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The author speculates about Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide's chances of holding onto power in the face of violent protests against his government. The Aristide administration, which has been overthrown once already, has been egalitarian in the lives destroyed during its time: Among its dead can be counted the president's former friends and his foes, democrats and supporters of dictatorship. No one can argue that Jean-Bertrand Aristide's presidency has been in any way successful other than this: It exists. By now, with the country well on its way to chaos, many argue that Aristide has exhausted the electorate's patience and must be replaced. Yet now--as he finally begins to recognize how powerful the opposition has become despite all his political jockeying and playacting--should be the time for all friends of Haiti, especially in the US government, to support Aristide's continuation at the helm: not because he is good but because he is president. Aristide is a transitional figure and not the best of these. He is no Mandela, and he does not have the political maturity to control the violent forces that swirl through Haitian politics--no easy job. Yet the future of Haiti hinges on support for institutions and for a state based on law. The numbers of Aristide's detractors, their unwillingness to stop their protests even in the face of police brutality and killings and their takeover of Gonaïves and other towns have brought a new humility to Aristide, which sits rather uncomfortably on his proud shoulders. If Aristide must fall, let us hope still for real, meaningful elections in Haiti, soon. But let us not expect them.

The article presents an evaluation of former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's ability to restore democracy in Haiti after coming back from exile in 2011. Topics discussed include Aristide's reforms which involved the military, human rights and land distribution, Aristide's ouster as a result of the coup d'état launched by Haitian Army General Raoul Cédras in September 1991, and the economic decline following the United Nations trade embargo and Aristide's exile.

Examines the structural adjustment in Haiti which started in the 1980s. Background to the changes that was implemented in the country; Problems that Haiti faced in the 1980s; Features of the program by international finance institutions (IFI) for Haiti.

Discusses political and economic renewal in Haiti under the presidency of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Restoration of democracy sparked by the coup d'etat of September 1991; Popular sentiment's call for the dismantling of the army; Establishment of a state of law and the construction of an independent judicial system; Policy of political and social inclusion; Role of state-owned enterprises in economic development.

Reports on the atrocities experienced by the people of Haiti under the leadership of military government President, General Prosper Avril. Avril's order to the media not to broadcast any news that could agitate the public; Alleged beatings of several politicians and upstanding members of the society done by the president's men; Revenge exacted by Avril upon his return from Taiwan after several respected Haitians sent a telegram to the Taiwanese government warning that Avril represented neither the legitimate government of Haiti nor the will of the Haitian people; Reaction of the United States to the atrocities perpetrated by Avril; Majority of Haitians' belief that democracy is impossible in the country.

Describes Haitian Minister of Justice Ernst Mallebranche as devoid of organizational or managerial skills. Reputation of the minister; Lack of knowledge of the minister about the administration of justice; His reaction to the creation of a Truth Commission, a panel to investigate claims of human rights violations in the country; Significance of a joint human rights project of the Organization of American States and the United Nations in Haitian justice.

Describes the social, economic and political conditions in Haiti as of January 23, 1995. Chaos in the country despite the presence of international security forces; Reason for the inaction of international security forces and of Haitian forces; Other violent outbreaks that occurred in Haiti; Humanitarian and community works being done by U.S. forces in the country.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics discussed in previous issues. "How Safe Are Your Breasts?," which examined the impact of medical cost cutting on women's health; "Mr. Clean Genes," which discussed cystic fibrosis; "Flack Attack," which focused on the transition of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from exile to governing.

Reports on the political violence and human rights violations in Haiti. Possible scenario if negotiations to restore President Jean-Bertrand Aristide would fail; Haitians' practice of "dechoukaj," the violent systematic uprooting of the people from the ancient regime by those from the nouveau regime; Author's observations of violations of human rights during his stay in the town of Verrettes.

Reports that despite foreign troop intervention, Haiti's uneasy peace is faltering. How the country seems awash in the very problems that originally stirred the Clinton administration to send troops in 1994 to restore President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power; Re-emergence of lawlessness and political violence; Troubled relationship between the United States and Haiti.

The article reports that the citizens of Haiti headed by Reverend Jean-Bertrand Aristide are becoming impatient with Lieutenant General Henri Namphy, head of the provisional government that has ruled after President-for-Life Jean-Claude Duvalier fled in February 1986. This is because the economic problems, such as 50 percent unemployment and an 80 percent illiteracy rate, have continued even after February 1986.

The article reports on the reconstruction project in Haiti. It notes that the country has suffered an earthquake on January 12, 2010 which has registered 7.3 on the ricketier scale. It mentions that the earthquake has caused 11 billion dollars in damage to country's infrastructure and 5.1 percent in gross domestic product (GDP). It cites that the international community and the government have responded for an immediate assistance program to begin the reconstruction.

The article discusses a cholera epidemic in Haiti as of April 2013, focusing on the country's lack of a sewage system, as well as the Haitian government's multi-billion dollar cholera elimination plan. The author argues that poverty is forcing many of the people in Haiti to live without adequate access to sanitation or potable water. The United Nations' Development Program and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as DINEPA are addressed.

The article discusses the development and political and economic recovery in Haiti after 2010 earthquake. The damages brought by the earthquake includes poverty and food insecurity. It notes that despite the end of the dictatorship of the Duvalier family, the country has remained politically unstable and corrupt. It states that the Haitian government led community-led housing schemes and employment to strengthen local culture and livelihoods.

The article presents three future scenarios in the aftermath of the upcoming presidential elections in Haiti on November 28, 2010 to illustrate the current level of stability ten months after the January 12, 2010 earthquake. The first scenario presents a victory by Jude Célestin or Jacques-Èdouard Alexis or other candidates linked to the incumbent is seen to be a favorable outcome to ensure stability and a peaceful transfer of power. The outcome of a possible opposition victory or a failure of the electoral process is also examined.

The article assesses the potential electoral outcomes in Haiti if and when it will hold presidential and legislative outcomes, ten months after it was devastated by an earthquake on November 28, 2010. With reconstruction efforts and dissatisfaction increasing, the Haitian government as well as the international community believe that holding the elections is critical to maintain stability in the medium term. An assessment of the country's current political, economic, social, and security stability as well as external risks is elaborated.

The article discusses the 2010 election in Haiti that could help stabilize the country after the earthquake in January 2010. Amid the devastation and turmoil due to the earthquake, Haitian President Rene Préval announced in May that he intends to remain in office for three months more which is beyond the constitutional limit of his tenure. As many Haitians protest the pronoucements of Préval, there is an observed lack of political opposition strong enough to challenge Préval in a democratic competition.

This article discusses various issues related to the political uncertainty and turmoil that Haiti faces in the wake of the fall of president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The article makes specific reference to leaders who could take the reign of power in such a situation. Aristide's slide marks the end of another disappointing chapter in Haitian politics whose first presidency in 1991 was aborted a military coup. Both Guy Philippe and Dany Toussaint could emerge as the country's next leader.

The article reports on conditions in Haiti one year after a 7.0-magnitude earthquake hit the city of Port-au-Prince on January 12, 2010 and notes the factors hindering reconstruction, including the amount of concrete rubble that needs to be removed and a lack of leadership by Haiti's President René Préval.

The article reports on 2010 elections in Haiti and the surprising electoral strength of candidate Michel Martelly which will enter him in a runoff with former Haitian first lady Mirlande Manigat.

Presents the author's views on the political situation in Haiti and the exile of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. When United Nations troops kill residents of the Haitian slum Cité Soleil, friends and family often place photographs of exiled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide on their bodies. The photographs silently insist that there is a method to the madness raging in Port-au-Prince. Poor Haitians are being slaughtered not for being "violent," as we so often hear, but for being militant; for daring to demand the return of their elected president. A few weeks ago I visited Aristide in Pretoria, South Africa, where he lives in forced exile. I asked him what was really behind his dramatic falling-out with Washington. He offered an explanation rarely heard in discussions of Haitian politics--actually, he offered three: "privatization, privatization and privatization." And the war continues. On June 23 Roger Noriega, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, called on UN troops to take a more "proactive role" in going after armed pro-Aristide gangs. In practice, this has meant a wave of Falluja-like collective punishment inflicted on neighborhoods known for supporting Aristide. Yet despite these attacks, Haitians are still on the streets--rejecting the planned sham elections, opposing privatization and holding up photographs of their president.

Reports on criticism of the campaign and lobbying expenditures in Haiti of deposed president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the administration of U.S. president George W. Bush. Claim that Aristide and the Bush administration spent $2 million last year politicking against each other; Claim that Aristide spent more than $1 million on an army of U.S. lawyers and lobbyists to fight efforts to remove him from office; Details of financial support of Aristide by supporters in the U.S.; Report that the Bush administration paid $1 million last year to Aristide's opponents.

Considers the departure of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from Haiti. Allegations by Aristide that he was forced out by a U.S.-led coup d'etat; Assistance of U.S. diplomats in helping Aristide find asylum in the Central African Republic; Description of Aristide's departure, accompanied to the airport by U.S. official Luis Moreno.

Focuses on the situation occurring in Haiti involving a political uprising against the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Description of the scene in Port-au-Prince where rebels are preparing to overthrow the government; Comments from one U.S. State Department official regarding why President George W. Bush is reluctant to send an intervention force.

Reports on conflicts over the past few years that the United States has unwittingly armed. Rebels in Haiti; Taliban in Afghanistan; Terrorists in Columbia; Death squads in Central America; Attack by Turkey against the Kurds.

Discusses the violence and insurgency caused by the murder of Amiot Métayer in Haiti. Opposition to the policies of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from the Artibonite Resistance Front, once known as the Cannibal Army; How the rebels took control of a police station in Gona&luml;ves, Haiti; Criticism of Aristide for his inability to curb the poverty in Haiti; Efforts of the government militiamen to quell the insurgents.

Focuses on Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, leader of the Fanmi Lavalas Party. Background on relations between Haiti and the United States; Efforts of Aristide to promote himself as a modern statesman and improve the economy of the country; Details of his truce with the Democratic Convergence coalition's rival government.

Reports on the death and burial of Jean Leopold Dominique, former Haitian journalist. Role in Haiti as an empowerer; Use of Creole during his broadcasts; Education in France; Periods that Dominique spent in exile; Reasons that he may have been killed.

The article argues against the return of elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti, who was ousted by the military in September 1991. It also criticizes the U.S. government for continuing its economic embargo under the leadership of military-backed Marc Bazin, former finance minister and World Bank official. While the U.S. scoffed of Bazin's military-backed leadership, in a way that suggest a support for Aristide's return to Haiti, it is also sending a message that the former populist priest-turned president had no role in Haiti's plunged into economic oblivion. Such message is inimical to the U.S. itself and to the people of the island-nation who do not not want anything to do with the ousted president.

Points out that when Jean-Claude Duvalier, President-for-Life of Haiti, and Olof Palme, Prime Minister of Sweden, left the world stage within a few weeks of each other, they bowed out to very different reviews. Observation that the revolution which toppled Duvalier was universally acclaimed; Dismay and sorrow over Palme's departure, not only because of his murder, but because his career had been so virtuous.

Presents a chronology of events related to the Haiti crisis from February 1991 to July 1994. Inauguration of Haiti President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 7, 1991; Military overthrow of Aristide in September 30, 1991; Worldwide oil embargo on June 23, 1993; Offshore screening of Haitian boat people on May 1994; Approval of the United Nations on the use of force in removing the Haiti military leaders in July 31, 1994.

Reports that Haitian President Rene Preval has said he does not want United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces in Haiti beyond their scheduled departure date of November 30, 1997. Presence of the troops since March 1995; Forces that are encouraging their departure.

Reports on the political maneuvers of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide following his 1994 return to power. Aristide's failure to keep his pledge to foreign donors to enact sweeping economic reforms; His campaign against Prime Minister Rosny Smarth, which led to Smarth's resignation.

Reports on the possible decision by the United Nations Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to extend a U.N. peacekeeping mission in Haiti beyond the November 30, 1996 mandate. The problem of violence by armed gangs; Haiti's shaky road to democracy.

Reports that the former prime minister of Haiti will succeed Jean-Bertrand Aristide as president in 1996. Political background of Rene Preval, who will be inaugurated for a five-year term; Return of United States soldiers from Haiti.

Focuses on Haiti's parliamentary and local elections to take place on June 25, 1995. Widespread concern over potential violence, confusion and fraud; Confidence expressed by President Jean-Bertrand Aristide; Details of the run-up to the elections.