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The group of three non-permanent African members (A3) of the UNSC are expected to advance AU common positions and strengthen UN-AU collaboration.[20] Similarly, the members of the EU that serve on the UNSC are obliged to defend the positions and interests of their union and coordinate their work at the UN.[21] Experiences of E10 Memberships Contributors in this section disentangle different types of E10 state memberships. The UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) have held annual consultations since 2007. The United Nations' (UN) charter endows its Security Council (UNSC) with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that contemporary debates around intervention, and especially humanitarian intervention, have misunderstood the meaning of these concepts in Cold War international society. By comparing a specific kind of humanitarian interventionism with a specific kind of internationalism, that of a revolutionist strain of Third World practice, it shows that existing studies have paid too little attention to discursive entanglements of coercion, self-determination, and humanitarianism. The Angola case provides a significant illustration: in 1975 the problem of intervention comes to be tied not just to dictatorial interference, but to a logic of self-determination, which is itself tied to causes of anticolonialism and anti-racism. It is too easy to say that the period's rules of non-intervention precluded the legitimate coercive prevention of atrocities and related international crimes. Particular practices of internationalism, linked to the promotion of self-determination, provided a basis for enforcing international human rights treaties, including the Genocide Convention. All this seems very different from what we usually know of the legitimacy of saving strangers and the character of Third World organising in the mid-20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For instance, while State B may have the military capacity to intervene, it may still be too risky for B to intervene alone, or doing so may be very costly for the citizens of State B. As in the Dangerous Beach cases, B could perhaps ask other states to join in a "coalition of the willing." For example, the financial costs faced by militaries include the costs of transport or equipment, whereas the financial costs faced by civilians (including neutral civilians, e.g., in neighboring countries) include the cost of replacing damaged property and the cost of lost business. Keywords: duty to rescue; Good Samaritan; humanitarian intervention; just war theory; responsibility to protect EN duty to rescue Good Samaritan humanitarian intervention just war theory responsibility to protect 183 200 18 06/06/23 20230601 NES 230601 INTRODUCTION The academic debate on armed humanitarian intervention has, in the last 20 or so years, largely moved on from the question of whether it can sometimes be permissible to intervene in another state (i.e., whether there is a right to intervene), to questions regarding, for instance, the existence of a duty to intervene, the allocation of the responsibility to intervene, and so on. So if we only look at country A and country B, or country A and country C, and so on - the kinds of assessments the individual rescue analogy would have us consider - we would be likely to conclude that rescue, while permissible, cannot be required in this case, given that for each country B, C, and so on, rescue would not be required.[2] However, Dangerous Beach shows us that there is another way to look at this case. [Extracted from the article]

Humanitarian intervention, as a form of military intervention purporting to prevent or end widespread and severe human rights violations, is based on the doctrine of universal human rights. The philosophical foundations of the universal human rights doctrine are largely shaped by natural law and natural rights, as well as the deontological ethics based on Immanuel Kant's "categorical imperative." The natural law perspective, which is based on the presumption that human beings have certain natural rights just by virtue of being human, and Kant's ethics of obligation, which is based on the formula of humanity as an end in itself, are the underpinnings of the doctrine of universal human rights in this context. Humanitarian intervention is claimed on the same philosophical grounds, within the framework of the acceptance that humans have a value that needs to be protected and the necessity of helping others who need help in the context of Kant's ethical or imperfect duties. This study reveals that the arguments produced in favor of human rights and, therefore, humanitarian intervention are mainly rooted in natural law and deontology, and the philosophical foundations of humanitarian intervention are tried to be clarified within this liberal context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanitarian intervention is an act of intervention using armed forces for humanitarian purposes. Indonesia as a country that has a role to participate in maintaining world security and order has the potential to carry out humanitarian interventions. The implementation of humanitarian intervention requires in-depth consideration and study. Therefore, this study tries to find out about the aspect of law and human rights institutions in the implementation of humanitarian intervention conducted by Indonesia. The method used is normative research, by reviewing existing regulations that are related to humanitarian intervention. The Ministry of Law and Human Rights based on its structure and function has a major role in the implementation of humanitarian interventions, both in the initial phase of initiation until the initiation of the intervention is approved for implementation. The role of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights needs to be encouraged to be fully involved in the implementation

Societal Impact Statement The production and availability of food underpins societal stability. In Afghanistan, wheat is the major arable agricultural crop and source of dietary energy. The withdrawal of NATO allies and partner countries from Afghanistan presents numerous well‐documented societal and political challenges and has impacts on immediate and longer‐term food security. Conflict‐impacted irrigation infrastructure coupled with growing climate instability have also contributed markedly to reductions in current food, and specifically wheat, production. Here, we review the status of Afghan wheat improvement and propose a research agenda to support the regeneration of Afghanistan's wheat and agricultural sector. Summary Afghanistan is a country with diverse natural ecologies in a largely arid and mountainous region. The rural sector is still considered to drive economic potential. Current social, political and economic instability along with climatic challenges are driving food and water insecurity in the wider region. In the short term, it is likely that this and the associated challenges of displacement and unemployment can only be addressed by humanitarian intervention and agrifood and nutrition support. In the medium to long term, drought, and heat, probably linked to climate change, will pose recurrent challenges for agriculture and food security that will require a much broader set of interventions to secure the rural population's livelihoods. The genetic gap, among other major challenges, must be addressed if Afghanistan is to develop its agricultural potential leading to income and livelihood improvements for farmers and stable and accessible supplies for consumers. Only thereby will the country be enabled to reap the important and long‐sought trade and food security benefits derived from self‐sufficiency. Here, we highlight the agricultural challenges facing Afghanistan and propose forward strategies for ensuring the future stability of wheat production, the cornerstone of Afghan agriculture.

The article discusses the ethical implications of supererogatory rescues, particularly in the context of humanitarian interventions. It argues that the supererogatory nature of a rescue, which refers to actions that go beyond what is morally required, does not significantly affect the moral duties and constraints of the rescuers. The author defends the view that rescuers who perform supererogatory rescues are still bound by the same obligations as if the rescue were required.

Despite growing interest in the return of rejected asylum seekers, irregular migrants, and refugees, we do not know enough about how geopolitics affects returns governance. This article addresses this knowledge gap by analysing the case of Turkey, exploring how positions in the global migration regime and relations with countries of origin influence return policies. It first argues that Turkey's geopolitical reasoning has led it to design an asylum regime, including repatriation and deportation procedures, centred on temporariness. Second, it contends that Turkey's extraterritorial space-making strategies – namely, military intervention in Syria and humanitarian/development projects in Afghanistan – guide return policies. Examining the Turkish case contributes to our understanding of national returns governance in transit-turned-host countries, which increasingly emphasise repatriation over long-term protection. Finally, the paper contributes more generally to our understanding of the geopolitics of returns by focusing on specific mechanisms that link geopolitical concerns with policy instruments at the state level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: There are lapses in Nigeria's data ecosystems with the consequences of imprecise and inaccurate data on humanitarian crises limiting accurate interventions. Therefore, we examined the data targeting processes in the humanitarian sector of Northeast Nigeria and the ethical concerns that arise when such data is collected and used to advance understanding and improve humanitarian protection systems. Methods: The fieldwork was done in two phases in Maiduguri Borno, North-East Nigeria, between 2021 and 2022. This period was selected because it was the climax of IDP camps in the Northeastern part of the country. Maiduguri was selected for the study because it is the capital of Borno state which is the epicenter of insurgency and internal displacements in Nigeria. Hence, a lot of the most vibrant IDP camps in Nigeria were in Maiduguri for care and security reasons. Fifty in-depth interviews were conducted among the displaced persons across five camps. We also interviewed twenty stakeholders and practitioners working with IDPs to understand Nigeria's data-based humanitarian contexts of internal displacement. The interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim by a language expert. The data were coded, and content analyzed to provide context and explore significant operational and ethical issues in data-driven humanitarian protection. Results: There are discrepancies in the definition of vulnerability in data gathering, putting into question how targeting is carried out to identify vulnerable people and its implications for exclusion. Different data banks and reliability issues across institutions and actors make room for a multiplicity of data and problematic synergy relative to data and ethics. Inconsistent ethical systems guide data gathering and utilization in IDP camps; for instance, there are ineffective norms of recording and securing informed consent during data gathering. States, partners, and IDP camps confront debilitating capacity gaps and equipment deficits that make updated data gathering, storing, retrieval, and utilization. Paper and digital data storage processes were often used with restricted access to only a few key stakeholders. There is vast data expropriation without standard recourse to justice and beneficence as ethical procedures in the humanitarian data space of northeastern Nigeria as a microcosm of Sub-Saharan African realities. Conclusion: There are enormous implications for effective and efficient targeting processes and outcomes, strategic inclusion, and ethical practices in conflict management, humanitarian interventions, and internal displacement in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the challenges of making a home in a foreign country are not unique to refugees in the Global South, their trajectories of integration in Southern host states often diverge from descriptions in the canonical literature on immigrant integration. What constitutes integration when newcomers share a language, cultural similarities, religious practices, and family ties with the receiving society? Drawing on ethnographic and interview data with Syrian refugees in Jordan, this article illustrates (a) the complexities that surface when refugees share similarities with members of the receiving community, (b) emerging axes of difference-making, and (c) distinct mechanisms linking humanitarian intervention with the facilitation and impediment of integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Evaluations are a great source of knowledge especially in the international development sphere. Decolonizing evaluation theory and practice is increasingly being recognized as a key responsibility of evaluators to help foster equality and knowledge management, and ultimately the utilization of evaluation. While some discussions and guidance exist, overall, there is limited research on how to decolonize evaluation practice and facilitate power sharing. Purpose: This paper unpacks the relation between evaluation and decolonization and discusses some of the ways in which evaluation practice can address some of the key challenges in evaluation design, conduct, dissemination, and utility to help it become part of the global knowledge system. Setting: Application of decolonization of evaluation work in evaluating all policies, and programs in the spheres of international development and humanitarian interventions. Research Design: The study included a search of multiple sources to identify documents that included content concerning decolonizing evaluation. A detailed screening process was followed for the inclusion or exclusion of each source using predetermined criteria. Findings: The findings suggest that a detailed discussion on decolonizing evaluation is the need of the time., Identifying better ways to decolonize evaluation theory and practice has the power to transform evaluations of international development policies and programs. It suggests that effectively generating and sharing evaluation knowledge locally has the potential to make people change-makers rather than just the recipients of assistance designed by others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benjamin Meiches's book, "Nonhuman humanitarians," challenges the anthropocentric nature of the humanitarian system by exploring the role of animals in humanitarian practice. The book provides an overview of the history, players, ethical dilemmas, and global politics of humanitarianism. It also offers case studies on explosive detection dogs, mine detection rats, and milk-producing animals to analyze their contributions to aid efforts. While the book is highly theoretical and lacks empirical evidence, it provides a unique perspective on interspecies labor and dynamics in conflict environments. Overall, it offers a refreshing view of humanitarianism and encourages reflection on the shared operations of humans and animals. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of this article is to question whether the powers of the United Nations Security Council (SC) are subject to any limitation under in-ternational law, especially in the context of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) doctrine. And consequently, which organism will be entitled to hold the SC accountable for its actions, and how that organism should do it.The first chapter of this article deals with the possible limitations of the SC, it considers both legal and legitimacy restraints to the broad powers of the SC. Additionally, we will explain how RtoP presents itself as a new challenge to the legitimacy of the SC.Chapter 2 discusses which organisms within the UN system, may be ap-propriate to hold the SC responsible for its actions. Finally, in Chapter 3, we will review the legal status of RtoP, and explain how the ICJ could use Just War criteria as a valuable tool for a judicial review process of SC decisions based on RtoP

The literature highlighted the depoliticising role of humanitarianism and its contribution to the perpetuation of migration control. Recent studies questioned the interpretation of humanitarianism as merely legitimising migration control, and reported on the capacity of grassroots actors to challenge the current European border regime. This paper focuses on the mainstream NGOs' role in the making and unmaking of the southern European border. It further explores the relationship between NGOs' humanitarian and political borderwork and investigates if and how NGOs' humanitarianism opens up or closes down opportunity for their political interventions. This article analyses the interventions of Terre des Hommes, Medu and Oxfam within the southern Italian border management system during two recent re-bordering phases: the introduction of the hotspot approach in 2015 and the adoption of the restrictive migration policies of 2018. The fieldwork in Sicily covers a ten-months period between 2017 and 2018. The research methodology includes multi-sited ethnography, semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The paper concludes by arguing that the line between NGOs' humanitarian and political borderwork is blurred. The borderwork of these actors can be considered as a political-humanitarian borderwork: NGOs' humanitarian interventions were intertwined with political interventions and the former also contributed to accomplishing the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, scholars in China and beyond have vigorously demonstrated that the just war discourse is integral to classical Confucianism and that the classical Confucian idea of "punitive expedition" can be best understood in terms of humanitarian intervention. The sceptics, however, claim that in describing the ancient sage‐king's bloodless punitive expeditions, what classical Confucians really had in mind was not so much to endorse morally justified forms of aggressive war but to highlight the paramount importance of the ruler's moral self‐cultivation and benevolent government. This paper examines closely the disagreement between the two positions and offers a more historically grounded justification for the just war interpretation of classical Confucianism. It pays special attention to the importance of ritual order in classical Confucian political theory and discusses how the Warring States political circumstances led thinkers such as Mencius and Xunzi to shift their attention from ritual order to the well‐being of the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the moral-theological approaches to the morality of war in the last 60 years. First, it notes the abandonment of the "just war" paradigm, in force since St. Augustine until the second half of the 20th century and definitively declared invalid by Pope Francis. Secondly, it analyzes and discards the ethical paradigms that have emerged since Vatican II: the paradigm of "Just Defense", the paradigm of "Humanitarian Interference" and the paradigm of "Preventive War". Following the orientations of Pope Francis, the Author proposes an "Absolute No to War", for whose realization modifications in the Institutions of International Law and the creation of a Just World Order are required. The Author notes the inspirational force of the encyclical Pacem in terris to realize the paradigm shift about the morality of war. The article concludes with a moral assessment of the war Invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, initiated on 24.02.2022 and still ongoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a delicate understanding of the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and analyses the status of this significant principle within the international law. The place of the use of force is evaluated within R2P doctrine. The R2P norm and the pillars contained therein will be analysed to set out the legal responsibilities it contains towards member states and the international community, assessing the legality of the responsibilities held by states towards its population in addition to responsibilities owed by states to populations in other states and the obligation from the international community to intervene. Identifying the issues surrounding the principle of R2P in international law and the message it delivers with what it involves and what responsibilities it carries. It also illustrates the importance of the evolution of the concept, and the advances evolving around the principle including the use of military force for humanitarian ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can prospect theory's framing effects and elite and social group cues moderate public support for humanitarian interventions? This study extends the research on public support for humanitarian interventions by capturing the interaction between prospect theory's framing effects and elite and social group cues on individuals' willingness to support risky foreign policies. The study incorporates four novel prospect theory decision problems while framing the expected costs as nonequivalent intervals across interventions and US–China trade war scenarios. The results provide evidence that prospect theory framing effects outperform the elite and social group cues in their ability to induce preference shifts among respondents' willingness to support risk-acceptant or risk-averse humanitarian intervention plans. It also suggests that humanitarian interventions, with US troops on the ground, in a region noncentral for America's national security, retain substantial levels of support among Americans despite their country's changing role in international security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary digital age, mass atrocity crimes are increasingly promoted and organized online. Social media, encrypted chatrooms and messaging apps have been employed (by regimes and non-state actors alike) to stoke racial and political division, recruit sympathizers and facilitate atrocities. At the same time, there is increasing evidence of the power and promise of offensive cyberspace operations in conflict. Despite the parallel attention afforded to atrocity prevention and cyber operations (respectively), the overlap between these two scholarly investigations is thin. In fact, almost no attention has been afforded to the question of whether proactive cyberspace operations might be used for human protection purposes—specifically, to prevent genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. In this article, I introduce the concept of 'cyber humanitarian interventions'—the use of sophisticated cyber operations to frustrate perpetrators' means and motivations for mass atrocities—as a new tool in the atrocity prevention toolbox. This article therefore seeks to initiate a research agenda that considers how cyber humanitarian interventions could be used for human protection in the twenty-first century. Such an investigation is particularly timely and policy relevant, as international responses to violence have been mixed, and—in the absence of political will for costly armed military interventions—many atrocities continue unabated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concepts of humanitarian intervention and responsibility to protect have been formulated aiming to provide an adequate response to an old question: how to respond to violations of rights committed by states on their own subjects. Based on the formulation of the just war or the very conception of humanity, it underlies the difficult relationship between three of the structural principles of Public International Law: sovereignty, use of force and protection of human rights. This article analyzes the evolution of both concepts, the differences between them and the obstacles that hinder their effective application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private sector actors have long been involved in surveillance. This extends to surveillance undertaken in crisis contexts and conflict situations, where humanitarian needs commonly arise. Prior research has problematized the surveillance-industrial complex's involvement in aid initiatives and humanitarian interventions, but new dynamics are creating novel dilemmas. This contribution to a dialogue on surveillance in contemporary conflict discusses how surveillance firms are exploiting humanitarian crises as a means to aidwash their technologies and services. In this context, aidwashing practices involve the use of corporate social responsibility initiatives and forms of public-private partnership with aid actors to burnish surveillance firms' reputations and distract the public from corporate misbehavior, ethical misdeeds, and dubious data practices. In this piece, I draw on two recent cases--a partnership to develop advanced data analytics for the optimization of humanitarian food assistance and the donation of facial recognition services in an ongoing armed conflict--to interrogate the surveillance industry's public relations activities in humanitarian emergencies and conflict situations and reflect on the inner workings of--and resistance to--aidwashing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the breakup of Yugoslavia was interpreted, commented on, and used for internal and international political purposes in China, with a focus on the role played by key concepts such as "federalism" and "sovereignty" in consolidating the Chinese interpretation of those dramatic events, and ultimately in shaping the CCP's pro-Milošević stance in the dramatic unfolding of the conflict in Kosovo. In particular, the preoccupation with separatism and international humanitarian intervention, and the interpretation of the Yugoslav dissolution as a federal failure by the Chinese elite, help link the global event (the collapse of the Balkan political order) to the local Chinese debate on centralization and decentralization, an issue that had been polarizing the CCP since the launch of the "reform and opening" agenda by Deng Xiaoping at the end of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanitarian aid workers are permanently on the move. The mobility embodied in people who travel from one emergency to the next is perceived as a legitimate form of movement and often stands in sharp contrast to the ones whose lives they are intervening in. However, the mobility of aid workers is more restricted than the image suggests. Within their zones of intervention, the work life and social time of humanitarians is often strictly limited to humanitarian spaces; compounds, secure vehicles and hotels. The emergency imperative reduces their radius to a world of red, yellow and green zones. The humanitarian state of emergency not only moves bodies and materialities, it also transforms hierarchies. While moving through spatial borders humanitarians also transcend social ones, experiencing an uplift in status and privileges in socio-economic and social terms often incomparable to their pre- and post-humanitarian lives. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork on international organizations and their employees in the humanitarian aid sector in Haiti, the paper seeks to dismantle and demystify expatriate im/mobilities and offers a more nuanced way of classifying the various forms of mobilities of humanitarian aid workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanitarian interventions have long formed a controversial topic: they represent a violation of the nation-state's sovereignty to fulfil a humanitarian mission. Intervening countries have always had to deal with suspicion of using humanitarian motives as cover for imperialism. Since 1945 it has become the international norm that the international community may act to prevent the most egregious acts of human rights violations. Modern developments and the UN's acceptance of the Responsibility to Protect have advanced humanitarian intervention as a legitimate instrument to correct the most striking failures of states to uphold their responsibilities to their citizens. This study attempts to evaluate the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. The goal of the study is to answer what impact an intervention has on the stability and democratization processes of the affected country. For this purpose, a quantitative analysis was performed using the publicly available data from the Humanitarian intervention dataset. This dataset contains data on 41 humanitarian interventions between 1945 and 2014. These were grouped based on whether there was a single or group intervening countries and whether the intervening side had the approval of relevant international organizations. The groups were then compared in terms of success in achieving a cessation of hostilities in a shorter and longer horizon as well as whether the intervention left behind a functional democratic state. The results indicate that a short-term, unilateral approach to intervention seems more effective than an immediate attempt at violence reduction. The countries targeted by humanitarian intervention almost universally fail to create lasting democratic institutions, however the multilateral approach has produced better results in terms of creating lasting peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the use of ShotSpotter, an Artificial intelligence (AI)-based gunshot detection system that uses hidden microphone sensors to detect sounds, in criminal cases. Topics include the potential consequences of relying on proprietary algorithms in the criminal justice system and raises questions about the reliability of AI tools; and the role of human intervention in the technology leading to an unfair advantage for prosecutors.

Der Beitrag thematisiert die kontroversen Diskussionen um das Für und Wider der ‚humanitären Intervention' der NATO 1999 in den Kosovokrieg. Durch die Untersuchung der serbischen Reaktionen auf das militärische Eingreifen zeige ich, dass die Frage, für wessen Frieden und gegen welchen Krieg je nach Standort ganz unterschiedlich beantwortet wurde. In Bezug auf die deutsche Kontroverse um die Intervention argumentiert der Artikel schließlich, dass die moralische Aushandlung über militärische Unterstützung nicht erst im Krieg beginnen darf, da Frieden sonst zu einem leeren Signifikanten wird. The article addresses the controversial discussions about the pros and cons of NATO's 'humanitarian intervention' in the Kosovo War in 1999. By analyzing the Serbian reactions to the air raids, I show that the question for whose peace and against which war was answered quite differently depending on the specific standpoint. Finally, in relation to the German controversy over the intervention, the article argues that peace becomes an empty signifier if the moral negotiation over military support starts in war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thousands of Central American women have been displaced from their countries of origin by violence. While the violence committed against them is often portrayed as isolated acts of aggression, women's suffering is also produced and perpetuated by humanitarian interventions that immobilize women in dangerous transit zones. Interventions are then justified by institutional logics that juxtapose women's vulnerability against the threat of their own mobility. This article draws on 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork along the southern Mexico border among migrant women who sought out humanitarian assistance following violent encounters. Central to my argument is the concept of mobility imaginaries, or widely shared social assumptions about how mobility should and can be accessed, by whom, and under what circumstances. Through this framework, I show how gendered mobility biases that underlie institutional logics compound other forms of institutional inequality, which often serves to reproduce, rather than mitigate, root causes of gender‐based vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The gruesome savagery displayed during the events in Rwanda astounded the entire world. Even more outrageous is the fact that the international community did not have a strong response to the massacre and allowed millions of lives to be affected by the actions of Akazu. In this essay, I wish to propose that, drawing on the notion that postmodernist international theory's metanarratives can be created inside the framework of international politics, I look at a horrific incident that shocked the public. This study aims to address the issue, "Why was the rhetoric of the United Nations potentially fueling the brutality of the Rwandan genocide?" to demonstrate that the international community's rhetoric played a significant role in these sad events. All of them point to the fact that the way we classify and prioritise humanitarian situations can be considerably influenced by a international organisation with accepted authority in the international community. We saw the construction of a "Rwanda Civil War" metanarrative that only showed one side of the conflict before collapsing in the face of the terrible truth of what had actually occurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the colonial mark present in current humanitarian management, focusing on the specific case of asylum and place of safety in Europe, tracing a historical evolution based on the considerations expressed by Bartolomé de las Casas in his work Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias. Starting from this work, different periods of the international management of humanitarianism are analyzed, in order to highlight the aspects which are changing in their way of acting but continue to be marked by the colonial vision, thus perpetuating it. Particular attention is paid to the colonial conception of the subject of Humanitarism, starting from the hypothesis that the colonial mark in the definition and recognition of the vulnerable “other” susceptible to protection also acts within the European states, where the asylum procedure is a clear exponent of the normative ethical construction which legitimizes a hierarchy that is imposed on those applying for asylum.

Since the second half of the XX century, the importance of social and humanitarian resources has been increasing. This process intensified in the XXI century, which is reflected in the sphere of international security. The study analyzes the mechanisms through which the social and humanitarian resources affect international security problems, solving or escalating them. If the Copenhagen School began to include the social and humanitarian phenomena in the security sphere, this research focuses on how social and humanitarian resources are used in the security sphere (including in the military field). At the same time, it claims that the growing involvement of social and humanitarian resources in security issues does not mean a decrease in the importance of military and political instruments. The author considers the evolution of the use of social and humanitarian resources in the field of international security from the Cold War period to the present. They show that, in general, the social and humanitarian resources are becoming more diverse in their tools, as well as more and more important in solving international security problems. They note that in conflict situations social and humanitarian resources are used in two ways: 1) for the peaceful settlement of conflicts and 2) in order to win. In addition to conflicts, social and humanitarian resources can also be applied to such areas of international security as terrorism, migration, biogenic threats, threats related.