong links to the country, and even for some who are clearly entitled to Lebanese citizenship under the terms of the law, perpetuating and prolonging statelessness in many cases.

Today and throughout its history, Lebanese politics has been marked by the struggle to unite a diverse community within a single political entity, as citizens of a single nation-state. Rather than challenging the country’s demographic divisions and installing a shared identity, Lebanon has developed a complex political system based on the proportional representation of different sects. Under such a system, demography matters and the attribution of citizenship becomes part of a numbers game. As such, since its inception, Lebanese citizenship policy has stood out as one of the most controversial areas of domestic law. It is against this backdrop that many thousands face exclusion and have been left stateless. Statelessness is indeed a significant problem in the country, affecting many people who were left out of the country’s original body of citizens and their descendants, as well as individuals and groups with other profiles. Children of Lebanese mothers who are unable to acquire a nationality from their father are often left stateless because of the very limited acceptance of maternal jus sanguinis. Real and entrenched obstacles to birth registration are hampering the recognition of Lebanese nationality for children across different segments of society. And safeguards against statelessness which are present in Lebanese nationality law function poorly and often do not ensure access to nationality in practice. This working paper explores some key stages in the development of Lebanese citizenship policy. A particular focus is on how the aforementioned numbers game has contributed to the appearance, resolution and, recently, the potential re-emergence of cases of statelessness. The paper concludes that the country is stuck in a stalemate in terms of debating any – even relatively simple – amendments to citizenship policy that might improve this situation. This, the paper concludes, is impeding access to nationality for persons with strong links to the country, and even for some who are clearly entitled to Lebanese citizenship under the terms of the law, perpetuating and prolonging statelessness in many cases.

Today and throughout its history, Lebanese politics has been marked by the struggle to unite a diverse community within a single political entity, as citizens of a single nation-state. Rather than challenging the country’s demographic divisions and installing a shared identity, Lebanon has developed a complex political system based on the proportional representation of different sects. Under such a system, demography matters and the attribution of citizenship becomes part of a numbers game. As such, since its inception, Lebanese citizenship policy has stood out as one of the most controversial areas of domestic law. It is against this backdrop that many thousands face exclusion and have been left stateless. Statelessness is indeed a significant problem in the country, affecting many people who were left out of the country’s original body of citizens and their descendants, as well as individuals and groups with other profiles. Children of Lebanese mothers who are unable to acquire a nationality from their father are often left stateless because of the very limited acceptance of maternal jus sanguinis. Real and entrenched obstacles to birth registration are hampering the recognition of Lebanese nationality for children across different segments of society. And safeguards against statelessness which are present in Lebanese nationality law function poorly and often do not ensure access to nationality in practice. This working paper explores some key stages in the development of Lebanese citizenship policy. A particular focus is on how the aforementioned numbers game has contributed to the appearance, resolution and, recently, the potential re-emergence of cases of statelessness. The paper concludes that the country is stuck in a stalemate in terms of debating any – even relatively simple – amendments to citizenship policy that might improve this situation. This, the paper concludes, is impeding access to nationality for persons with strong links to the country, and even for some who are clearly entitled to Lebanese citizenship under the terms of the law, perpetuating and prolonging statelessness in many cases.

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o impacto sobre a economia brasileira do movimento de entrada de capitais ocorrido nos últimos anos, à luz do crescimento descomunal do capital fictício e do desenvolvimento da crise econômica mundial. Além de chamar atenção para o volume de recursos envolvidos e seu impacto sobre o nível das reservas e a taxa de câmbio, salienta a importância daqueles registrados na conta capital e financeira do balanço de pagamentos como investimento em carteira e derivativos, o que configura um grau elevado de exposição da economia aos movimentos bruscos do capital internacional, principalmente na hipótese de um recrudescimento da crise. O artigo traz, ainda, elementos sobre a origem e o destino dos investimentos diretos realizados no país com capital estrangeiro, bem como sua importância nos processos de privatização, fusão e aquisição. This study aims to analyze the impact of recent years capital inflows in the Brazilian economy in the light of the uncommon growth of international fictitious capital and the world economic crisis developpement. Besides highlighting the amount of money involved and its impact on the level of reserves and the exchange rate, it stresses the importance of those figures that fall within the capital and financial accounts in the balance of payments as portfolio investment and derivatives, which sets a high exposure degree of the economy to sudden movements of international capital, especially in the event of a worsening in the crisis. The paper also provides elements about the origins and destination of foreign direct investments made in the country, as well as its importance in privatization, mergers and acquisitions processes. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser, à la lumière de l'énorme croissance du capital fictif et du développement de la crise économique mondiale, l'impact qu'a eu sur l'économie brésilienne l'entrée de capitaux au cours des dernières années. Non seulement cette analyse attire l'attention sur le volume des ressources engagées et de leur impact sur le niveau des réserves et des taux de change, mais elle souligne aussi l'importance des ressources comptabilisées dans le compte capital et finance de la balance des paiements en tant qu'investissements de portefeuille et dérivés. Ceci configure un degré d'exposition élevé de l'économie aux mouvements brusques du capital international surtout en cas d'aggravation de la crise. L'article parle également d'éléments concernant l'origine et la destination des investissements directs effectués dans le pays avec des capitaux étrangers ainsi que de leur importance dans les processus de privatisation, de fusion et d'acquisition.

In response to the report by Anne Tomiche on the frequent overlap between comparative literature and European literature, this paper aims to deal with some of the questions asked by Tomiche without any claim to reach definitive answers, but rather to highlight new questions and new considerations about the role of comparative literature today. Essential to the achievement of a "new humanism", as a compass needed to guide us in a concert of discordant voices, in a time when new frontiers are being established, comparative literature at this time requires an epistemological shift. In contrast to the universalist ideology, the role of the comparatist must now be reconsidered on an ethical level, aimed at overcoming certain forms of exclusion and marginalization that too often the concept of culture generates. The comparative literature, should be understood as a non-category literature, a literature of expatriation, landless, that refuses language barriers and / or cultural borders, open to all literatures of the world, in a constant exchange that can lead to the creation of a comprehensive system of interactions, which must not be identified with a theory, but should opt for a space, a desert where the theoretical reflection becomes objective and universalizes in differentiation., In response to the report by Anne Tomiche on the frequent overlap between comparative literature and European literature, this paper aims to deal with some of the questions asked by Tomiche without any claim to reach definitive answers, but rather to highlight new questions and new considerations about the role of comparative literature today. Essential to the achievement of a "new humanism", as a compass needed to guide us in a concert of discordant voices, in a time when new frontiers are being established, comparative literature at this time requires an epistemological shift. In contrast to the universalist ideology, the role of the comparatist must now be reconsidered on an ethical level, aimed at overcoming certain forms of exclusion and marginalization that too often the concept of culture generates. The comparative literature, should be understood as a non-category literature, a literature of expatriation, landless, that refuses language barriers and/or cultural borders, open to all literatures of the world, in a constant exchange that can lead to the creation of a comprehensive system of interactions, which must not be identified with a theory, but should opt for a space, a desert where the theoretical reflection becomes objective and universalizes in differentiation.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych koncepcji dotyczących pieniądza i polityki pieniężnej formułowanych przez ekonomistów szkoły austriackiej, zaliczanej do tak zwanej teorii heterodoksyjnych. Przedstawiono poglądy tych ekonomistów w kwestii powstania i głównych cech pieniądza oraz opisano jego rolę w teorii cyklu koniunkturalnego, sformułowanej przez szkołę austriacką. Na tle koncepcji szkół głównego nurtu myśli ekonomicznej przybliżono także krytykę interwencji państwa w sferę pieniężną. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na koncepcję denacjonalizacji pieniądza F. A. Hayeka. The aim of the paper is to characterise selected issues concerning money and monetary policy that have been formulated by the Austrian School classified as so-called heterodox school of economic thought. First, the views on the origins and features of money and its role in the business cycle are described. Then, on the background of the mainstream theories, the critique of government intervention in that sphere by Austrian scholars is presented, with particular focus on so-called denationalisation of money postulated by F. Hayek.

The goal of the privatisation of apartments and denationalisation legislation was to establish clearly defined ownership and redress the injustices. However, as this was carried out, new injustices were frequently caused. With regard to the privatisation of socially-owned apartments many people, even today, still feel disadvantaged and underprivileged. Similar holds true of the denationalisation process, which is one of the most extensive, most expensive and certainly longest-lasting projects after the attainment of the Slovenian independence. Already during the adoption of the legislation as well as later, many experts believed that the legislation, which was to govern the property relations, demonstrated a complete lack of understanding of the private-law structure of property rights., Cilj zakonov o privatizaciji stanovanj in denacionalizaciji je bil jasna določitev lastništva in poprava krivic, a sta slednja, v obliki kot sta bila sprejeta, nemalokrat povzročala nove krivice. Glede načina izvedbe privatizacije stanovanj v družbeni lastnini se mnogi čutijo prikrajšane in depriviligirane še danes. Podobno velja za denacionalizacijski proces, ki sodi med največje, najdražje, predvsem pa najdlje trajajoče projekte po osamosvojitvi Slovenije. Mnogo strokovnjakov je že ob sprejemanju in tudi potem menilo, da so zakoni, ki bi naj urejali premoženjska razmerja, kazali na popolno nerazumevanje zasebnopravne strukture premoženjskih pravic.

The list of Brazilian exports products remains concentrated, since the beginning of the formation of nation, in commodities primary, intensive work and natural resources products and low content of technology, while, their imports are concentrated on products with high and medium intensity of technology. Thus, Brazil has a structural dependence profile for those exports as motor primus of national economic dynamics and a strong dependence of foreign technology. These dependencies are aggravated by the historical deficit in currents account and by the deepening of economy denationalization, which determine the need to refer profits, dividends, royalties and licenses, and to pay interest of loans to the outside, corroding, thus, a great part of currency generated by exports. The data presented in this work allow to note that in Brazil there is not a trend of reprimarization, because, actually, the dependence relation with primary products has not yet been broken. A pauta de exportações brasileira permanece concentrada, desde os primórdios da formação da nação, em commodities primárias, produtos intensivos em trabalho e recursos naturais e com baixo teor de tecnologia, enquanto que suas importações se concentram em produtos com alta e média intensidade tecnológica. Deste modo, o Brasil apresenta uma dependência estrutural com relação àquele perfil de exportações como motor primus da dinâmica econômica nacional e uma forte dependência de tecnologia estrangeira. Tais dependências são agravadas pelo histórico déficit em Transações Correntes e pelo aprofundamento do processo de desnacionalização da economia, os quais determinam a necessidade de se remeter lucros, dividendos, royalties e licenças, e se pagar juros de empréstimos ao exterior, corroendo, assim, grande parte das divisas que são geradas pelas exportações. Os dados que estão apresentados ao longo do trabalho permitem constatar que no Brasil não ocorre uma tendência de re - primarização, porque, de fato, a relação de dependência com os produtos primários ainda não foi quebrada. Mestre em Economia

In his article the author presents us with a comprehensive overview of the landmarks of the development of (Croatian) Istria in the period between World War I and II. The developments during this period are connected to the past of this region as up until the year 1797, the Istrian peninsula was divided up between the Venetian and the Hapsburg Monarchy. From the collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1918, up until 1943, Istria shared the destiny of other Slovene and Croatian territories which were under the rule of the Kingdom of Italy. The organized ethnic cleansing of the majority of the Croatian population begun in this period was financed by the state and continued even more brutally by the Fascists. Thus, armed attempts at resistance and other resistance movements were smothered in blood, Croatian institutions destroyed, violent means implemented, and denationalization legalized. The National Liberation War started in Istria in 1941 and the first detachment of resistance fighters was formed in 1942. After the collapse of Italy in September 1943, the Provincial National Liberation Committee independently declared the secession of Croatian Istria from Italy and its unification with the Croatian homeland in Yugoslavia. The declaration was ratified at the Second Meeting of the Anti-Fascist Council of the National Liberation of Yugoslavia., Avtor pregledno predstavlja osnovne poteze razvoja Istre (hrvaške) v času med svetovnima vojnama. Razvoj v tem obdobju je povezan s predhodnim, v katerem je bil istrski polotok do leta 1797 razdeljen med Beneško republiko in Habsburško monarhijo. Po razpadu Avstro-ogrske, od 1918 do 1943, je Istra delila usodo še drugih slovenskih in hrvaških predelov pod oblastjo Kraljevine Italije. Z državnimi sredstvi je bilo organizirano etnično čiščenje večinskega hrvaškega prebivalstva, kar so še bolj brutalno nadaljevali fašisti. Krvavo so bili zlomljeni oboroženi in drugi odpori, uničene hrvaške ustanove, uzakonjeno je bilo raznarodovanje, izvajalo se je nasilje. Leta 1941 se je tudi v Istri začel narodnoosvobodilni boj; leta 1942 je bil formiran prvi oboroženi odred. Ob zlom Italije septembra 1943 je Pokrajinski Narodnoosvobodilni odbor samostojno razglasil odvojitev hrvaške Istre od Italije in združitev z matico Hrvaško v Jugoslaviji, kar je potrdil na 2. zasedanju AVNOJ.