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Most graduate students in higher education are classified as adult learners, being 24 years old, and have responsibilities and commitments outside of higher education. This literature review presents how Chinese international graduate students face challenges in the US due to sociocultural, ideological, and educational differences. This systematic literature review explores these students' critical thinking skills, which are crucial factors for academic success but have been underexplored. Three themes were identified as follows: (1) critical thinking education in China, (2) stereotypes of perceived lack of critical thinking, and (3) comparative views of critical thinking between Chinese and American college students. Each theme presents a landscape of how critical thinking is interpreted. Themes suggest several trends, including cultural variations that may impede Chinese international students from showcasing their critical thinking abilities, notwithstanding their inherent capacity for critical thinking. Recommendations include ways to improve critical thinking among international students and call for more comparative studies between Chinese and American college students. The findings offer valuable insights into the internationalization of higher education curricula and the promotion of global learning.

While AI-powered digital platforms are transforming the economy through forms of algorithmic governance that prioritize the automation of work and decision-making, it is critical to ensure that human education remains relevant in the age of machine learning. Unrestricted reliance on artificial intelligence could undermine the entire system of education by allowing machines to replace humans in a multitude of professions, including those that require ethical judgments. This could result in a rapid decline of human agency and create a new class of unemployed workers, a proliferation of unskilled digital labor, and an obsoleteness of education. To avoid this outcome, it is crucial to ensure the rational use of AI and to enable an ethical and sustainable coexistence of humans and advanced technologies, while renewing the raison d'être for human-centered education. This paper proposes to redefine the division of labor between humans and machines and to consider the development of new professions dedicated solely to humans across all economic sectors.

It seems impossible to explain language choice and practice in the multilingual, understudied context of an asylum law firm by simply referring to official policy texts and linguistic (human) rights. Based on linguistic-ethnographic data (in the form of participant observations, recordings and interviews conducted in the Belgian context), this study integrates a top-down perspective (focusing on the influence of language management) with a bottom-up perspective (by eliciting the research participants' language attitudes and ideologies and by investigating what actually happens in practice). Approaching these different parameters of language policy from a discourse analytical perspective, shows how a clear framework of linguistic (human) rights to regulate lawyer-client communication is missing. Because of the lack of concrete stipulations on how to make language choice acts, interpretation of linguistic needs is left to the individual assessment of lawyers. This leads to highly situated decision-making practices, where lawyers draw on their own experience as well as the input of others to organise multilingual interaction. Although a top-down policy exists, practice shows a lack of regulation and transparency in the selection of linguistic strategies/support on the ground.

Despite various calls for a thorough re-conceptualization of current English language teaching (ELT) practices, incorporating courses for critical perspectives on linguistic and cultural diversity is still a major challenge in most teacher education programmes in many English as a foreign language (EFL) countries. Therefore, we explored the evolving perspectives of English as a global language among Turkish pre-service English teachers (PELTs) in response to a global Englishes-focused curriculum. Using self-report data, the study reveals participants' complex and diverse views on language varieties in English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) communication, driven by various reasons. After a GE-oriented course, most participants shifted to plurilithic orientations as they softened their beliefs in native-speaker English superiority and developed a more sophisticated understanding of English. Seven participants with monolithic orientation appeared to reduce the complex and dynamic nature of language to racialized stereotypes associated with native speaker norms. Based on the findings, how language orientations and ideologies may inform teacher preparation in language teaching was discussed. Several recommendations for further research and preparation of PELTs were made.

This article considers how neoliberalism has created a reductionist view of lifelong learning in the UK focused on upskilling workers for the labour market. This critical policy analysis uses Marx's theory of labour-power, as conceptualised by Glenn Rikowski, to examine the Skills and Post-16 Education Act, 2022 and to identify its ideological roots, its distribution of power, resources and knowledge, and the potential effect it will have on inequality. Findings indicate that while the Act aims to make it easier for adults to study more flexibly, not all adults will have the labour-power attributes and financial resources to access the higher-level qualifications prioritised for funding. This article argues that the Act represents a general deepening of neoliberalism in lifelong learning that will further stratify adult education and increase inequalities. This article concludes that policy has shifted from widening participation in lifelong learning linked to social enrichment and the development of democratic citizenship, to widening participation in higher levels of education and training aimed at enhancing labour-power for the capitalist labour market.

Deficit ideologies permeate urban spaces particularly when mostly Black and Brown students attend neighborhood schools. Wealth concentrated in suburban areas further perpetuates stereotypes of urban as deficient, but empirical data has yet to interrogate these ideas. Using the National Household Education Survey and regression analysis of variance, this research determines the relationship between parents' satisfaction with their child's school and school location (rural, suburban, urban). Then, using race as a moderator, this study aims to ascertain if there is a relationship between parental satisfaction by race and urbanicity of the school their child attends. Implications address the systemic and structural components that contribute to deficit ideologies.

The present study examined the effects on the role of color-blind racial attitudes on the link between internalization of the model minority myth and race-related stress. Using a sample of 309 (176 males and 133 females) Asian American college students, the present study examined the relationship between color-blind racial ideology (i.e., unawareness of blatant racial issues, unawareness of racial privilege and unawareness of institutional racism) on the link between internalization of the model minority myth (i.e., unrestricted mobility and achievement orientation) and race-related stress (i.e., social climate stress, interracial stress, within-group stress, racism stress and achievement stress). Results primarily suggest the denial of blatant racism and racial issues (and not denial of racial privilege and institutional racism) exacerbate the effect of internalizing the model minority myth related to unrestricted mobility, while it buffers the effect of internalizing the model minority myth related to achievement orientation on race-related social stress. Overall, findings of this study suggest that internalization of the model minority myth and the unawareness of race and racism needs to be considered when looking at adjustment of Asian American college students. These findings also suggest that previous differential findings associated with model minority myth and adjustment warrant a closer look at the different implications.

The purpose of this study was to determine the most prevalent African American Language (AAL) phonological and grammatical features in slavery- and Civil Rights-themed children's literature. Seventy-six books were initially selected to determine if they used AAL in dialogue or in narration. Of the 76 books, only 39 included AAL. The 39 books were analyzed further to categorize the specific AAL features used. The results revealed that the reduction of the final g (e.g., "thinkin'") was the most prevalent phonological feature. Moreover, phonological features were used more often in slavery-themed texts than in Civil Rights texts. Additionally, the most frequently used AAL grammatical features were negation tense markers (e.g., "didn't" and "neither") and subject-verb agreement ("he listen"). Grammatical features of AAL appeared more often in slavery-themed texts than Civil Rights themed texts. Implications for practice include suggestions for selecting, evaluating, and reading the books from this study with students. Implications for research include investigating other AAL features in slavery- and Civil Rights-themed books, authenticating the storylines of slavery- and Civil Rights-themed books, and analyzing other books with AAL that do not use these themes.

Autoethnography, a qualitative research methodology that investigates aspects of individuals' identities, ideologies, and emotions, has recently gained traction in applied linguistics and second language (L2) scholarship. However, research is needed that investigates the use of autoethnography in preservice teacher education programs, along with exploring the connections between individuals' autoethnographies and actual pedagogical practices. The current study explores such issues by implementing a critical autoethnographic narrative assignment in a master's TESOL course for teacher candidates (TCs). Eight TCs completed two installments of a critical autoethnographic narrative, reflecting on their prior L2 learning and teaching/tutoring experiences. After completing various course assignments (e.g., textbook review, lesson plans), TCs then produced a final multimodal reflection, examining how their experiences influenced their pedagogies. TCs' narratives and reflections were thematically analyzed to examine 1) shared identities, ideologies, and challenges faced, and 2) explicit connections TCs made between their experiences and pedagogies. The findings of this study point to multiple shared ideologies and challenges among the TCs. Some preservice teachers were also able to link aspects of their identities and ideologies to specific curricular design practices. Implications are discussed for L2 teacher educators in terms of leveraging autoethnography for fostering reflective practices.

Recent attacks on critical race theory (CRT) aim to limit discussion and understanding of race (and its intersection with class, gender, and power). Racial dialogues can be uncomfortable for those who benefit from power, suggesting that resistance to CRT or any discussion of race and power in education is rooted in emotions. This study examines the role of racialized emotions in public policy discourse that surrounds CRT bans in education that have been proposed, and in many cases, passed across the United States. Focusing on four early-adopting states of the bans, the findings reveal how emotionalities of whiteness are tacitly endorsed, invited, and animated within racialized politics, as well as how these emotionalities might be disrupted.

Over the past decade, the artificial intelligence (AI) industry, as it relates to the speech and voice recognition industry, has established itself as a multibillion-dollar global market, but at whose expense? In this forum article, we amplify the current critiques of the architectures of large language models being used increasingly in daily life. Our commentary exposes emerging AI accent modification technology and services as agents of racial commodification and linguistic dominance, as it rests on the perceived superiority of standardized US English. We discuss our concern for such services leaching into academia. We argue that this technology follows a standardized language framework, which poses a fundamental problem of being informed by purist monolingual principles. These principles often help to perpetuate and maintain harmful raciolinguistic ideologies that result in language discrimination and the continual framing of the language practices of racially minoritized speakers as deficient. Thus, we write this piece with the intent to expose the fabricated humanity of accent modification technology whose existence perpetuates capitalism's reliance on dehumanization for economic advancement and the legacy and reproduction of white language superiority.

A shift in primacy from online participatory cultures to algorithmic cultures invites new questions about literacies in digital contexts. This article contributes to the conceptualisation of literacies in algorithmic cultures through sociomaterial and affect theories. It develops a sociomaterial perspective that proposes felt, observable moments of user-algorithmic co-productions of culture as a needed unit of analysis for researching contemporary, critical digital literacies. It then employs this unit as a starting point for analysing the interplay of feeling, critical reflection and algorithm agency across one young adult's self-described literacy practice of 'working algorithms' across social media platforms. Analysis illustrates how critical literacies in algorithmic cultures are driven by processes of human-machine feeling-thinking that cannot be reduced to rational critiques of ideologies, platform capitalism or other forms of power alone. It describes how Malaya became more attuned over time to the affects of working with platform algorithms to craft her community, her sense of self and her sense of well-being. This sensitivity to feeling moved and feeling the capacity to move machines through the use of her literacies highlights how the facilitation of affect is a crucial point of analysis in understanding contemporary digital literacies.

This glimpse into sex education in the Los Angeles region illustrates the eugenic ideas about racially "fit" reproduction that emerged in family life curricula during the Second World War. Ideas about eugenic reproduction in public schools responded to broader cultural fears about increasing divorce rates, criminality, immigration, and birthright citizenship. Eugenics in sex and family life education, importantly, portrayed a woman's choice of mate as a civic responsibility, a move that paved the way for future conflicts about teaching gender and sexuality in public school sex education. Amid a half-century-long conflict over abstinence-only versus comprehensive sex education in public schools, topics like genetics and heredity have come to be widely accepted by both sides - recognized as a presumably value-neutral staple of sex education in US public schools. Yet recent innovations in genetic and reproductive technologies, as well as the conflict over trans and queer youth in the United States, challenge the assumption that teaching genetics and heredity in public schools really is "value neutral."

Underrepresented students in medicine (URM) have more negative perceptions of the medical school learning environment (LE), a phenomenon that can contribute to higher rates of burnout and attrition in these populations. The hidden curriculum (HC) - defined as a set of values informally conveyed to learners through clinical role-modeling - is a LE socialization construct that has been critically examined for its role in shaping students' professional identities. Yet differences in how URMs and non-URMs experience the HC remain underexplored. The study used a pragmatic approach that drew on elements of grounded theory and employed both deductive and inductive reasoning. Investigators conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with a purposive sample of 13 URM and 21 non-URM participants at a Bronx, NY medical school. Interviews examined student experiences and reactions to the HC. Both cohorts witnessed patient disparagement and mistreatment. However, from these encounters, URM participants expressed more "moral injury" -the adverse emotional consequence of feeling pressured to accept ideologically incongruent values. URMs were also more likely to describe resisting the HC. Differences in group reactions appeared to arise from URMs' identity resonance with patients' lived experiences. Participants across cohorts emphasized increasing URM recruitment as one step toward mitigating these circumstances. URM participants experienced more distress and offered more resistance to the HC relative to non-URMs. The etiology of these differential reactions may stem from relative barriers in negotiating personal and professional identities. As such, URMs' perceptions of the LE may be adversely impacted given their more negative interactions with the HC.

Through the analysis of materials such as online articles, blogs, and radio broadcasts, this paper investigates linguistic purism toward Russian and English loanwords in the understudied context of post-Soviet Armenia. Our analysis finds that public commentators categorize potential loanwords as "borrowings" ([foreign characters omitted]) if acceptable and "foreignisms" ([foreign characters omitted]) if unacceptable, while also comparing these loanwords with acceptable and unacceptable Armenian equivalent words. In categorizing both loanwords and Armenian equivalents, commentators base their arguments on evaluative contrasts related to threats to the language, the desirability of word meaning and usage, and stylistic appropriateness. Though commentators situate themselves into opposing purist and moderate camps, differentiated by their tolerance of loanwords and classifications of individual words, the two camps rely on the same ideological framework of contrasts and use similar argumentation. Thus, while the debate invokes binary criteria for evaluating words, similar to those identified in other instances of linguistic purism, Armenian commentators themselves often defy binary categorization, falling along a fluid language-ideological continuum in which seemingly opposing commentators sometimes demonstrate striking similarities. Framed alongside prior studies of language ideologies in post-Soviet spaces, this evidence suggests that the loanword debate has a more symbolic than practical function in Armenia's contemporary multilingual society.

To afford school middle leaders meaningful opportunities to initiate change, we must provide them with the space and flexibility to engage with agentic and creative responses to policy and practice. Whilst we argue that the tensions identified in Bennett's seminal reviews persist, there may, nonetheless, be opportunities for school middle leaders to creatively influence educational agendas. Through engaging in a critical interpretative synthesis of school middle leadership literature, we consider how the subjectivities of such leaders are discursively constructed. We argue that a culture of performativity has diminished opportunities for middle leaders in English schools to develop a strong sense of agency, educational ideology and authentic professional responsibility. However, a current governmental focus on subject knowledge may have opened spaces for a collegial agency, despite the prevailing neo-conservative policy discourse. We thus identify, the potential for movement beyond a discursive position to one where school middle leaders take greater responsibility for developing practice to align more closely with their educational values. Utilising a dialogic theoretical perspective we examine how middle leadership in English schools is currently practiced and mediated in relation to the changing political landscape, and suggest that seemingly contradictory positions provide a fruitful site for new research.

The idea of translanguaging has disrupted much of the thinking in bilingual education. A common misunderstanding, however, is that translanguaging was intended to be a language teaching strategy. This article seeks to explore what a translanguaging approach to language teaching entails, with specific reference to the education of minoritized and racialized bilingual and multilingual learners in the school systems in English-dominant countries such as the UK. In particular, I highlight the connections with and contributions to the inclusion and social justice agenda that the translanguaging project aims to make. Translanguaging takes one step further from multilingualism in challenging the raciolinguistic ideologies that view bilingual learners as having separate languages and languaging lives. It instead views their racial/ethnic identities and linguistic practices together, that is, their translanguaging being. My main argument here is that to use translanguaging as a pedagogy for inclusion and social justice requires a change of mindset, not just practice -- that is, translanguaging pedagogy rather than pedagogical translanguaging -- which can be achieved through processes of 'co-learning' and 'transpositioning'.

Primary and secondary education under capitalism serves as an ideological apparatus to construct productive workers who will participate in the extractive economy and consent to their own exploitation. However, some school children are marked as deficient--impaired, disabled, and mad--incapable of being good workers who facilitate capitalist accumulation. Just as capital banishes incapacitated workers to the reserve army of labor, so too do school children learn to "surplus" and "disable" their peers who do not meet school norms. In this paper, I use a revolutionary Marxist perspective to analyze empirical data from a grade 1 United States classroom where students were teasing a neurodivergent classmate and excluding her from participation. I explore how the teacher intervened by using critical literacy to design a curricular unit on hidden disabilities that would engage her students in transformative, disability justice, and how students built a community around their disabled peers. Along the way, I explore how disability is a relation under capitalism rather than an identity; how nature gives us diverse bodyminds but it is capitalism that disables us; how the education system in capitalist societies is a vehicle for the dissemination of ruling class ideologies of productivity; how some school children are surplused and labeled as incapable of being good workers who facilitate capitalist accumulation; and possible solutions--what educators, parents, caregivers, and others can do about it.

This article analyzes links between the origins of higher education institutions and the university "faculty development" movements. University faculty development programs surged during the peak of Cold War geopolitics. Thus, we trace the genealogy of higher education institutions to the surge in faculty development programs, specifically relative to histories and ideologies informing and shaping higher education institutions and faculty development programs. Subsequently, the contemporary issues BIPOC faculty members face relative to faculty development programs deriving from developmental psychology and non-academic faculty, clinicians, and university administrators are analyzed. This critical examination of the origins of faculty development concludes with a few suggested opportunities for repurposing faculty development toward decoloniality in higher education.

Politically neutral pedagogy is often the subject of both praise and condemnation. But treating political neutrality as a principle to be either embraced or rejected confuses the issue, because the permissibility of neutrality actually varies across educational contexts. Educational practice should not be evaluated on the basis of whether or not it is politically neutral, but in terms of the specific burdens it places on individual interests. Contractualism, as an account of moral permissibility, is well-suited to the task of identifying when, and why, educators may permissibly aspire to politically neutral pedagogy. In particular, it identifies judicious adherence to political neutrality as a practical classroom approach to preventing legislative interference with permissible non-neutrality.

The history, scope, and practice of occupational therapy are taught in many parts of the world using western perspectives. Recently, occupational scientists have explored occupation-based education, including the extent to which occupation is central in occupational therapy programs and the mechanisms of teaching occupation. This study explores how western ideologies have influenced occupation-based education in Ghana by examining the teaching and practice of occupational therapy. We conducted a qualitative study using purposive sampling to recruit four participants from the first four cohorts of practitioners. Data was analyzed using thematic analysis. Our analysis yielded three main themes: Power, participants described power dynamics inside and outside the field of occupational therapy that influenced how occupational therapy was taught and practiced in Ghana; Knowledge, participants described the focus of the foundational knowledge they received as largely theoretical, with limited practical knowledge of the Ghanaian context; Being, participants described how their experiences shaped their occupational identities. Additional themes included: Globalization and Cultural Assimilation, and Occupational Consciousness. Occupational therapists in Ghana are directly affected by the systemic injustices that have plagued their communities since the colonial era. Their existence in a formerly colonized country affects how much they can pursue personal and professional interests. Practitioners and scholars from formerly colonized and marginalized groups need to be empowered to embrace their identities and practice meaningfully. The 'burden' of decolonizing occupation-based education should not be left to the ex-colonized because coloniality goes beyond the scope of occupational science and occupational therapy.

Students in teacher education programs are often faced with perceived threats to their epistemological heritages. According to System Justification Theory, when faced with these perceived threats, individuals may become more defensive, epistemically resistant, and cognitively rigid. More specifically, due to a palliative psychological need, students may become motivated to justify what they conceive of as the status quo, or system justifications, to defend their epistemological heritage and socializations. Students may face perceived threats to their social and epistemological heritages in courses which are critically focused, such as foundations of education courses, and courses where there are requirements for both dialogical and dialectical engagement. System Justification Theory offers the potential to be utilized as a way of understanding student teachers' epistemological resistance and epistemic vices while informing teacher educators' pedagogy.

The monologues presented in this article represent a particular Bakhtinian analysis of a transcript of a passionate, dramatic, and conflictual General Assembly meeting held in the first democratic school in Norway, the Experimental Gymnasium of Oslo (EGO), only two months after the school was opened, on November 2nd, 1967. In the meeting, they confronted each other with deep disagreements in their vision of the school and ways to govern it. The Bakhtinian assumption is that a dialogic analysis of any dialogue takes entering into dialogic relationships with the original participants in the analyzed dialogue (Matusov, Marjanovic-Shane, & Gradovski, 2019; Matusov, Marjanovic-Shane, Kullenberg, & Curtis, 2019). By taking the floor in the Soul-Searching Assembly, the students confronted each other fully from the bottom of their hearts and minds. Their ideas were embodied intentions, motives, reasons, and desires--what Bakhtin called the person-ideas (Bakhtin, 1999). I constructed four person-ideas based on the transcript of the Soul-searching assembly. In that process of dialogic abstraction, I attempted to distill specific points of view without depersonalizing them into abstract ideas thorn out of the living moment of their lives. The analysis through the construction of the four person-ideas complements a vignette I wrote based on the same transcript (Marjanovic-Shane, 2023b). It is both a distinctive kind of dialogic analysis, and it also helps me prepare the data regarding the students' ideas for a further conceptual analysis, where I explore the students' ideological positions, beliefs, and worldviews. That conceptual analysis is published in a separate article of this special issue (Marjanovic-Shane, 2023a).

As a public compulsory course for Non-English majors in colleges and universities, College Public English should not only develop students' language and cross-cultural communication skills, but also cultivate their correct outlook on life, values, world and native land emotion, which is consistent with the ideological-political goals of the course. English textbook is the guarantee for the smooth progress of English teaching, and more importantly, it is an important carrier to practice Chinese teaching ideas. This paper mainly focuses on how to integrate ideological-political elements into English teaching from textbook perspective. It discusses the measures of integrating ideological-political education into College English courses from four aspects: teaching objectives, unit themes, and knowledge points, grammatical structure and word explanation. It is finally pointed out that exploring and integrating ideological-political elements in textbooks is the key link to realize ideological-political education in College Public English courses.

Though many colleges and universities claim to be driven by missions that highlight access, equity, and student success, academic policy and practice do not always mirror these claims. American higher education institutions are "obsessed with smartness" (Astin, 2017), yet fail to support educational attainment in an equitable manner. Educational inequality has its roots in PK-12 education (Dorn, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 2007) particularly as it relates to deficit ideology. The manifestations of deficit ideology in higher education are most starkly seen in how students on academic warning (also referred to as academic probation) are treated both in action and by policy. For higher education institutions to meet their missions for access, equity, and success, they must address how their "systems of support" perpetuate deficit thinking. As the nature of higher education and the demographics of those enrolled continues to change and diversify, the time is right for higher education practitioners to interrogate and change harmful practices. This article offers a framework for how institutions can build capacity for academic support program staff to identify deficit practices that systemically perpetuate inequities, so institutions no longer hinder student growth and academic success.

Using "testimonio" (Reyes & Rodriguez, 2012), two Latinx instructors examine their experiences and thought processes with the kinds of resistance faced from White or White-aligning students constantly "slipping away" from doing the work of reflecting on Whiteness and their privilege. Analyzing the data through a critical race-grounded theory approach (Malagón, Pérez-Huber, & Velez, 2009), we theorize a pattern of self-removal and deflection that White students engage in to maintain their privilege and Whiteness invisible. In our discussion, we consider the role of pedagogy and ideology for teacher educators working with resistance from White students.

In June 2020, the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) and the Association of Mathematics Teacher Educators (AMTE) released statements regarding racism, racial violence, and mathematics teaching. Pre-service elementary teachers (PSTs) in a mathematics content course wrote reactions to the organizations' statements. After using an emergent coding process to code the reactions for major themes, the authors used a theory from communication studies called symbolic convergence theory (SCT) to analyze how closely the PSTs' understanding of the statements aligned with the vision espoused by the organizations in the statements. PSTs largely understood the need to make their classrooms safe and supportive spaces; however, they struggled to connect antiracist ideals specifically to mathematics teaching. The authors discuss potential ways NCTM and AMTE can address this disconnect. [Note: The page range (72-95) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 73-95.]

Social networking sites are a new ecosystem of social relations in which adolescents follow public figures or influencers: instagrammers, tweeters and youtubers. Their behaviour in the posts they publish become a trend and a model for the new generations. In order to explore these behaviours and their consequences, it is useful to study the behaviour of the 10 instagramers, 10 tweeters and 10 youtubers with the largest number of followers in the world. A mixed method was employed, combining: social media analysis (SNA) methodology executed by monitoring Twitter, Instagram and YouTube accounts and their publications (300 posts with the highest number of likes). The FanapageKarma tool was used to capture data by applying data mining techniques. Subsequently, sentiment analysis was performed using Meaning Cloud software, determining sentiment polarity analysis quantitatively. Finally, a semantic analysis of the content was performed using Nvivo. The results of multi-regression and sentiment's analysis show clear differences between social networking sites. Twitter is a space for critical analysis of information and social movements, especially climate change. In this space adolescents defend their values and ideology. Instagram is a showcase for fashion and beauty, where brands support an idealised and desirable lifestyle. YouTube is a space for entertainment and comedy. It concludes that despite their differences there is one univocal feature, the effort of influencers to capture audiences and establish parasocial relationships.

In this article, I attempt to conceptually analyze points of disagreement among the students of the first democratic high school in Norway, The Experimental Gymnasium of Oslo (EGO). The clashes and disagreements among the students started heating up immediately after the school was opened in the fall of 1967. As they were learning how to run their school, the students discovered profound differences in their views of education and its purposes. Their deep disagreements about the meaning of education and conflicts about their school practices almost broke up their school right at the very start of its existence. Their different understandings of education erupted in a passionate and dramatic general assembly meeting, which they later referred to as the Soul-Searching Assembly. This four-and-a-half hour-long meeting was recorded and its transcript was published (Hem & Remlov, 1969). In this article, I analyze the dialogues from the assembly, looking for the students' diverse ideological and conceptual positions, views, desires, and underlying values. The tensions and clashes the students voiced echo the profound paradigmatic differences in conceptualizing education throughout the modern history of education, from the Enlightenment until now, a few decades into the 21st century. The purpose of my analysis is to examine these paradigmatically different views and the concerns behind them. These radically different paradigmatic, conceptual, and axiological positions have an effect on what we may consider being good, ethical, just, and true for human existence, human relationships, and human rights in general, and especially in education. The EGO students' intensive and urgent ontological need to explain their very different positions to each other allowed me to take a closer look into the tensions and conflicts still existing in the larger cultural-historical public sphere of discourse on education.

New Public Management (NPM)-inspired higher education (HE) governance has become increasingly topical in recent years. However, while existing research provides an overall understanding of relevant changes, it does not offer a complete analysis of complex governance and falls prey to deterministic and relatively narrow ideological impositions. Scholars are overwhelmingly oriented toward governance models or modes and the ideas of efficiency, effectiveness, and competition in NPM. They either promote these aspects as an approach to organizing HE governance or criticize them in addition to evaluating or comparing their outcomes. Therefore, based on a literature review and drawing on Foucauldian ideas of political rationality, this paper proposes a shift from the ideology-based problem-solving paradigm to a renewed approach. By calling for an increased focus on bottom-up initiatives that stem from below while studying NPM-inspired HE governance, this paper recommends conducting a discourse analysis of technical policy papers together with empirical-analytical studies to identify interpretive political rationalities and histories. Overall, the approach proposed in this paper would limit the deterministic mode of policy analysis and lead to more refined ways of understanding HE governance in certain fields, clarifying problematic situations, and effectively estimating future directions.

Purpose: This theoretical article argues that the inclusion of education in the prevention of radicalization creates space to address long-standing concerns about the racialized and gendered problems created by traditional security approaches. Design/methodology/approach: The article uses intersectional feminism as a theoretical basis to discuss the combination of pedagogy and intersectionality in PVE-E and the role of teachers in this particular context. Findings: Education can be a space that allows for more women, non-binary persons, and people of color to engage as policy actors in the prevention of violent extremism. While policy documents emphasize the role education plays and alludes to the presence of women, non-binary persons, and people of color in education, the research and application often overlook these perspectives.

Purpose: The role of formal education is currently viewed as central in preventing violent radicalisation and extremism (VRE), however educators' understanding or competencies have not been developed accordingly. Therefore, this study investigates Finnish educators' perceptions of presumed manifestations of VRE among their students. Findings: Finnish educators confront ideologically and morally challenging situations, some of which include extremist features. They do, however, have difficulties in distinguishing VRE from other types of motives for hostile or violent rhetoric or behaviour, especially if students from societal minority groups are involved. Practical implications: False labelling may have negative consequences on students. Educators need VRE-related in-service training that focuses on increasing educators' knowledge and reflection on their VRE-related preconceptions and intuitive responses to these. Research limitations: We acknowledge the possible skewness of the survey data as responding may have felt appealing to those educators who have encountered VRE or who are interested or worried about VRE.

The concept 'literacy crisis' has framed ChatGPT's popularity, its rapid evolution, and its seemingly sophisticated language and knowledge performance. The concept helps scholars and teachers easily enter conversations about artificial intelligence (AI) text generation technologies and how they transform the notions of authorship, research, labor, copyright, and writing. Antonio Byrd uses the literacy crisis as a starting point in this essay but in the opposite direction. By responding to literacy crises with a back-to-basics pedagogy, composition studies has participated in histories of linguistic punishment that have shaped how writers produce, edit, and publish texts; these punishments create the presence of power and ideology in the corpus texts large language models (LLMs) use for training. While learning new literacy practices and teaching strategies with LLMs, there is also the responsibility for participating in the creation of the next iteration of public data that contain contemporary ideologies on language and culture. AI and writing involve critical inquiry on relationships with these corpus texts. Integrating this critical inquiry may maximize students' writing practices with AI and extend their rhetorical awareness of what's at stake when they go public with their writing to participate in cultural and political conversations.

As the role that publicly owned and private think tanks play in evidence-based governance grows, several parameters that have a bearing on the agenda, schedule and timetable of the think tanks have already been studied. Here we look at the interplay between the funding model (public vs. private) and the analysis intention (the temporal outlook; "ex-ante vs. ex-post" approach), choosing Lithuanian education policy, system and agents as the study domain. Among other findings, we see that the funding model correlates with the temporal outlook: the investigated representative of private think tanks tends to engage in ex-ante work more intensively, while the publicly funded equivalent is exhibitive of both "ex-ante" (preparatory) and "ex-post" (evaluative) research tactic in almost equal measure. We conclude that the private sector may afford the luxury of being more focused and efficient in its information behavior mostly due to the clear and nondebatable ideological commitment. In a deliberative democracy this is rarely possible. It would be of great interest to check whether the same generalizations hold for jurisdictions that are free from the post-Soviet administrative tradition.

This research seeks to understand the outcome of decades of education reform initiatives in the West Indies. Utilising the Qualitative Document Analysis (QDA) method, official public documents were collected through web and catalogue searches. Dominant themes were identified through manual and electronic coding using MaxQDA software. These emergent themes were examined through the lens of the edutocracy and elite theories to provide more in-depth analysis of this research problem. The document analysis constructed a narrative of how colonial ideology embedded within the inherited West Indian educational system runs counter to the progressive and more humanist visions and missions envisaged for present-day Caribbean education, culminating in deleterious conflicts between educational theory and practice. This work therefore concludes that there has been little substantive Caribbean education reform owing to the significant gaps between early twenty-first century, and even earlier drafted education visions, and current education practice.

Academic entrepreneurial behaviours are increasingly a research field paralleling processes of capitalist commodification. We mobilise Baudrillard's concepts to probe a school's strategic communication methods symbolising class neoliberalism, which aspirational parents may experience as a desired habitus of 'distinction'. We suggest their knowledge of class and education, once imported into the interpretation of this school's web presence, will coalesce with its simulacra of elite education. Our account encourages comparisons with selective school websites and utilises the qualitative data on the public site of this school, a methodological approach that has been fruitfully utilised by scholars uncovering the ideological representations created by providers who market UK higher education. The intervention into the marketplace of the selective fee-paying English education of Independent Grammar School: Durham (IGSD) through such a penumbra of symbolic meaning forms part of its pursuit of a competitive edge. International studies of schools chasing prestige and consumer desire confirm that the policies and practices described have become widespread, as shown in the oeuvre of Stephen Ball, whose writings inform the approach of this article. The marketing of the 'brand' identified through our theoretically driven analysis may encourage consumers to opt out of the state sector. Neoliberal-class markers of prestige contribute to the erosion of welfare-oriented school ideals in England, and in other nations.

This article aims to identify the ideologies of school-head teachers towards a mother tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) policy and analyse how these ideologies influence the implementation of MTB-MLE policy in schools in the context of Nepal. Adopting qualitative ethnographic research, two school-level policy arbiters (head teachers) were interviewed for the research data. Supplementary data were collected through telephone conversations. The data were discussed qualitatively, drawing upon Weinberg's (2021) role of microlevel policy arbiters in implementing MTB-MLE policy and three ideological frameworks by Bourdieu (1991): monolingual habitus, legitimate language, and symbolic power. Through the discussion of data, the article reveals that even though the MTB-MLE policy arbiters are well-informed about the value of MTB-MLE, they still seem reluctant to implement it. The policy arbiters are still implicitly or explicitly supporting monolingual or dominant language policy in education. The policy arbiters are influenced by the hegemony, globalization, and neoliberal ideologies of the English and Nepali languages. The article contradicts the coordination notion of Weinberg (2021) between policy arbiters; the issues of ideology seem to be stronger than the issue of coordination in MTB-MLE policy implementation.

Background and Aim: At present, in the reform of higher education, the cultivation requirements for innovative people are increasing day by day. The learning results and desired characteristic behaviors of college students in ideological and moral education in many universities are not satisfactory. Student's learning attitudes and learning participation are poor and the ability of self-discipline and adaptability are generally weak. So in order to solve the problems, in this study, the blended cooperative learning instructional model was employed to improve the learning achievement and desired characteristic behaviors of college students. The objectives of this research were: 1) To compare the learning achievement of college students before and after learning through the Blended cooperative learning instructional model. 2) To compare the desired characteristic behaviors of college students after learning through the Blended cooperative learning instructional model with a criterion set at 65%. Materials and Methods: The sample used in this study was 30 year 1 student in Zhoukou Vocational and Technical College, Zhoukou City, Henan Province. They were selected by cluster random sampling. The research instruments were: 1) Six lesson plans of an Ideological and moral education course based on blended cooperative learning. 2) A learning achievement test paper. 3) A student's self-assessment 4) A teacher observation form. The researcher used the Ideological and moral education test paper to conduct pre-test and post-test on the sample. Then the pre-test data and post-test data were analyzed. The statistics used to analyze data were mean, standard deviation, t-test for dependent samples, and t-test for one sample. Results: The results of the study were as follows: 1) The learning achievement mean scores of students' protest were 16.13, S.D. = 3.25 and the posttest of students' learning achievement was M = 19.93, S.D. = 2.75. The result showed that after learning through a blended cooperative learning model in the classroom, posttest scores of students' learning achievement were greater than pretest scores at 0.05 level of statistical significance (t = 9.58, p = 0.000 < 0.05). The average scores of the study developed increasingly higher than the pretest. 2) The Self-assessment mean scores of 30 students' desired characteristic behaviors after learning through the blended cooperative learning model was 106.77 from full marks of 155 and the standard deviation was 6.20 which was statistically higher than the criterion of 65% at 0.05 level of statistical significance (t = 94.30, p = 0.000 < 0.05). The observation form mean scores of 30 students' desired characteristic behaviors after learning through blended cooperative learning model was 44.57 from full marks of 60 and the standard deviation was 4.16 which was statistically higher than the criterion of 65% at 0.05 level of statistical significance ( t= 7.33, p = 0.000 < 0.05). Conclusion: Through comparative analysis of learning achievement and desired characteristic behaviors scores before and after learning through the blended cooperative learning model in the Ideological and moral education course of first-year students in Zhoukou Vocational and Technical College, it revealed that students' learning achievement and desired characteristic behaviors have been significantly improved. Therefore, it is feasible to adopt a blended cooperative learning instruction model, which is helpful to improve the learning achievement and desired characteristic behaviors of the first-year students at Zhoukou Vocational and Technical College.

Despite the growing concerns of research discussing transcreation in translation studies from various perspectives, little empirical evidence reported the transcreation in Quranic translation as a religious sacred text. To fill this void, the present study aims to elucidate Qur'an translation in Indonesia from the perspective of trancreation and critical discourse analysis. The data were collected via observation of translations of Quranic verses which contain transcreation. The findings suggest that Quranic translation as a religious sacred text encompasses extensive transcreation. It took the form of words, phrases, and clauses--units used to create a discourse in upholding Islamic law and exclusivism in Indonesia. The discourse of Sharia law enforcement was attributed to situational, institutional, and social factors. This empirical study implies that transcreation in the sacred text is unavoidable due to the translators' ideology and socio-cultural background differences and creates a metanarrative on the importance of mutual respect, tolerance, and interfaith dialogue.

National identity is a complex and contested issue, and it is often debated in the fields of social and cultural studies. Museum collections, and the way they are presented and interpreted, are closely linked to national identity. National museums, as symbols of national unity, can manipulate perceptions about dominant ideologies and the individual's place in society. This article aims to deepen our understanding of how national museums negotiate and construct national identity by critically analyzing the theories and concepts of nation, nationalism, and national identity.

Despite their centrality to undergraduate teaching in U.S. universities, few studies focus on ITA's and their experiences within ITA training classes. Through a multiple case study of two In-Service ITA's (China, Taiwan) investments (Darvin & Norton, 2015) in one such class, it became clear how idiosyncratic are perception of these courses: one ITA's profound negativity involved accusations of institutional racism, yet another flourished through the class. Data included journaling, interviews/ stimulated recalls, course assignments, and classrooms (ESL and departmental) observations. Findings, presented as narrative then as conceptual configurations of investments, explained their experiences bifurcated due to their disparate teaching experiences and to policies decisions made within one's home departments. This study expands the scope of ITA and investment research by connecting macro and micro-level aspects. Pedagogical implications are to center pedagogy on learners' investments, utilizing reflexive activities to prevent misaligning the course with learners' identities, ideologies and desired capital.

Although children's literature has been challenged and banned for decades, some U.S. states have recently enacted legislation limiting how teachers can address such topics as race, sex, and gender in classrooms, which may influence teachers' selection of literature. To understand this phenomenon, this exploratory concurrent mixed-methods study involved a written children's literature course artifact and survey responses analyzed through critical literacy and self-censorship frameworks. Findings indicate that preservice teachers reported avoiding conversations about gender and gender identity more often than those about sexual orientation or race. Further, despite legislative changes, participants mostly reported self-censoring due to lack of pedagogical knowledge, lack of policy knowledge, and fear of institutional sanctions, which are long-standing reasons for self-censorship rather than new ones. Comparatively, they self-reported little desire to promote the dominant political ideology. This research indicates that topic-restrictive legislation can influence classroom practice even when teachers do not share the ideology behind such legislation.

The objective of research is to explore educational significance inherent in the rule of law, and the implications of social policies pertaining to regional budgeting that safeguard salt farmers and enhance the efficiency of salt production. To accomplish these goals, a normative legal research design was employed. The findings of the study revealed that the social policy pertaining to salt farmers emphasizes the attainment of moral and mental values rooted in ideological principles and the foundation of the state. Understanding the legal regulations related to moral and mental values can shape and strengthen character and capabilities of salt farmers. This, in turn, fosters compliance with the rules and regulations established by the local government, thereby promoting their effective implementation. The second finding highlights the link between the implemented social policies and the budgeting system for the development of the Minapolitan Area, which relies on funding sources' authority. Unfortunately, the Minapolitan Area development program primarily focuses on boosting fish cultivation and fish catches, which may not adequately address the concerns of salt farmers in Madura. Consequently, there is a possibility that the welfare of the Minapolitan area of the Madura region and the economic security of coastal communities, particularly fishermen, might not experience significant improvements. The expected implication is that the juridical construction through legal education contained in the Regency Regional Regulation on the Protection and Empowerment of Fishermen, Fish Farmers, and Salt Farmers serves as the foundation for implementing diverse budgeting policies. These policies seek to establish legal certainty and enhance the welfare of salt farmers, guided by the principles of utilizing state finances while considering the unique characteristics of the region's potential.

Educators in non-formal education organizations are often expected to display values of volunteering and giving to the community. These contributions, which are beyond the call of duty, are defined as organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). When such behavior is performed as a result of pressure rather than out of free will, that pressure is defined as citizenship pressure (CP). Building on the job demands-resources theory, the study examined a moderator-mediator model at the team level construct, to explore whether team CP mediates the relationship between both idealized influence behavior and idealized influence attributed (transformational leadership dimensions) and team OCB, and whether that mediation is moderated by organizational identification. The study sample consisted of 75 teams of educators and their direct superiors, who work in 11 youth movements. Results show that the negative relationship between both idealized influence behavior and idealized influence attributed and team CP is moderated by organizational identification. Furthermore, results show a negative relationship between team CP and team OCB. Theoretical and managerial implications are discussed.

In Vietnam, foreign language teaching and learning have recently been a concern of not only educators and language learners but also parents and families who have school-aged children. When finding a suitable language course, language learners and their families tend to ask questions about the nativeness of the teachers and their language fluency. Foreign teachers' actual proficiency and educational qualifications may come in second place. This situation may lead to poorly qualified language teaching courses and unequal treatment of qualified non-native language-speaking teachers. To confront this problem, the Vietnamese Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) has tightened the job entrance requirements for foreign English-speaking teachers, especially those who apply for work as English lecturers at university. Foreign teachers' identities and qualifications matter to learners' choices of whom they want to study with. This literature review reflects on MOET's ambivalent approach to recruiting qualified human capacity building for the national English development project and developing and retaining English-speaking Vietnamese lecturers. This paper argues that the influence of monolingual ideologies in language teaching and learning in Vietnam that was encountered at schools and universities some years ago has now shifted to a more open but competitive ambiance for national integration into the global market. In this sense, teaching English is not an apolitical activity. It is a politically designated career in this socialist market-oriented economy.