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Ovaj rad daje uvid u zbivanja na području bivše Jugoslavije koja su dovela do Domovinskog rata s naglaskom i težištem rada na predratnim i početnim godinama rata u Zadru i zadarskom zaleđu. Domovinski rat rezultat je srpske agresije i stoljetne srpske težnje za ostvarenjem velikosrpske ideje što bi značilo amputaciju većeg dijela hrvatskog teritorija i zatiranje hrvatskog suvereniteta i neovisnosti. Zadarski branitelji našli su se u nezavidnoj situaciji suočeni s daleko nadmoćnijim neprijateljem. U najtežim danima rata početkom listopada 1991. agresor je došao i pred sam ulaz u grad, ali golemom požrtvovnošću i hrabrošću branitelja odbijen je svaki pokušaj zauzeća grada. Uspješnom provedbom operacije „Maslenica“ početkom 1993. Zadrani konačno preuzimaju inicijativu te stvaraju uvjete za daljnja napadna djelovanja i oslobođenje ostatka okupiranog hrvatskog teritorija. This paper gives an insight to the events in former Yugoslavia that led to the Homeland War with an accent and focus on prewar and early war years in Zadar and its area. Homeland War was the result of Serbian aggression and centennial Serbian aspiration for accomplishing the idea of Great Serbia which would mean an amputation of greater part of Croatian territory and suppression of Croatian sovereignty and independence. Defenders of Zadar found themselves in unenviable situation faced against far more powerful enemy. In the most difficult days of war in early October of 1991 aggressor came just in front of the city gates, but with enormous sacrifice and bravery of defenders every attempt of seizing the city by aggressor was pushed back. With successful implementation of operation „Maslenica“ in the early 1993 people of Zadar finally took the initiative and created conditions for further offensives and liberation of the rest of occupied Croatian territory.

Ogulin, nositelj i centar razvoja prostora koji se proteže od Jasenka na SZ do Saborskog na krajnjem JI, u Domovinskom ratu bio je dio karlovačko-ogulinskog bojišta, po nekima jednog od najvažnijih bojišta u Domovinskome ratu. Želja stanovnika Plaškog da se Plaški, a potom i svi krajevi s pretežitim srpskim stanovništvom ogulinske općine, pripoje SAO Krajini rezultirala je formiranjem prvih nenaoružanih odreda na ovom području. Napadom na Josipdol započeli su prvi oružani sukobi na području bivše ogulinske općine, te je tada ujedno i otvoreno karlovačko-ogulinsko bojište. Osvajanjem vojarni i skladišta JNA osvojene su velike količine oružja koje su se koristile u kasnijim borbenim akcijama, a njih je zajedno s pripadnicima MUP-a vodila 143. brigada HV-a, kasnije preustrojena u domobransku pukovniju. VRO Oluja okupirana područja bivše općine vraćena su u ustavno-pravni poredak RH i time završavaju borbe na ovome području. Cilj ovoga rada je prikazati ključne događaje koji su se dogodili na prostoru bivše općine Ogulin u Domovinskom ratu. Dakle, od odcjepljenja općine Plaški, napada na Josipdol i Saborsko, do sudjelovanja Ogulinaca u VRO Oluja. Ogulin, the holder and center of development of the area stretching from Jasenak NW to Saborsko SE, was part of the Karlovac-Ogulin battlefield, in some of the most important battles in the Homeland War. The wish of Plaški inhabitants that all Plaški, and then all regions with the predominant Serbian population of Ogulin municipality, unite with SAO Krajina resulted in forming the first unarmed detachment in this area. After Josipdol was attacked, the first armed conflicts began in the area of the former Ogulin municipality, and at that time Karlovac- Ogulin battlefield was opened. By acquiring the barracks and the JNA warehouse, large amounts of weapons were acquired, which were later used in subsequent combat actions, which were led by the 143.brigades of the HV, together with the member of Ministry of Defense, later restructured into the Homeland Regiment. VRO Storm occupied areas of the former municipality have been restored to the constitutional and legal order of the Republic of Croatia and thus ended war in this area. The aim of this paper is to show key events that took place in the area of former municipality of Ogulin in the Homeland War. So from the seizure of the Plaški municipality, the attack on Josipdol and Saborsko until Ogulin's participation in the VRO Storm.

Rat kao događaj koji ostavlja velike i trajne posljedice na društvo je teška i bolna tema, posebice ako se promatra kroz stradanja i doživljavanja djece. Brojna djeca u ratu su ostala bez svojih roditelja, a upravo njihovi osjećaji, događaji, te djetinjstvo provedeno u podrumima ispod neba obasutog granatama su inspirirali brojne autore da napišu romane o ratnim događanjima s aspekta djece. Pogled rata kroz dječje oči je najistinitiji pregled rata izražen kroz strah, nesigurnost i neizvjesnost. Nezaštićenost i život, ne u ratu, već s ratom rezultira očajem koji djeca pokušaju svladati zapisujući svoja razmišljanja i ispitujući svoju ulogu u ratu, što rezultira sazrijevanjem na temelju vlastitih spoznaja. U radu se prikazuje dječji ratni roman s naglaskom na roman Stjepana Tomaša Moj tata spava s anđelima. Roman je pisan u dnevničkoj formi, a glavni lik je djevojčica Cvijeta koja doživljava strahote u svom rodnom Osijeku. Cvijeta je opisana kao djevojčica koja živeći u strahu i neizvjesnosti, provodi svoje djetinjstvo u tamnom i mračnom prostoru, te svoje misli osjećaje bilježi na papir kako bi skratila vrijeme u zaklonu, te kako bi barem malo svoj strah pobijedila djelići misli s papirom. War as an event that leaves great and lasting consequences on society is a tough and painful topic, especially if viewed through suffering and experiencing children. Numerous children in the war have remained without their parents, and their feelings, events, and childhood spent in the basements beneath the skies covered with grenades inspired many authors to write novels about war events from the aspect of children. Watching the war through the children's eyes is the most prominent view of the war expressed through fear, insecurity and uncertainty. Unprotectedness and life, not in war, but with war, results in the desperation that children are trying to overcome by writing their thoughts and examining their role in the war, resulting in maturity on the basis of their own perceptions. The paper presents a children's war novel with an emphasis on novel Stjepan Tomas. My dad sleeps with angels. Roman was written in diary, and the main character is the girl Cvijeta who experiences horrors in her native Osijek. The flower is described as a girl who lives in fear and uncertainty, carries out her childhood in the dark and dark space, and her thoughts feel on the paper to shorten her time in shelter, and at least a few fears overcome fragments of paper thoughts.

U ovome radu proučavaju se dva slučaja prosvjeda hrvatskih veterana: (1) prosvjed u znak potpore generalu Mirku Norcu u veljači 2001. godine i (2) demonstracije veterana ispred Ministarstva branitelja u Zagrebu u 2014. godini, a koji je trajao 555 dana. Rad ima dva cilja: prvi cilj je odrediti mijenja li se razina javne potpore prema veteranima i njihovim zahtjevima ovisno o tome koliko su disruptivne njihove prosvjedne metode. Ovo je postignuto prikupljanjem i analiziranjem relevantnih anketnih istraživanja koje su provedene tokom prosvjeda. Nakon što su identificirane disruptivne epizode u oba slučaja, uspoređuje se javna potpora prema prosvjedima prije i nakon tih epizoda. Iako postoje naznake smanjene javne potpore prema prosvjedima, ustanovljeno je da smanjena potpora može nastati kao rezulat raznih fakotra osim same disruptivnosti. Drugi cilj sastoji se od određivanja načina kojima veterani diskurzivno uokvirivaju svoje prosvjede i kako protivnici prosvjeda (primarno, hrvatska vlada) diskurzivno uokvirivaju veteranske prosvjede. Frames (okviri) su, u znanstvenoj literaturi o društvenim pokretima, posebne interpretativne sheme kojima se, između ostalog, identificiraju i diskurzivno određuju nepravde koje se moraju riješiti. Komparativnom analizom su utvrđeni glavni okviri kojima veterani prikazuju svoje probleme i kojima delegitimiraju protivnike, ustvrđeno je postojanje novog okvira u prosvjedima 2014. godine povezanog s ekonomskim problemima veterana., This paper consists of a comparative analysis of two cases of veteran protests in Croatia: (1) the protest in support of general Mirko Norac in Febuary 2001 and (2) the veteran protest campaign in front of the Ministry of veterans in Zagreb in 2014. which lasted 555 days. The aim of the paper is twfold: the first goal was to determine if public support for veterans and their demands changes as the protests get more disruptive. This was achieved by finding and analyzing relevant data from surveys conducted during the protests. After identifiying the most disruptive episodes in both protest cases, I compare public support before and after those episodes. The second goal consisted of determining the ways in which veterans frame their protest and how the primary enemies of veterans (the Croatian government) counterframe protests aimed against them. Frames are interpretive schemes with which social movements identify injustices that are to be rectified. In the paper, key frames that veterans used to demonstrate their problems and to delegitimize their enemies, were identified. A new economic frame was also identified in the case of veteran protest in 2014 that was tied with the economic problems of Croatian veterans.

U ovome radu proučavaju se dva slučaja prosvjeda hrvatskih veterana: (1) prosvjed u znak potpore generalu Mirku Norcu u veljači 2001. godine i (2) demonstracije veterana ispred Ministarstva branitelja u Zagrebu u 2014. godini, a koji je trajao 555 dana. Rad ima dva cilja: prvi cilj je odrediti mijenja li se razina javne potpore prema veteranima i njihovim zahtjevima ovisno o tome koliko su disruptivne njihove prosvjedne metode. Ovo je postignuto prikupljanjem i analiziranjem relevantnih anketnih istraživanja koje su provedene tokom prosvjeda. Nakon što su identificirane disruptivne epizode u oba slučaja, uspoređuje se javna potpora prema prosvjedima prije i nakon tih epizoda. Iako postoje naznake smanjene javne potpore prema prosvjedima, ustanovljeno je da smanjena potpora može nastati kao rezulat raznih fakotra osim same disruptivnosti. Drugi cilj sastoji se od određivanja načina kojima veterani diskurzivno uokvirivaju svoje prosvjede i kako protivnici prosvjeda (primarno, hrvatska vlada) diskurzivno uokvirivaju veteranske prosvjede. Frames (okviri) su, u znanstvenoj literaturi o društvenim pokretima, posebne interpretativne sheme kojima se, između ostalog, identificiraju i diskurzivno određuju nepravde koje se moraju riješiti. Komparativnom analizom su utvrđeni glavni okviri kojima veterani prikazuju svoje probleme i kojima delegitimiraju protivnike, ustvrđeno je postojanje novog okvira u prosvjedima 2014. godine povezanog s ekonomskim problemima veterana. This paper consists of a comparative analysis of two cases of veteran protests in Croatia: (1) the protest in support of general Mirko Norac in Febuary 2001 and (2) the veteran protest campaign in front of the Ministry of veterans in Zagreb in 2014. which lasted 555 days. The aim of the paper is twfold: the first goal was to determine if public support for veterans and their demands changes as the protests get more disruptive. This was achieved by finding and analyzing relevant data from surveys conducted during the protests. After identifiying the most disruptive episodes in both protest cases, I compare public support before and after those episodes. The second goal consisted of determining the ways in which veterans frame their protest and how the primary enemies of veterans (the Croatian government) counterframe protests aimed against them. Frames are interpretive schemes with which social movements identify injustices that are to be rectified. In the paper, key frames that veterans used to demonstrate their problems and to delegitimize their enemies, were identified. A new economic frame was also identified in the case of veteran protest in 2014 that was tied with the economic problems of Croatian veterans.

Predmet ovog doktorskog rada je kritička evaluacija pravaške politike u suvremenoj Hrvatskoj.Hrvatska stranka prava predstavljala je stožernu pravašku stranku radikalno desne orijentacije u političkom životu i stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. Uspostavom višestranačja stranku su obnovili bivših politički zatvorenici i disidenti Dobroslav Paraga i Ante Paradžik. Glavna odrednica programa stranke bila je uspostava samostalne hrvatske države. Doktorski rad baviti će se proučavanjem razdoblja od obnove stranke 1990. do 2011. godine, kada je Hrvatska stranka prava nakon dvadesetogodišnjeg sudjelovanja u parlamentarnom životu izgubila status stranke zastupljene u Hrvatskom saboru. S obzirom naočuvanost i dostupnost dijela stranačke arhive može se temeljito rekonstruirati i analizirati njezina stranačka organizacija, ideologija, prakticiranje politika povijesti i sudjelovanje u izbornim kampanjama čime disertacija dobiva svoj interdisciplinarni karakter, odnosno politološko-historiografsko obradu teme iz suvremene hrvatske političke povijesti., In the doctoral thesis author critically evaluatedthe Party of Right's politics in contemporary Croatia. The Croatian Party of Right (HSP) was a pivotal Rightist party radical right-wing in the Croatian party system and political life. Once the multiparty system was established, HSP was rebuilt by former political prisoners and dissidents Dobroslav Paraga and Ante Paradžik. The main party’s program was the establishment ofan independent Croatian state. The doctoral thesis dealt with the study of a period of re-established Party from the early 1990s to 2011, when the HSP after twenty years of continuous participation in parliamentary life lost the status of a party represented within the Croatian Parliament. Considering the preserved and accessibility segment of the party archives one can thoroughly reconstruct and analyze the party's organization, ideology, and practice politics of history regarding its involvement in the election campaigns in which the dissertation will receive its interdisciplinary character. The researching aim of interdisciplinary approach appeared hrough combination of political and historical sciences.

Rat se može pojmiti na niz načina. Neovisno o načinu i aspektu njegova definiranja jasno je kako svaki rat donosi gubitke i probleme, u ekonomskom i socijalnom pogledu. Pri tome, u svakome kontekstu kontradiktoran je održivom razvoju ekonomije, ali i društva. Tijekom povijesti kontinuirano su se odvijali ratovi, poradi raznih motiva i uzroka. Svaki od njih donio je ozbiljne gubitke i brojne žrtve, nerijetko nedužno stanovništvo, žene, djecu, kapitalnih dobara i okoliša. Osim što rat odnosi živote, on donosi niz ekonomskih i socijalnih problema i neprilika. Misli se na narušavanje životnih uvjeta, gubitak resursa, destabilizaciju i krize. Vodeći ratovi u svijetu nedvojbeno su Prvi i Drugi svjetski rat, koji su imali najrazornije posljedice razne prirode, a vodili su se na području brojnih država. Osim ovih ratova, o ozbiljnim socijalnim gubitcima svjedoči i Domovinski rat u Hrvatskoj, kao i rat u Siriji koji traje i danas. War can be perceived in a different of ways. Regardless of the way and the aspect of its definition, it is clear that every war brings losses and problems in economic, social and the other segments. In this context, it is contradictory to the sustainable development of the economy, but also of society. In the course of history, wars have continues development, due to its number, various motives and causes. Each of them brought serious losses and numerous victims, often innocent people, women, children and similar subjects. Apart from the fact that war is related to lives, it brings a series of economic and social problems and disadvantages. In that context, it is mentioned on disruption of living conditions, loss of resources, destabilization, crisis and in a row. Leading wars in the world are undoubtedly First and Second World War, which had the most profound consequences of a variety of nature and led to numerous states. Apart from these wars, the Homeland War in Croatia is witness to serious social losses, as well as the war in Syria that continues today.

Hrvatski povjesničari, sociolozi i politolozi koji su se proteklih dvadesetak godina bavili teorijskim izučavanjem hrvatske nacije i nacionalizma prihvaćali su klasičnu dihotomiju na etnička i građanska shvaćanja nacionalnosti, nastojeći smjestiti hrvatski slučaj između ova dva dijametralno suprotstavljena koncepta. Pritom je, eksplicitno ili implicitno, etnički tip kvalificiran kao „loš“, a građanski kao „dobar“, čime je nastavljena tradicija još od vremena Hansa Kohna koji je tzv. istočne i zapadne nacionalizme prvi vrednovao u normativnom smislu. Ovaj doktorski rad ne zazire od takvog manihejstva ali etničkom i građanskom idealnom tipu pridodaje treći - pluralni idealni tip nacije i nacionalizma, preuzet od britanskog sociologa i vodećeg autoriteta na ovome polju Anthonyja D. Smitha. Naime, proučavanjem relevantnih teorijskih pravaca došao sam do zaključka da postmodernistička škola mišljenja, koja je u razdoblju nakon završetka Hladnoga rata postala dominantnom u društvenim znanostima na zapadu Europe i u Sjevernoj Americi, ne korespondira ni s etničkim ni s građanskim poimanjem nacionalnosti, priklanjajući se jednoj potpuno novoj paradigmi koja se na stanovit način vraća etničkom modelu, ali nipošto nije istovjetna njemu. Sukladno tome, cilj ove disertacije je unaprijediti raspravu o karakteru hrvatske nacije i nacionalizma, onako kako su službeno formulirani od strane političkih elita, tako što će hrvatski slučaj smjestiti u odnosu na sva tri koncepta između kojih je „putovao“ u prva dva desetljeća neovisnosti. Pritom ću obrazložiti zašto su etnosimbolička teorija i „blagi građanski“ pristup nacionalnom pitanju analitički i normativno najprikladniji za analizu i koncipiranje hrvatske nacije. Jezgra rada sastoji se od tri poglavlja. U njima pomoću istraživačke metode kvalitativne analize sadržaja proučavam komunikaciju između vlasti i građana na tri razine: institucionalnoj (Ustav i zakoni), političkoj (govori i obraćanja) i medijskoj (izjave i intervjui). Poglavlje o Ustavu Republike Hrvatske (1990., promjene 1997., 2000., 2001. i 2010. godine) i Ustavnom zakonu o ljudskim pravima i slobodama i o pravima etničkih i nacionalnih zajednica ili manjina u Republici Hrvatskoj (1991., promjene 1992., 1995. i 2000. godine; zamijenjen Ustavnim zakonom o pravima nacionalnih manjina 2002., promjene 2010. godine) pokazat će kako su se izvorne etničko-građanske formulacije Ustava vremenom kretale u smjeru plurinacionalnog modela, dok je Ustavni zakon od samog početka bio obilježen plurinacionalnim pristupom, ali on u ratnom razdoblju ostaje fiktivni dokument, da bi nakon vojne operacije „Oluja“ njegovi ključni segmenti bili stavljeni izvan snage, što znači 7 da stvarno značenje dobiva tek 2000., a posebno 2002. godine kada Sabor donosi potpuno nov Ustavni zakon kojim se cementiraju prava „nacionalnih manjina“ u Hrvatskoj. Poglavlje u kojem su analizirani govori i obraćanja dvojice predsjednika države otkriva duboku etničkograđansku podvojenost, pa i unutarnji konflikt kod Tuđmanovog shvaćanja nacionalnog pitanja i dosljednost Mesićeva građanskonacionalističkog pristupa. Poglavlje posvećeno medijskim istupima hrvatskih političara demonstrira mnogo veću fleksibilnost dužnosnika HDZ-a koji 1990-ih rabe mješovitu etničko-građansku retoriku, da bi 2002. godine napustili etnicizam i djelomično prigrlili plurinacionalne naglaske; za razliku od čelnika stranaka lijevog centra koji kroz čitavo obrađeno razdoblje koriste tipično građanskonacionalistički diskurs, uz tek poneko blago odstupanje prema plurinacionalizmu. Zaključno usporedno analiziram središnja poglavlja i povezujem njihove glavne poruke. Ustanovljeno je da se hrvatska nacija u konceptualnom smislu između 1990. i 2010. godine doista kretala između tri, a ne samo dvije nacionalne paradigme, čime je opravdan odabir opisanog teorijskog okvira. Pritom je hibridni etničko-građanski pristup označen kao izvoran ili autohton, dok su pomaci u smjeru etničkog i pluralnog idealnog tipa nacije interpretirani kao reakcije hrvatskih vlasti na dvostruki pritisak izvana - s jedne strane, to je bio projekt Velike Srbije, a s druge, „civilizirajuća misija“ Europske unije. Utvrđeno je da se Hrvatska danas u institucionalnom smislu nalazi na pola puta između idealnih tipova građanske i pluralne nacije, ali da to ne predstavlja Aristotelovu „zlatnu sredinu“ koja ja bliža građanskoj krajnosti. Stoga su na samom kraju radnje preporučene politike kojima Hrvatska može pronaći „pravu mjeru“ i ostvariti pristup nazvan „blago građanskim“., Theorizing the Croatian concept of nationhood, Croatian historians, sociologists and political scientists have - for the last twenty years - been working inside the classic binary framework of ethnic and civic forms of nationalism. In so doing, they mostly maintained Kohn’s normative distinction between “good” Western (civic) and “bad” Eastern (ethnic) national varieties. This thesis doesn’t shy away from such manicheistic interpretations but it adds a third type, namely Anthony D. Smith’s plural concept of nationhood, thereby turning the dichotomy into a trichotomy. The research of existing theories of nationalism has led me to the conclusion that the postmodernist school of thought, prevalent in Western Europe and Northern America since the end of the Cold War, doesn’t correspond with neither of the two older concepts, leaning instead to an entirely new paradigm known as plurinationalism. Consequently, this dissertation’s goal is to upgrade the ongoing discussion on the nature of the Croatian national doctrine, as it is formulated by political elites, by placing the Croatian case in relation to all three theoretical concepts of nationhood - ethnic, civic and plural. At the same time, its purpose is to elaborate why the ethnosymbolic school of thought and the “civic light” approach to national issues are best fitted in the research and modelling of the Croatian nation. The thesis’ core consists of three chapters. By using the research method of qualitative content analysis I scrutinize the communication between government and citizenry on three levels: the institutional level (Constitution and laws), the political level (speeches and addresses) and the media level (statements and interviews). The chapter on the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia (1990, amendments in 1997, 2000, 2001 and 2010) and the Constitutional law on human rights and freedoms and on the rights of ethnic and national communities or minorities in the Republic of Croatia (1991, amendments in 1992, 1995 and 2000; replaced by the Constitutional law on the rights of national minorities in 2002, amendments in 2010) depicts how original ethno-civic formulations of nationhood in the Constitution have progressively moved towards the plurinational model, while the Constitutional law had been pluralistic from the start, but it has remained mostly impracticable during the belligerent 1990’s, only gaining actual political relevance in the 2000’s. The chapter devoted to speeches and addresses given by the two heads of state between 1990 and 2010 reveals a deep-seated ethno-civic ambivalence and even an inner conflict concerning the understanding of the national question by President Franjo Tuđman and a civic persistence in President Stjepan Mesić’s approach to the same issue. The chapter concerned with communication through the media shows greater flexibility of center-right politicians who have used a mixed ethno-civic rhetoric during the 1990’s, only to abandon their ethnicism and embrace a more plurinationalist style in the following decade; contrary to center-left politicians who have cultivated a predominantly civic nationalist discourse throughout the entire period of research. In the conclusion I comparatively analyze the core chapters and interconnect their central messages. It is established that between 1990 and 2010 the concept of the Croatian nation has been “travelling” between all three ideal types, thereby validating the chosen tripartite theoretical framework. The hybrid ethno-civic approach is designated as original and authentic, while the shifts toward ethnonationalism and plurinationalism are interpreted as reactions of Croatian authorities to pressures from Greater Serbia projects on one side, and “civilizing” EU institutions on the other. It is ascertained that at the time being Croatia institutionally finds itself in the arithmetic mean between the ideal types of civic and plural nationhood. However, this position doesn’t correspond with Aristotle’s “golden mean” which is to be found closer to the civic extreme. Therefore, the concluding remarks offer a set of policy proposals which, if applied, could lead the official concept of Croatian nationhood to a preferred state of “light civicism”.

Tijekom jedanaest godina rada Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata prikupio je veliku količinu arhivskoga gradiva nastalog djelovanjem pojedinaca, odnosno javnog arhivskoga gradiva nastalog tijekom Domovinskog rata, a koje je završilo u posjedu privatnih osoba ili raznih udruga te kao takvo ustupljeno Centru. Riječ je o raznolikom gradivu, konvencionalnog i nekonvencionalnog karaktera, vojne i civilne provenijencije, čiji su stvaratelji bili pripadnici hrvatskih snaga, snaga Jugoslavenske narodne armije i pobunjenih Srba, civilne osobe, državni i vojni dužnosnici ili zainteresirani pojedinci. U radu će se prikazati osnovne značajke i vrste takvoga gradiva, načini akvizicije, postupak vrednovanja i pohrane te njegova dostupnost, historiografska vrijednost te sumirati stečena iskustva., For different reasons the important records from the period of the Homeland War were also kept or are still kept by the private holders, whether these records were created by institutions or individuals, associations and organizations. By acknowledging the importance of such records and the sensitivity in its acquiring the Croatian Memorial-Documentation Centre of the Homeland War has started to collect them ever since it was established in 2005. By establishing the Centre as the central institution for archival and scientific research of the Homeland War, the Centre is recognised in the public as a trustworthy institution to which everyone interested to hand over the records can turn to. The private holders of the archives from the Homeland War can be divided into those who are the creators of archives and those who in various ways became possessors of public archives. The Centre can acquire records of private holders in two ways; mostly through donations, and partly by purchasing records that are particularly valuable and that were created as someone’s authorship. After acquiring, the records are registered, appraised and classified, after which they form individual fonds or they supplement existing fonds and collections. Among the conventional archives, besides military documentation, the Centre acquired various newspapers, magazines and official papers, military maps, political and military posters, caricatures etc. The majority of the acquired records were digitized, due to a more efficient storage and keeping, as well as the desire of holders to keep the originals. The majority of archives from private holders are unconventional records (photographs, video and audio clips), i.e. the re-recorded and digitized conventional records. The archives acquired from individual private holders were in terms of subject and quantity appraised as a rounded off whole and after the archival processing it was decided to form personal papers. By the end of 2016 the Centre had ten of them. Besides these, the Centre also stores memoirist records of private holders, whether it concerns records created by structured interviews or written entries of the direct participants of the Homeland War. The Centre published part of these in 17 books as part of its publishing activity. Also, several photo-monographs were published based on the received or bought photographs from the private holders. Among the private holders from which the Centre got the archives are also the historians-researchers who gave or deposited in the Centre the materials they used, after finishing a certain research or a book. The majority of the acquired and processed archives of private holders are available to researchers through fonds and collections of the Centre. The basic problem regarding the acquiring of the records of private holders pertains to certain indistinctness in the Act on the Archives and the ignorance of holders regarding their obligations prescribed by the law which entails relinquishing of the public archives to the Centre. Besides ignorance, some of the holders advertently kept these records in their keeping mostly out of fear of misuse and the negative perception of the activity of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, after the acquittal of the generals Gotovina and Markač in late 2012 and the greater public recognisability of the Centre, the inflow of archives from public holders has been increased. Another problem in acquiring records of this kind is the parallel activity of certain individuals and associations with similar archival activities. As far as arranging is concerned, due to the large quantities of acquired records and their stockpiling in the future it will be necessary to pay greater attention to their appraisal and disposal. Still, it could be said that the archives of the private holders prominently features in the Centre’s professional archival policy and that so far the important amount of such records had been acquired. Despite certain difficulties concerning their processing, these records are an important source for archivists, researchers and historians, particularly for subjects that are wider than the more usual political and military ones.

Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ) bivša je državna tvorevina sastavljena od šest socijalističkih republika, Hrvatske, Srbije, Bosne i Hercegovine, Makedonije, Slovenije i Crne Gore. Verbalni sukobi među državama i narodima u SFRJ bili su dio suživota zbog različitosti na etničkoj, nacionalnoj, vjerskoj i kulturološkoj razini. Socijalistička Republika Hrvatska odlučila je krenuti u proces demokratizacije stoga su 6. svibnja 1990. godine održani prvi višestranački parlamentarni izbori, a 19. svibnja 1991. godine proveden je referendum za neovisnost Republike Hrvatske na kojemu je više od 93 posto glasača dalo svoj glas za samostalnu i suverenu Republiku Hrvatsku. Nakon službenog proglašenja rezultata, srpski pobunjenici su uz pomoć Jugoslavenske narodne armije, okupirali sela na teritoriju Istočne Slavonije, Banovine i Dalmacije. Nova ratišta otvarala su se svakoga dana. U rujnu su započeli dugotrajni napadi na Šibenik i Dubrovnik, a u listopadu i napadi na Zadar koji je bombardiran u nekoliko navrata iz sela u zaleđu grada, gdje je većinsko stanovništvo bilo stanovništvo srpske nacionalnosti. Sve češći napadi na teritorij Republike Hrvatske potaknuli su Sabor da 8. listopada 1991. godine proglasi neovisnost Republike Hrvatske i donese Odluku o odcjepljenju Republike Hrvatske od Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije čime je Hrvatska postala samostalna država. Napori hrvatskih diplomata rezultirali su međunarodnim priznanjem Republike Hrvatske i primanjem u zajednicu Ujedinjenih naroda 1992. godine. No, diplomatski apeli ipak nisu imali odjeka na strani agresora stoga je tijekom 1993. godine hrvatska vojska poduzela niz vojnih akcija kojima je oslobodila većinu okupiranog teritorija. Ostatak okupiranog teritorija, osim područja Hrvatskog Podunavlja, hrvatske su snage oslobodile do 1995. godine. Mirnom reintegracijom 15. siječnja 1998. godine, Hrvatsko Podunavlje vraćeno je pod nadzor Republike Hrvatske te od toga dana Hrvatska ima potpunu kontrolu nad svojom međunarodno priznatom granicom. Veliku ulogu u širenju istine o Domovinskom ratu imali su novinari. Domaći i strani ratni izvjestitelji stradavali su obavljajući svoj posao. Statistika pokazuje kako je do sredine studenog 1991. na bojišnicama u Hrvatskoj ubijeno 18 novinara, od toga šest stranih. Na zadarskome području, veliku ulogu u informiranju građana imali su novinari Narodnog lista. Novinari ovih najstarijih novina na hrvatskome jeziku koje izlaze još i danas svake su subote izvještavali čitatelje o stanju na bojištima, stradanju civila, uništavanju kulturne baštine kao i o događanjima na političkoj sceni. Za potrebe analize sadržaja, obrađen je pedeset jedan broj Narodnog lista iz 1991. godine, izdan u razdoblju od 5. siječnja do 28. prosinca 1991. godine. Glavni cilj istraživačkog dijela ovoga rada jest istraživanje tematike i utvrđivanje udjela novinskih članaka o Domovinskom ratu 1991. godine na stranicama Narodnog lista. Također, jedan od ciljeva jest i utvrditi postoji li povezanost intenziteta objavljivanja novinskih članaka u Narodnom listu i broja istih s događajima tijekom Domovinskoga rata 1991. godine te odrediti geografski fokus istraživanih novinskih članaka o Domovinskome ratu na stranicama Narodnog lista u promatranome razdoblju. Kvantitativnom analizom sadržaja utvrđeno je kako se može povezati intenzitet objavljivanja novinskih članaka i njihov broj s događajima tijekom rata 1991. godine pošto se broj novinskih članaka o Domovinskom ratu intenzivirao u drugoj polovici 1991. kada su počela sve češća ratna razaranja. Pritom su najčešće korištene novinske forme izvještaj, komentar i reportaža, a najčešće teme unutar tematike Domovinskog rata bile su socioekonomske teme. Dobivenim rezultatima utvrđeno je i kako su analizirani novinski članci bili većinom fokusirani na područje tadašnjih općina Zadar, Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac i Otočac, odnosno područje današnje Zadarske županije. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a former state entity made up of six socialist republics: Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Slovenia and Montenegro. Because of the diversity on the ethnical, national, religious and cultural level between these countries and nations, verbal clashes were part of a co-existence in the former Yugoslavia. The Socialist Republic of Croatia decided to start the process of democratization, therefore its first multiparty parliamentary elections were held on 6th of May 1990. Furthermore, on 19th of May 1991 the referendum for the Croatian independence was held. After the official declaration of the results, Serbian rebels, with the help of the Yugoslav People's Army, occupied villages in the Eastern Slavonia, Banovina and Dalmatia. New battlefields were opened every day. In September began long-term attacks on Šibenik and Dubrovnik and in October the attacks on Zadar. Zadar was bombed on several occasions from the villages in the hinterland of the city, where the majority of the population were inhabitants of Serbian nationality. More frequent attacks on the Croatian territory have prompted Parliament to declare the independence of the Republic of Croatia on the 8th of October 1991 and to adopt The decision on dissolution of all state and legal ties with other republics and provinces of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Efforts of the Croatian diplomats have resulted into an international recognition of the Republic of Croatia and the admission to the community of the United Nations in 1992. However, as diplomatic appeals still have made no impact on the side of the aggressor, during the 1993 Croatian army undertook a series of military actions that liberated most of the occupied territories. The rest of the occupied territory, except the area of the Croatian Danube region, was liberated until 1995 by the Croatian forces. The Croatian Danube region was returned under the control of Croatia with the peaceful reintegration on the 15th of January 1998, and from that day, Croatia has a complete control over its internationally recognized borders. The journalists had a huge role in spreading the truth about the Homeland War. Domestic and foreign war correspondents were perished while doing their job. Statistics show that by midNovember 1991, eighteen journalists were killed on the battlefields in Croatia, among which six were foreigners. In the Zadar area, journalists of Narodni list had a major role in informing citizens about the war-happenings. Every Saturday, the journalists of these oldest newspapers written in the Croatian language, those that are being published even today, reported about the situation on the battlefield, suffering of civilians, destruction of the cultural heritage as well as about the developments on the political scene. For the analysis of the content, fifty-one number of Narodni list issued in the period from the 5th of January until the 28th of December 1991. was processed. The main aim of the research part of this paper is to analyze the topic and to determine the share of the newspaper articles about the Homeland War in 1991 on the pages of Narodni list. Moreover, one of the objectives is to determine whether there is a connection between the intensity and the number of the publication of the newspaper articles in the Narodni list with the events during the Homeland War in 1991 and to determine the geographical focus of the newspaper articles on the war on the pages of Narodni list in the observed period. Quantitative analysis of the content showed that there is a connection between the intensity of the publication of the newspaper articles in the Narodni list and the number of them with the events during the Homeland War in 1991 as the number of newspaper articles on the war intensified in the second half of 1991 when the ravages of the war events became more frequent. The most commonly used form of the news were reports, commentaries and reportages, and the most common topics within the main theme of the Homeland War were socio-economic topics. The results have confirmed that the analyzed newspaper articles were mostly focused on the area of the municipalities of Zadar, Benkovac, Biograd, Obrovac and Otočac, the area of today's Zadar County.

U ovom su radu prikazane i analizirane osnovne odrednice dinamike razvoja stanovništva 11 naselja Grada Osijeka nakon 1971. godine. Demografski razvoj Grada Osijeka proizašao je iz niza društveno–gospodarskih i povijesno–političkih čimbenika. Analizom su uočena negativna demografska kretanja i prirodna depopulacija ovog područja od 1991. godine. Na izrazito nepovoljne demografske procese utjecao je Domovinski rat 1990-ih sa svojim izravnim i neizravnim utjecajima, zaostalost Slavonije u gospodarskom smislu, te odlazak mladog, radno sposobnog i reproduktivnog stanovništva, što ima za posljedicu smanjenje rodnosti i potencijala za budući demografski razvoj. Procesi koji zahvaćaju ovo područje su depopulacija, pad nataliteta, demografsko starenje i emigracija stanovništva. This thesis presents and analyzes the basic determinants of the dynamics in population development of 11 settlements within the City of Osijek, after 1971. The demographic development of Osijek has emerged from a series of socio-economic, historical and political factors. The analysis showed negative demographic trends and natural depopulation of this area since 1991. Negative demographic trends are the result of indirect and direct influence of the Homeland War during 1990s, Slavonia's economic underdevelopment, as well as the out-migration of young, working and reproductive population. This has lead to low fertility rates and lower potential of future demographic development. The processes that occur in this area are depopulation, birth rates decline, aging and emigration.

Grad Grubišno Polje bio je 1991. izložen napadima pobunjenih Srba i Jugoslavenske narodne armije. Obrana grada niknula je zahvaljujući mladim ljudima koji su bez straha stupili u redove Zbora narodne garde. Upravo njihov ratni put tema je istraživanja ovog rada koji se temelji na zapisima mlade djevojke Jasne Jelinek. Jasna je fotoaparatom, papirom i pisaćim strojem bilježila važne događaje tijekom operacije oslobađanja grubišnopoljskog područja „Otkos-10“. Potkrijepljeni dokumentima Hrvatskog radija Grubišnog Polja i Kriznog štaba Zbora narodne garde Grubišnog Polja zapisi su odraz svakodnevnog života u gradu unatoč stradavanju stanovništva. Otkrivaju nam brutalnost srpskih pobunjenika nad zarobljenicima u Velikoj Peratovici. Pouka su mladima da se više nikada ne ponove ratne strahote., The city of Grubišno Polje was exposed to the attacks of the rebel Serbs and the Yugoslavian National Army in 1991. The city defense was erected thanks to the young people which went into the Assembly of the National Guard without fear. Their warpath is precisely the theme of this paper, which is based on the notations of a young girl, Jasna Jelinek. Jasna used a camera, paper and a typing machine to note important events during the operation for the liberation of the area of Grubišno Polje “Otkos-10”. Supported by the documents of the Croatian Radio of Grubišno Polje and the Crisis Headquarters of the Assembly of the National Guard Grubišno Polje, the notations are evidence of everyday life in the city in spite of its population being killed. They discover the brutality of the Serbian rebels over the prisoners in Velika Peratovica. They are a learning lesson for the young never to repeat the horrors of war.

Općina Đulovac je jedinica lokalne samouprave smještena u porječju gornjeg toka Ilove, na razmeđi južnih obronaka Bilogore i zapadnih obronaka Papuka, u krajnjem istočnom dijelu Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije. Područje općine je kroz prethodnih desetljeća prolazila kroz drastične demografske promjene (naročito izražene promjene narodnosnog sastava) uzrokovane Domovinskim ratom čije su posljedice ostavile trag na njen daljnji razvoj. Općina je sukladno s demografskim trendovima zadnjih tri desetljeća, poprimila obilježja ruralne periferije koju karakteriziraju brojni strukturni i dinamički problemi. Zbog sprečavanja nastavka negativnih trendova potrebna je razrada koncepta regionalnog razvoja Općine Đulovac analizom trenutačnog stanja općinskog prostora kojom bi se utvrdila prostorna stvarnost, osnovne zakonitosti te definirale ključne smjernice/mjere za daljnji regionalni i ukupni razvoj ovoga područja. The municipality of Đulovac is a localself-government unit located in the upper stream of river Ilova, at the crossroads of the southern slopes of Bilogora and the western slopes of Papuk, in the eastern part of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County. In the past decades, the area of municipality has undergone drastic demographic changes (especially expressed in the ethnic structure) caused by the Homeland War, the consequences which left its mark on its further development. The municipality, according to the demographic trends of the last thirty years, has taken the features of the rural periphery, characterized by numerous structural and dynamic problems. In preventing the continuation of negative trends, it is necessary to elaborate the concept of regional development of the municipality of Đulovac by analyzing the current situation of the municipality space, which would determine the spatial reality and approach the spatial issues which will lead to key directions/measures for the further development of this area.

Jugoslavija je osamdesetih godina zapala u društveno-političku i ekonomsku krizu koja je ujedno povećala međunacionalnu netrpeljivost. Posebno se to odrazilo na odnose Srbije i Hrvatske. U drugoj polovici osamdesetih i dolaskom Miloševića na vlast u Srbiji otvara se prostor velikosrpskoj ideji koju na posljetku prihvaća i Jugoslavenska narodna armija čije je rukovodstvo sastavljeno većinom od srpskog kadra. Krajem osamdesetih i početkom devedesetih osnivaju se prve demokratske stranke u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji, te se njihovom pobjedom dovodi u pitanje sam opstanak Jugoslavije. Ubrzo u Hrvatskoj nastaju oružani incidenti ali i pobune lokalnih Srba potpomognutih snagama iz Srbije. U Sloveniji se situacija zaoštravala od proljeća 1991. da bi krajem lipnja prerasla u desetodnevni rat između Slovenije i JNA. Iako je JNA u tehnici bila nadmoćnija slovenske snage uspijevaju izvući pobjedu, nakon čega se ona povlači iz Slovenije i pregrupira za rat u Hrvatskoj, gdje je već uspijela zauzeti strateški važne pozicije. JNA uz pomoć lokalnih Srba uspijeva okupirati velik dio teritorija Hrvatske međutim osvajanjem vojarni i dobivanjem većih količina naoružanja hrvatska obrana uspijeva stabilizirati bojišnicu, pri čemu ključnu ulogu imaju bitke u istočnoj Slavoniji gdje je JNA istrošila svoju napadnu snagu. Hrvatska strana u krajem listopada i studenog na području zapadne Slavonije prelazi u napadna djelovanja čime oslobađa znatan dio okupiranog teritorija. Iako je bilo teških borbi, do kraja 1991. godine više nije bilo većih pomaka na crti bojišta, nakon čega dolazi do Sarajevskog primirja. Rad je nastao na temelju znanstvene literature i tjednih novina Danas i Globus iz 1990. i 1991. godine. In the eighties, Yugoslavia was fired in a socio-political and economic crisis, which at the same time increased interethnic intolerance. This particularly reflected the relations between Serbia and Croatia. In the second half of the eighties Milosević came to power in Serbia and space was opened for the Greater Serbian idea, which was evetually accepted by the Yugoslav People's Army whose leadership was composed mostly of Serbian personnel. In the late eighties and early nineties, the first democratic parties were established in Croatia and Slovenia, and their victory brought into question the very survival of Yugoslavia. The first armed incidents began in Croatia soon, as well as the rebellion of local Serbs assisted by forces from Serbia. In Slovenia, the situation has been aggravated since the spring of 1991 to become a ten-day war between Slovenia and the JNA in late June. Although the JNA was technicaly supreme power over Slovenian forces, Slovenians managed to pull out the victory, after which JNA withdrew from Slovenia and replenished the war in Croatia, where it had already taken on strategically important positions. The JNA, with the help of local Serbs, is able to occupy a large part of the territory of Croatia, but by winning the barracks and gaining a larger amount of weapons, Croatian defense manages to stabilize the battlefield, with key battles in the eastern Slavonia where the JNA wasted its attack power. The Croatian side in the East Slavonia region in late October and November moves into aggressive action, releasing a significant part of the occupied territory. Although there were heavy battles, by the end of 1991 there were no major ups and downs in the battlefield, after followed the Sarajevo truce. The thesis is based on the academic literature, as well as on weekly newspapers Danas and Globus from 1990 and 1991.

Rad nastoji istražiti položaj hrvatskog filma od ranih devedesetih do danas u odnosu na suočavanje s ratnom prošlošću. Kroz teoriju kulturne traume Jeffreya C. Alexandera te kroz postavke koje daju Dominick La Capra i Nebojša Blanuša te drugi autori u tom području, propitkuje se koliko je daleko hrvatski film došao u suočavanju s Domovinskim ratom. Teza rada, postojanje političko- psihološkog refleksivnog potencijala hrvatskog ratnog i poratnog filma, istražena je komparativnom analizom devet hrvatskih filmova. Pokazalo se da je dugotrajna okupiranost hrvatskog filma ratnom tematikom odraz nerješenih pitanja i dugog razdoblja u kojem je suočavanje s traumom izostajalo na platnu a film nalazio u teškoj fazi odjelovljenja. Ipak, analiza pokazuje da su određeni filmovi već devedesetih godina počeli prorađivati bitna pitanja nastala tijekom rata što se nastavilo u dvijetisućetima. U zaključku se otvara pitanje daljnjeg prorađivanja odgovornosti i suočavanja sa ulogom počinitelja s čim se hrvatski film u zadnjih nekoliko godina počeo baviti i za što još uvijek ima prostora., This paper is trying to investigate the position that the Croatian film takes towards confronting the war past. Through the theory of Cultural Trauma by Jeffrey C. Alexander and the distinctions given by Dominick La Capra and Nebojša Blanuša as well as other authors in that area it questions how far did the Croatian film go in dealing with the Homeland war. The thesis, the existence of a political and psychological potential of the Croatian war and post-war film, has been researched by a comparative analysis of nine Croatian films. It has been shown that the long term preoccupation of Croatian film with war themes has been a reflection of unsettled questions and a long period of lack of confronting when the film was in a rough phase of acting-out. Still, the analysis shows that certain films were already in the 90's starting to work trough some important questions and that continued in the 2000's. In the conclusion the question of further working trough of responsability and confronting the role of self as a perpetrator arises, this question has been a new topic in the Croatian film and gives space for further investigation.

Krajem osamdesetih godina u Europi se počinje raspadati komunistički sustav. U višenacionalnoj socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji raspadu komunističke strukture prethodila je snažna gospodarska kriza, koja se zatim pretvorila u političku. Srbija je svoju dominaciju nastojala ostvariti u centralističkom uređenju buduće Jugoslavije, dok su Hrvatska i Slovenija zagovarale konfederalni model. Kako svoj program Srbija nije uspjela ostvariti putem institucija, krenula je u osvajački rat u cilju stvaranja Velike Srbije. Hrvatskoj je tijekom 1991. nametnut rat pobunom Srba, rat koji će potrajati do 1995., odnosno 1998. i mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja. Uz grad Zagreb, Istra je krajem osamdesetih bila jedna od najrazvijenijih regija socijalističke Hrvatske. Srbija je u Istri planirala stvoriti autonomnu regiju pod patronatom Vojnopomorskog sektora Pula i riječkog 13. korpusa. U Istri se početkom 90-tih nalaze tri garnizona JNA od kojih se snagom posebno ističe onaj u Puli (6 do 8 tisuća vojnika, velik broj vojnih zrakoplova i brodova te tone streljiva). Kako je JNA otvoreno stala na stranu Srbije postala je potencijalna opasnost za Pulu i Istru. Zbog snage pulskog garnizona JNA, Pula je postala simbolički predstavnik Istre u Domovinskom ratu. U Puli je osnovan Krizni štab sa zadaćom da učini sve da se JNA mirno povuče te sa sobom ne odnese oružje Teritorijalne obrane, koje joj je nakon prvih višestranačkih izbora oduzela. Uz stalne prijetnje razaranjem grada od strane pulskog zapovjednika garnizona Dušana Rakića, povremenu razmjenu vatre te mimoilaženju u pogledu načina ophođenja prema JNA, ta se vojska iz Pule konačno povukla sredinom prosinca 1991., odnijevši sa sobom tone naoružanja. Međutim, nadlijetanja neprijateljskih zrakoplova nad Istrom nastavila su se, a u prosincu 1991. izvršen je i prvi izravni napad JNA u Istri kada je bombardiran aerodrom u Vrsaru. Nakon što je početkom siječnja 1992. u Sarajevu potpisano primirje između Hrvatske i Jugoslavije opasnost je za Istru napokon prošla. Rane devedesete u Istri su nakon odlaska JNA obilježene padom turističkog prometa i životnog standarda. Gospodarski je sektor doživio velike promjene pretvorbom društvenog u privatno vlasništvo. Istra je prihvatila velik broj izbjeglica i prognanika iz Hrvatske i BiH koji su uglavnom smješteni u ugostiteljske objekte diljem poluotoka. Dvije su brigade iz Istre, 119. i 154., kao i neke druge postrojbe aktivno sudjelovale u Domovinskom ratu uglavnom se boreći na ličkom bojištu. Političko prvenstvo HDZ-a na nacionalnoj razini u Istri je ugrozio IDS, koji se u javnosti profilirao kao nositelj partikularizma i regionalizma. Istra je svoj izraziti doprinos Domovinskom ratu dala prihvatom izbjeglica i prognanika te mobilizacijom vojnika. Recimo kako je odaziv na mobilizaciju bio veći od 90%, jedan od najviših u Hrvatskoj. Ta činjenica doista jako puno govori sama za sebe o Istri i njenim ljudima. Mirnim odlaskom JNA iz Istre spriječeno je otvaranje nove bojišnice u Domovinskom ratu, a ljudski i materijalni resursi su sačuvani. Communist system in Europe slowly began to desintegrate in the late eighties. In multinational socialist Yugoslavia, the economic crisis preceded the desintegration of the communist structure turning then into a political one. Serbia tried to achieve its dominance through the centralist conception of Yugoslavia while Croatia and Slovenia advocated confederal model. Failing in attempts to achieve its conception through institutions, Serbia began a war of conquest in order to create Great Serbia. The war was imposed to Croatia by the rebellion of the Serbs during 1991, a war that will last until 1995, respectively until 1998 and the peaceful reintegration of the Croatian Danube region. Beside the city of Zagreb, Istria was the most developed part of the socialist Croatia in the late eighties. Serbia planned to create an autonomous province there under the direction of Military and Maritime sector of Pula and the 13th Military Corp of Rijeka. There were three garrisons of the Federal Army (JNA) in Istria at the beginning of the nineties with particulary strong one in Pula (6 - 8 thousand soldiers, a large number of military aircrafts and ships including tons of ammunition). Openly aligned on the Serbian side, Federal Army has become a potential danger for Pula and Istria as well. Due to the strenght of the Federal Army, Pula became the symbolic representative of Istria in the Homelad War. Crisis Committee was founded in Pula in order to Federal Army peacefully leaves the city not taking the weapons of the Territorial Defense with it. With the constant threat of destruction of Pula by the commander of the garrison Dušan Rakić, occasional exchanges of fire and passing in terms of how to treat the Federal Army, it finally retreated from Pula without casualties in the middle of December of 1991, taking tons of ammunition with it. Eventually, the enemy aircrafts continued to fly over Istria having bombed the airport in Vrsar in December of 1991. After the peace agreement between Croatia and Yugoslavia was signed in Sarajevo at the beginning of 1992, the potential peril for Istria has gone. Following years after the departure of the Federal Army from Istria were characterized by a decline in living standard and tourist traffic, the main economic branch in Istria. The economic sector experienced major changes in the proces of turning the social into private ownership. Istria has accepted a large number of refugees and displaced persons from Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegowina, who are mostly located in hotel resorts all over the peninsula. Two Istrian brigades, the 119th and the 154th, as well as other military units actively participated in the Homeland War mainly fighting on the Lika battlefield. Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica or HDZ), the main party on the national level was overcame by Istrian Democratic Assembly (Istarski demokratski sabor or IDS) in Istria. IDS publicly profiled as the holder of particularism and regionalism. Istria has contributed the Homeland War by accepting refugees and displaced persons as well as the mobilization of the troops. The response to mobilization was more of 90%, one of the highest in Croatia. By peacefully departure of the Federal Army from Istria the opening of a new war front has been prevented as well as civil and material resources have been preserved.

Rad se bavi osnutkom, razvojem i djelovanjem obavještajnih službi tijekom Domovinskog rata. Cilj rada je ustanoviti kako su društveno-politički procesi na prostoru Europe, a posljedično i Jugoslavije, utjecali na nastanak Republike Hrvatske a analogno tome i sigurnosno-obavještajnog sustava. Također, potrebno je ući u srž sigurnosnog aparata bivšeg režima da bismo vidjeli kako je metodologija i način rada tih službi izravno utjecao na način rada službi u samostalnoj i demokratskoj Republici Hrvatskoj. Razvoj, potaknut smirenjem intenziteta sukoba i potrebe za strukturnim promjenama u sigurnosnom i obrambenom sustavu, nije urodio plodom. Vidjet ćemo kako se kroz pokušaj razvoja i nadgradnje sigurnosni sustav još dublje ukorijenio u nedemokratske vode i postao de facto stranačka policija tadašnjeg HDZ-a. Uloga koju je obavještajna zajednica odigrala tijekom Domovinskog rata ima dva lica. Prvo je strahovito teška borba protiv primarno srpske informacijske agresije, te obavještajni rad na terenu u svrhu taktičkog izvještavanja vrha Hrvatske vojske. Drugo lice, možda manje u opsegu, no ne i manje važno jest zloupotreba moći cijelog sigurnosnog aparata koji je doveo do nebrojenih kršenja demokratskih principa. Oba lica ću detaljno obraditi i vidjeti koliko je u konačnici važna bila uloga obavještajne zajednice tijekom Domovinskog rata., This essay is focused on formation, development and the role of intelligence agencies during the Homeland war. The goal is to ascertain in what way did the sociopolitical processes in Europe, as well as Yugoslavia, impact the founding of Croatia and its intelligence and counter-intelligence system. It is vital to get into the heart of intelligence services of Yugoslavia to see how it's methodology and modus operandi impacted the nature of intelligence services in democratic and sovereign Croatia. Development of intelligence apparatus, during the lower intensity warfare on the Croatian soil, didn't went as planned. The plan was to introduce structural changes in intelligence sector which, after badly thought out development, became even more rooted in undemocratic practices and became de facto police for the HDZ, political faction in charge during the Homeland war. The role intelligence community had during the war was in many ways positive, and negative in other. The positive side is that it waged war against the information agression against the enemies intelligence services, as well as tactical field work in supplying the informations to the heads of Croatian military services about the enemies position, their strength and numbers. The other side of the coin is the gross misuse of power in intelligence community which resulted in numerous violations of democratic principles on which Croatia was founded.

Rad se bavi osnutkom, razvojem i djelovanjem obavještajnih službi tijekom Domovinskog rata. Cilj rada je ustanoviti kako su društveno-politički procesi na prostoru Europe, a posljedično i Jugoslavije, utjecali na nastanak Republike Hrvatske a analogno tome i sigurnosno-obavještajnog sustava. Također, potrebno je ući u srž sigurnosnog aparata bivšeg režima da bismo vidjeli kako je metodologija i način rada tih službi izravno utjecao na način rada službi u samostalnoj i demokratskoj Republici Hrvatskoj. Razvoj, potaknut smirenjem intenziteta sukoba i potrebe za strukturnim promjenama u sigurnosnom i obrambenom sustavu, nije urodio plodom. Vidjet ćemo kako se kroz pokušaj razvoja i nadgradnje sigurnosni sustav još dublje ukorijenio u nedemokratske vode i postao de facto stranačka policija tadašnjeg HDZ-a. Uloga koju je obavještajna zajednica odigrala tijekom Domovinskog rata ima dva lica. Prvo je strahovito teška borba protiv primarno srpske informacijske agresije, te obavještajni rad na terenu u svrhu taktičkog izvještavanja vrha Hrvatske vojske. Drugo lice, možda manje u opsegu, no ne i manje važno jest zloupotreba moći cijelog sigurnosnog aparata koji je doveo do nebrojenih kršenja demokratskih principa. Oba lica ću detaljno obraditi i vidjeti koliko je u konačnici važna bila uloga obavještajne zajednice tijekom Domovinskog rata. This essay is focused on formation, development and the role of intelligence agencies during the Homeland war. The goal is to ascertain in what way did the sociopolitical processes in Europe, as well as Yugoslavia, impact the founding of Croatia and its intelligence and counter-intelligence system. It is vital to get into the heart of intelligence services of Yugoslavia to see how it's methodology and modus operandi impacted the nature of intelligence services in democratic and sovereign Croatia. Development of intelligence apparatus, during the lower intensity warfare on the Croatian soil, didn't went as planned. The plan was to introduce structural changes in intelligence sector which, after badly thought out development, became even more rooted in undemocratic practices and became de facto police for the HDZ, political faction in charge during the Homeland war. The role intelligence community had during the war was in many ways positive, and negative in other. The positive side is that it waged war against the information agression against the enemies intelligence services, as well as tactical field work in supplying the informations to the heads of Croatian military services about the enemies position, their strength and numbers. The other side of the coin is the gross misuse of power in intelligence community which resulted in numerous violations of democratic principles on which Croatia was founded.

U ovom je završnom radu predstavljeno istraživanje provedeno pomoću kvalitativne metode polustrukturiranog intervjua sa studentima Sveučilišta u Zadru koji su dio života proveli u izbjeglištvu i prognaništvu devedesetih godina na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Cilj istraživanja bio je dobiti uvid u mišljenja i percepcije sugovornika o pitanju migrantsko-izbjegličke krize koja se dogodila 2015. godine, u svjetlu njihova osobnog iskustva izbjeglica i prognanika. Svrha rada je bila pridonijeti spoznajama na istraživanu temu i otvoriti mogućnost njihova korištenja pri formuliranju budućih socijalnih politika. Analizom rezultata prethodnih istraživanja pokazano je da postoji određena negativna, ksenofobna i averzivna percepcija u hrvatskom društvu općenito i u dijelu studentske populacije prema svemu stranome (tražitelji azila, migranti, izbjeglice). Rezultati istraživanja koji se prezentiraju u radu pokazuju da iskustvo prognaništva i izbjeglištva bitno mijenja mišljenje u smjeru suprotnom od trenda utvrđenog u prethodno spomenutim studijama. This B.A. thesis presents the research carried out by means of the qualitative method of semi-structured interview with the University of Zadar students who spent a part of their lives as refugees and exiles on the territories of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The goal of the research was to obtain an insight into the opinions and perceptions of the interviewees into the topic of the migrant-refugee crisis of 2015, in the light of their personal experience as refugees and exiles. The aim of the work was to contribute to the insights on the researched topic and to open up the possibility of using these insights when formulating future social policies. The analysis of the results of previous research has shown that there exist a certain negative, xenophobic and aversive perception in Croatian society in general and in the part of the student population of everything foreign (asylum seekers, migrants, refugees). The results of the research presented in this work show that the experience of having been a refugee and exile substantially change opinions in the direction opposite to that established by the previously mentioned studies.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se temom kulture sjećanja na prostoru Gorskog kotara koji je oduvijek bio zatvoreniji od ostatka države. Rad obuhvaća izgrađenu spomeničku baštinu u čast Narodnooslobodilačke borbe putem koje se manifestira kolektivno sjećanje naroda ovog prostora. Prvi dio rada obuhvaća spomeničku baštinu podijeljenu u kategorije realističnih spomenika, modernističkih te autentičnih spomenika, odnosno mjesta sjećanja, pojma kojeg je popularizirao francuski povjesničar Pierre Norá. Osim toga, rad sadrži i transformaciju sjećanja koja se dogodila nakon devedesetih godina s promjenom vlasti. Dotične promjene bit će analizirane u promjenama imena ulica, mjesta, lokalnih škola, kao i imena memorijala. S navedenim promjenama, došlo je i do uništavanja spomenika iz Narodnooslobodilačke borbe, a samim time i do pokušaja zaboravljanja sjećanja na to ratno doba. Ono što je oduvijek zanimljivo za ovo područje, skladan je i miran život stanovnika hrvatske i srpske nacionalnosti. U radu će biti istraženo ono što je pridonijelo tome, kao i zbog čega nije došlo do izbijanja Domovinskog rata na ovom području, iako su uvjeti bili idealni za to. U zadnjem dijelu bit će opisana spomenička baština izgrađena nakon Domovinskog rata., This thesis deals with the culture of memory in the area of Gorski Kotar, which has always been isolated from the rest of the country. The work includes the built cultural heritage in honor of the National Liberation Struggle by which manifests the collective memory of the people of this area. The first part of the work includes cultural heritage divided into categories of realistic monuments, modernist and authentic monuments or sites of memory, idea that was popularized by the French historian Pierre Nora. In addition, the work also includes the transformation of memories that occurred after the nineties with the change of government. These changes will be analyzed in the changes of street names, places, local schools, as well as the names of the memorials. With these changes, came a destruction of monuments of the National Liberation Struggle, and therefore an attempt to forget the memories of wartime. What has always been interesting for this area, is the harmonious and peaceful life of inhabitants of Croatian and Serbian nationality. The work will explore what has contributed to this, as why there has been no outbreak of the Homeland War in this area, although the conditions were perfect for it. The last part will describe monuments built after the war.

Nakon uvodnog dijela o korisnim i štetnim podjelama autor najprije govori o odnosu prema vlastitoj prošlosti. Nju treba upoznati i ispraviti što je o njoj pogrešno rečeno te dopuniti što je propušteno. Kršćani razlikuju pamćenje od zlopamćenja. U drugom dijelu navedeno je pet državnih sustava u kojima su Hrvati živjeli u 20. stoljeću. Svaki je od njih za jedne bio povoljan, a za druge nepovoljan. U trećem dijelu navode se i analiziraju poimence neka pitanja o kojima u hrvatskom društvu postoje različiti stavovi. To su: pitanje hrvatske države, pitanje žrtava Drugog svjetskog rata i Domovinskog rata, pitanje hrvatskoga jezika, pitanje konzervativaca i naprednjaka. I na kraju se ističe nova paradigma za prevladavanje podijeljenosti u hrvatskom društvu., After the introductory section about useful and harmful divisions, the author first talks about the relation to one’s own past. The past must be known, the wrongs said about it must be corrected and what has not been said must be supplemented. Christians distinguish memory from resentment. The second part lists the five State systems in which Croats have lived in the 20th century. Each one of them was beneficial to some and unfavorable to others. In the third part, some questions about which there are different opinions in Croatian society are mentioned and analyzed. These are: the question of the Croatian State; the issue of World War II and Homeland War victims; the question of Croatian language; the question of conservatives and progressives. Finally, a new paradigm for overcoming divisions in Croatian society is emphasized. In today’s Croatian society there are very different opinions about the times and events behind us. It can be said that each of the four political overturns in the 20th century left some with nostalgia about what was gone and with the fear of what was to come. For others there was delight that the earlier political system disappeared and a better one was established. In the Homeland War Croatian society was not so divided within itself as it faced strong aggression from outside. This is why the children of those who were enemies in World War II came together. The idea of reconciling the children of enemies was promoted, but without much success. Many have managed to get used to the new, but there were also those who were disappointed in their expectations. But the fact is that unlike World War II, the fighters for the Croatian State in the Homeland War found themselves among the winners after the war. Although there is no open opposition to the Croatian State, even at the highest governmental positions dissonant voices are heard about how State independence was acquired and how the State functions. A wider consensus about important issues concerning the governance of the State is absent. The broadest and the most accepted view is that the State should not be directed towards a supranational – and even less to an ideological – conformity but towards the aspirations of an entire nation which many politicians have adequately formulated during our history: to have our own national State based on the standards of modern democratic principles. The Church in Croatia will gladly support this and Croatian historiography can also help give expression to it.

Traumatski događaj, bilo koje vrste, za sobom vuče posljedice prisutne u svakodnevnom životu traumatizirane osobe. Kao najteži oblik traumatskog iskustva navodi se onaj koji je nanesen od strane druge osobe, a među njima najokrutniji je oblik ratni zločin silovanja u kojem osoba i prije samog silovanja biva izložena više puta i na razne načine zlostavljanu kroz zarobljavanje, odvođenje u logor, odvajanje od obitelji, zastrašivanje, ponižavanje, nanošenje fizičke, psihičke i emocionalne boli. Iz svega navedenoga vidljivo je kako je silovanje tek vrhunac svih drugih oblika zlostavljanje i zbog toga naročito traumatično. Ratni zločin silovanja događao se i tijekom Domovinskog rata na području Đakovačko – osječke nadbiskupije te smo odlučili ovim radom ukazati na teškoću zastupljenosti ove teme koja je zahvaćala u velikoj mjeri žrtve Domovinskog rata. Ovo kriminalno djelo nije se zaustavilo samo u tom periodu, već se njegova pojavnost, nažalost, kontinuirano događa i u suvremenim mirovnim vremenima. Cilj ovog rada bio je progovoriti o ratnom zločinu silovanja tijekom Domovinskog rata. U tu svrhu najprije smo sagledali uzroke ratnog zločina silovanja kao i posljedice s kojima žrtve zločina i danas žive. Izlažući zakonske akte kroz povijest, na međunarodnoj i državnoj razini, pokušali smo ga definirati kao zločin koji iziskuje kažnjavanje počinitelja. Osim teorijskog dijela, veliki dio specijalističkog rada temelji se na rezultatima sastavljene i provedene ankete među žrtvama ratnog zločina silovanja tijekom Domovinskog rata na području Đakovačko – osječke nadbiskupije, s ciljem istraživanja iskustava, stavova, mišljenja, osjećaja i poteškoća s kojima žrtve i danas žive. Temeljem iskaza, prikazani su mehanizmi suočavanja s traumama koje su nakon rata i zločina silovanja prisutne. Vidljiva je organizirana pravna, psihološka i medicinska pomoć, no ono što još uvijek žrtvama nedostaje je podrška i razumijevanje društva te duhovna pomoć, kako žrtvama tako i članovima obitelji. Završni dio naglašava važnost psihosocijalne te još više duhovne pomoći žrtvama i njihovim obiteljima uz pastoralne smjernice. Any type of traumatic event leaves behind consequences on the daily life of a traumatized person. The most serious traumatic experience is the one inflicted by another person, whereas the cruelest among them is wartime rape in which a person, even before the rape, is repeatedly exposed and abused in various ways through capture, detention in concentration camps, separation from the family, intimidation, humiliation and infliction of physical, psychological and mental pain. Evidently, rape is only the culmination of all other forms of abuse and therefore particularly traumatic. Wartime rape occurred during the Homeland War around the Archdiocese Đakovo-Osijek as well, so we decided to point out the difficulties concerning the issues of the wartime rape which largely affected the victims of the war. This criminal act did not stop after the wartime period but, unfortunately, still continuously occurs in peaceful times. The aim of this paper was to speak about the wartime rape during the Homeland War. We considered the causes of wartime rape as well as the consequences still suffered by the victims. By giving a historic overview of legal acts on the international and national level, we tried to define it as a crime that requires punishment for the perpetrators. In addition to the theoretical part, the large part of the specialist thesis is based on the results of the survey conducted with the victims of the wartime rape during the period of the Homeland War around the Archdiocese Đakovo-Osijek to explore experiences, attitudes, feelings and difficulties that the victims still confront. According to their testimonies, the coping mechanisms for facing the war trauma and wartime rape are still present. Although legal, psychological and medical assistance are organized, the victims still lack spiritual support for them and their family members as well as support and empathy from the society. The final part emphasizes the importance of psychosocial assistance and particularly spiritual support through pastoral guidelines for the victims and their families.

Migrations (as a part of everyday life of a modern society) and language (as one of the key components of identity and potential barriers to the inclusion of migrants in society) are considered in this paper in the context of two migratory situations on the Croatian territory. Homeland War and the period of migrations after it represent the first analyzed situation. Here we refer to the emigration of the population from war zones in other parts of Croatia and the EU countries, but also on immigration flows (primarily) from Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the status of languages of migrant groups is analyzed: the language of the Croatian population on (non-)Croatian territory and the language of population of Bosnia and Herzegovina on Croatian territory - similarities and differences in their positioning and socio-linguistic evaluation are detected. The first situation contrasts with the (post)migrant crisis period in 2015, 2016 and 2017: the status of languages and social groups that speak specific language is compared regarding two migratory situations. Therefore, the differences in the perception and status of the three migrant groups (Croatian emigrant and two immigrant, Bosnian-Herzegovinian one and the Middle Eastern one) at different periods of time are defined. The differences in positive or negative perception are considered to be at least partly a consequence of the differences between languages. In this context, it is analyzed how institutions should deal with the challenge of respecting diversity and ensuring equal rights for all participants in society.

Područje srednje Europe kroz svoje burne povijesne mijene, pomicanja državnih granica, ratove, podjele i povezivanja, u književnosti najsnažnije bilježi, naravno, dva svjetska rata. Uzajamna recepcija savezničkih i protivničkih književnosti mijenjala se prema političkim stranama, savezima i suprotstavljenim blokovima da bi ponovno naizgled bila ujednačena unutar Europske unije. Međutim, Hrvatska je jedina srednjoeuropska zemlja koja je i u bližoj povijesti doživjela velik i težak rat ponovno zabilježen i u književnosti, ali i u horizontu očekivanja i književnoj recepciji srednjoeuropske književne publike zatečene pojavom rata u neposrednom susjedstvu. Ovaj rad pokazuje promjenu književne recepcije istražene analizom sadržaja internetskih stranica pojedinih srednjoeuropskih zemalja, a dobivene rezultate stavlja u kontekst povijesnoga nasljeđa i nacionalnih interaktivnosti., The area of Central Europe through its turbulent historical changes, shifting of national borders, wars, divisions and connections, marks the strongest record in literature of the two world wars, of course. Mutual reception of allied and opposing literatures was changing according to political parties, alliances and opposing blocks in order to again be apparently uniformed within the European Union. However, Croatia is the only Central European country which has experienced a big and difficult war in its recent history which was re-recorded in literature as well, but also in the horizon of expectations and literary reception of the Central European literary audience which was caught unprepared by the occurence of war in the immediate neighbourhood. This paper shows the change of literary reception researched through the analysis of the website contents of certain Central European countries, while the given results are put in the context of the historical heritage and national interactivity.

U širem istraživanju moguće opterećenosti metalima i metaloidima istočne Hrvatske, kao posljedice ratnih zbivanja, proveden je biomonitoring lokalnog stanovništva putem uzoraka seruma, kose i urina te su izuzimani uzorci tla, vode i povrća. S dijelova gdje potpuni povratak i poljoprivredna djelatnost u vidu uzgoja povrća u vrtovima i okućnicama nije u potpunosti uspostavljen, izuzimani su uzorci maslačka, jestivog samoniklog bilja, koje se koristi u prehrani ljudi i životinja. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je utvrditi da li postoje razlike u koncentracijama metala uspoređujući lokacije visokog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LVIBD) sa lokacijama niskog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LNIBD). Osim toga pokušala se utvrditi moguća međusobna povezanost kontaminacije metalima u okolišu i kod ljudi, te da li postoji podudarnost po pitanju mogućih „vrućih točaka“, mjesta značajno opterećenih metalima. S devet LVIBD izuzeta su ukupno 22 uzorka maslačka, a s 3 LNIBD izuzeto je ukupno 6 uzoraka. Koncentracije metala i metaloida koji se koriste u vojne svrhe (Al, As, B, Ba, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Li, Mg, Ni, P, Pb, Sb, Si, Sr, U, V i Zn) utvrđivane su postupkom induktivno suspregnute plazme i spektrometrije masa ICP-MS. Povišene koncentracije olova, u odnosu na NDK za tu vrstu namirnica, pronađene su u dva uzorka, kadmija i arsena u jednom uzorku s LVIBD te olova na jednoj LNIBD. Mann Whitney testom testirana je razlika u koncentracijama svakog od 21 elementa između uzoraka prikupljenih na LVIBD i onih prikupljenih na LNIBD. Utvrđena je statistički značajna razlika samo za živu (Hg) (p = 0,035). Koncentracije metala i metaloida u maslačku nisu značajno korelirale s koncentracijama u uzorcima tla. Pearsonovi koefi cijenti (biljke/tlo) za svaki pojedini element imali su vrijednosti u rasponu od najniže 0,019 (Ba) do najviše od 0,31 (P). Ipak, analizom glavnih komponenti (PCA) utvrđen je klaster na dvije lokacije na koje značenje ima većina utvrđivanih metala (Mg, Sb, As, B, Sr, U, Cu, Ni, Pb, Si, Ni, Ba, Co, Cr, Li, V, Al, Fe), dok metali Cd i Hg imaju veći utjecaj na preostalim lokacijama. Nešto više koncentracije Sb i Pb „stvorile“ su lokaciju Erdutski most intermedijarom između ta dva osnovna klastera, što je sukladno povišenim koncentracijama Al, Fe, Ni i Mg utvrđenim u kosi, tlu i povrću na istoj lokaciji. I maslačak kao indikator onečišćenja okoliša metalima ukazuje da ukupna opterećenost metalima u istočnoj Hrvatskoj nakon Domovinskog rata nije visoka, ali da sukladno analizama tla, povrća i bioloških uzoraka postoje „vruće točke“, od kojih je jedna okolica mosta na Dunavu kod Erduta., Biomonitoring of the local population by analysis of serum, hair and urine samples, and collection of soil, water and vegetable samples was performed as part of a broader investigation of metal and metalloid load as a consequence of war events in eastern Croatia. Samples of dandelion (Taraxacum offi cinale), an edible wild-grown plant used in human and animal nutrition, were collected in the areas where the return of war displaced persons and agricultural activities in vegetable plots and gardens have not yet been fully implemented. The aim of the study was to establish whether there were differences in metal concentrations between the areas of high- and low-intensity war actions (HIWA and LIWA). Another aim was to assess the potential interdependence of metal contamination in the environment and humans, and the potential association with the ‘hot spots’, i.e. places heavily loaded with metals. Six and 22 dandelion samples were collected at 3 LIWA and 9 HIWA areas, respectively. The concentrations of metals and metalloids used in war actions (Al, As, B, Ba, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Li, Mg, Ni, P, Pb, Sb, Si, Sr, U, V and Zn) were determined by the method of inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry. Relative to the minimum allowable concentration, elevated concentrations of lead were recorded in 2 samples, cadmium and arsenic in 1 sample each from HIWA, and of lead in 1 sample from LIWA areas. Differences in the concentrations of 21 elements between the samples collected in HIWA and LIWA areas were determined by Mann Whitney test, yielding a statistically signifi cant difference only for mercury (p=0.035). Metal and metalloid concentrations measured in dandelion samples did not correlate signifi cantly with those in soil specimens; Pearson’s coeffi cients (plant/soil) for each element ranged from 0.019 (Ba) to 0.31 (P). However, the principal component analysis revealed the majority of hard metals predominating at two locations (Mg, Sb, As, B, Sr, U, Cu, Ni, Pb, Si, Ni, Ba, Li, V, Al and Fe), whereas Cd and Hg had greater impact at the remaining locations. Elevated Sb and Pb concentrations rendered the location of Erdut Bridge an intermediary between the two basic clusters, which was consistent with increased Al, Fe, Ni and Mg concentrations determined in human hair, soil and vegetable from the same area. Dandelion as an indicator of environmental contamination with metals showed that total metal load consequential to Homeland War actions in eastern Croatia was not high; however, analysis of soil, vegetable and biological samples pointed to ‘hot spots’, one of them being the area of Danube Bridge near Erdut.

This thesis analyses the official narrative of the Homeland war which is supported by the Croatian state. The thesis follows its development from the very beginning when the war broke out until nowadays. At the same time the thesis deals with the state promotion of this official narrative in the four areas of the politics of memory. Concretely, these areas are: legislation, state institution Croatian memorial and documentation Centre of the Homeland war, education, state holidays and commemorations. Within the thesis, a special focus is put on the activities of the aforementioned Centre of the Homeland war which represents one of the tokens of the state promoted politics of memory as well as one of the main proponents of the official narrative. For research of the official narrative and politics of memory the thesis draws on the theoretical concepts of narrativization and institutional memory. This thesis is a one case study chronologically dealing with the period from the parliamentary elections in 1990 to nowadays events. On the basis of the analysis of the official narrative the main conclusion is that its interpretation of war event from the 90's has not almost changed and still the narrative presents exclusively Croatian narrative. The research of state influence over the perception of the...

Svrha: Nakon biomonitoringa (serum, kosa, urin) lokalnog stanovništva, te okolišnog monitoringa putem uzoraka tla, vode i jestivog samoniklog bilja istočne Hrvatske, u okviru istraživanja opeterećenosti metalima i metaloidima, kao mogućoj posljedici ratnih zbivanja, s područja gdje je poljoprivredna djelatnost ponovo saživjela, izuzimani su uzorci kupusa (zelja), odličnog indikatora taloženja teških metala i metaloida u okolišu. Cilj istraživanja: Hipoteza studije je da su na području istočne Hrvatske, u područjima izloženim borbenim djelovanjima, u okolišu i populaciji, prisutne povećane koncentracije metala i metaloida povezanih s ratnim djelovanjima u odnosu na područja koja su bila pošteđena ratnih djelovanja. Cilj je bio utvrditi postoje li razlike u koncentracijama metala i metaloida uspoređujući lokacije visokog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LVIBD) s lokacijama niskog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LNIBD). Osim toga pokušala se utvrditi moguća međusobna povezanost kontaminacije s metalima u tlu i kod ljudi, te postoji li podudarnost po pitanju mogućih „vrućih točaka“, mjesta značajno opterećenih metalima. Materijal i metode: Ukupno je s 14 lokacija izuzeto 14 uzoraka kupusa i to 12 uzoraka s lokacija visokog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LVIBD), te dva uzorka s lokacija niskog inteziteta borbenih djelovanja (LNIBD) sa 14 lokacija. Koncentracije 20 metala i metaloida (Al, As, B, Ba, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Li, Mg, Ni, Pb, Sb, Si, Sr, U, V i Zn), koji se koriste u vojne svrhe, utvrđivane su postupkom induktivno suspregnute plazme i spektrometrije masa ICP-MS. Rezultati: Koncentracije metala obuhvaćane Pravilnikom (As, Cd, Hg i Pb) bile su unutar MDK na svim lokacijama, dok za ostale istraživane elemente nije uočena razlika između LVIBD i LNIBD (p = 0,78; Mann-Whitney U test). Koncentracije metala i metaloida u kupusu nisu značajno korelirale s koncentracijama u uzorcima tla, osim u slučaju Cd, gdje je uočena slaba do umjerena korelacija (Pearsonov koeficijent tlo /kupus = -0,57; p = 0.031; p < 0,05). Analizom glavnih komponenti (PCA) utvrđen je kompaktan središnji klaster (roj), te dva klastera s lokacija Dopsin i Dalj u kojima su koncentracije svih elemenata, osim Hg, bile nešto više. Zaključci: I kupus kao indikator onečišćenja okoliša metalima ukazuje da ukupna opterećenost metalima u istočnoj Hrvatskoj nakon Domovinskog rata nije visoka. Ipak, na primjeru kupusa potvrđeno je mjesto Dalj kao „vruća točka“, sukladno ranije utvrđenim pozitivnim korelacijama Al, Fe, Mg i Ni na istoj lokaciji u kosi, tlu i maslačku, te B, Cu, Si, Sr i Zn u serumu, urinu i vodi, što ukazuje na mogući isti izvor i mehanizam prenošenja metala., Purpose: Within the framework of research on metal and metalloid presence, as a possible consequence of the war, the areas in Eastern Croatia where agricultural activity reestablished biomonitoring (serum, hair, urine) of the local population and environmental monitoring through samples of soil, water and edible wild plants was conducted and samples of cabbage, an indicator for heavy metals and metalloids in the environment, were collected. Aim: The hypothesis of the study is that in areas of Eastern Croatian exposed to combat operations, such as the environment and population, the presence of increased concentrations of metals and metalloids is associated with war activities in relation to the areas that were spared from war. The goal was to determine whether there are differences in the concentrations of metals and metalloids comparing locations of high intensity combat action (HICA) with locations of low intensity combat action (LICA). Besides this, the attempt was to determine the possible interconnection of contamination with metals in the soil and in humans, and whether there was a coincidence in terms of potential "hot spots", places significantly loaded with metals. Materials and Methods: A total of 14 sites included 14 samples of cabbage, where 12 samples from locations of high intensity combat action (HICA) and two (2) samples from locations of low intensity combat action (LICA). The concentrations of 20 metals and metalloids (Al, As, B, Ba, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Hg, Li, Mg, Ni, Pb, Sb, Si, Sr, In, V, and Zn), which are used for military purposes, were determined by inductive procedure of restrained plasma mass spectrometry ICP-MS. Results: The concentration of metals covered by Regulations (As, Cd, Hg and Pb) were within the MRL on all locations, while in the other investigated elements there was no difference between HICA and LICA (p = 0.78; Mann-Whitney U test). The concentration of metals and metalloids in cabbage was not significantly correlated with the concentration in the soil samples, except in the case of Cd, where the negative correlation (Pearson coefficient soil /cabbage = -0.57; p = 0.031; p < 0.05) was observed. The principal component analysis (PCA) determined a compact central cluster, and two clusters on locations Dopsin and Dalj, where the concentration of all the elements, except for Hg, was higher. Conclusions: Even cabbage, as an indicator of environmental contamination with metals, indicates that after the war the total load of metal in Eastern Croatia is not high. However, the cabbage also confirmed the locality of Dalj as a "hot spot", accordingly to previously established positive correlations of Al, Fe, Mg and Ni in hair, soil and dandelion, and B, Cu, Si, Sr and Zn correlations in serum, urine and water in that same location, indicating a possible common source and mechanism of transferring metals.

Većinu stanovništva u Vukovaru čine Hrvati, njih 57,37 % dok ih slijede Srbi sa 34,87%. S obzirom da Srbi na području Vukovara čine jednu trećinu ukupnog stanovništva, 2013. godine počelo se sa postavljanjem dvojezičnih natpisa na institucije što je izazvalo otpor braniteljskih udruga i fizičke sukobe sa policijom. Prema podacima popisa stanovništva iz 2011. godine. Srbi u Vukovaru, prema Ustavnom zakonu o pravima nacionalnih manjina, imaju pravo na ravnopravnu i službenu uporabu svoga jezika i pisma u tome gradu. Radom se ukazuje na problem ostvarenja prava na dvojezičnost u Republici Hrvatskoj na primjeru studije slučaja uvođenja dvojezičnosti u Vukovaru. Sadržaj rada obuhvaća razvoj sustava zaštite nacionalnih manjina i prava na dvojezičnost u Republici Hrvatskoj te donosi normativno pravni okvir za upotrebu jezika i pisma nacionalnih manjina u Hrvatskoj. Također navodi se kronologija pokušaja uvođenja ćirilice u Vukovar, od izmjena Statuta grada Vukovara, pokušaja raspisivanja referenduma o zabrani ćirlice do Ustavne odluke kojom se referendumsko pitanje odbija. Moguće posljedice ovakve diskriminacije su povećanje netrpeljivosti, mržnje i nasilja nad Srbima u Hrvatskoj te buđenje nacionalističkih težnji na području cijele zemlje, a ne samo grada Vukovara. Nadležne institucije trebaju biti dosljedne u provođenju zakona koji vrijedi jednako za sve jer u protivnom pokazuje da nije spremna odgovoriti na zahtjeve međunarodne zajednice i zvati se modernom demokratskom državom., According to the census data from 2011, Serbs in Vukovar, according to the Constitutional Law on National Minorities, have the right of equal and official use of their language and letter in the city. Most of the population in Vukovar are Croats, 57,37 % and Serbs with 34,87%. Considering that Serbs in Vukovar make up one third of the total population, 2013 it started with placing bilingual signs on institutions which caused resistance veterans associations and physical clashes with police. This work points to the problem of realization of the right to bilingualism in Croatia on the case study introduction of bilingualism in Vukovar. The content of work includes the development of a system protection of national minorities and the right to bilingualism in Croatia and brings normative legal framework for use of language and letter national minorities. It also states chronology of the attempt to introduce Cyrillic in Vukovar, from changes Statute of Vukovar, attempt call a referendum to ban Cyrillic to Constitutional decisions which the referendum question refuses. Possible consequences of such discrimination are increasing encouraging intolerance, hatred and violence against Serbs in Croatia, also the awakening of nationalist aspirations in the whole country, not just in Vukovar. Relevant institution should be consistent in implementing the laws that applies equally to all, otherwise shows that it is not ready to respond to the demands of the international community and to be called modern democratic state.

Većinu stanovništva u Vukovaru čine Hrvati, njih 57,37 % dok ih slijede Srbi sa 34,87%. S obzirom da Srbi na području Vukovara čine jednu trećinu ukupnog stanovništva, 2013. godine počelo se sa postavljanjem dvojezičnih natpisa na institucije što je izazvalo otpor braniteljskih udruga i fizičke sukobe sa policijom. Prema podacima popisa stanovništva iz 2011. godine. Srbi u Vukovaru, prema Ustavnom zakonu o pravima nacionalnih manjina, imaju pravo na ravnopravnu i službenu uporabu svoga jezika i pisma u tome gradu. Radom se ukazuje na problem ostvarenja prava na dvojezičnost u Republici Hrvatskoj na primjeru studije slučaja uvođenja dvojezičnosti u Vukovaru. Sadržaj rada obuhvaća razvoj sustava zaštite nacionalnih manjina i prava na dvojezičnost u Republici Hrvatskoj te donosi normativno pravni okvir za upotrebu jezika i pisma nacionalnih manjina u Hrvatskoj. Također navodi se kronologija pokušaja uvođenja ćirilice u Vukovar, od izmjena Statuta grada Vukovara, pokušaja raspisivanja referenduma o zabrani ćirlice do Ustavne odluke kojom se referendumsko pitanje odbija. Moguće posljedice ovakve diskriminacije su povećanje netrpeljivosti, mržnje i nasilja nad Srbima u Hrvatskoj te buđenje nacionalističkih težnji na području cijele zemlje, a ne samo grada Vukovara. Nadležne institucije trebaju biti dosljedne u provođenju zakona koji vrijedi jednako za sve jer u protivnom pokazuje da nije spremna odgovoriti na zahtjeve međunarodne zajednice i zvati se modernom demokratskom državom. According to the census data from 2011, Serbs in Vukovar, according to the Constitutional Law on National Minorities, have the right of equal and official use of their language and letter in the city. Most of the population in Vukovar are Croats, 57,37 % and Serbs with 34,87%. Considering that Serbs in Vukovar make up one third of the total population, 2013 it started with placing bilingual signs on institutions which caused resistance veterans associations and physical clashes with police. This work points to the problem of realization of the right to bilingualism in Croatia on the case study introduction of bilingualism in Vukovar. The content of work includes the development of a system protection of national minorities and the right to bilingualism in Croatia and brings normative legal framework for use of language and letter national minorities. It also states chronology of the attempt to introduce Cyrillic in Vukovar, from changes Statute of Vukovar, attempt call a referendum to ban Cyrillic to Constitutional decisions which the referendum question refuses. Possible consequences of such discrimination are increasing encouraging intolerance, hatred and violence against Serbs in Croatia, also the awakening of nationalist aspirations in the whole country, not just in Vukovar. Relevant institution should be consistent in implementing the laws that applies equally to all, otherwise shows that it is not ready to respond to the demands of the international community and to be called modern democratic state.

Medijski aspekt prikazivanja Akcije Maslenica u Zadarskom listu trebalo je biti opsežno područje i prikazivati tada najvažnije trenutke koji su se odvijali tokom same Akcije. No nažalost, ne možemo reći da je to tako i bilo. Bez obzira na novinarsko stajalište istraženi članci ne pokazuju toliku zainteresiranost za tu akciju te tako odgovor na postavljeno istraživačko pitanje nije niti malo pozitivan. Teoretski dio rada se sastojao o kratkom prikazu Akcije Maslenica kao i prikazu početaka Domovinskog rata, te što je prethodilo istom, koji su bili njegovi uzroci i slično. Tako da u sadržaju ovog rada pronalazimo sljedeće naslove: Položaj Republike Hrvatske 1993. godine, Karakter Domovinskog rata, Tko je i zašto pokrenuo agresiju, Akcija Maslenica, 1991. – 1993., Temelji Akcije Maslenica, Utjecaj Akcije Maslenica, Greške u provođenju, Putevi agresora, Ratna komunikacija, Medijsko oglašavanje, Zadarski list, te istraživački dio rada. Iščitavajući literaturu naišli smo na do tada po nas mnogo neotkrivenih činjenica koje su nam promijenile općenito način gledanja na čitav Domovinski rat koji je, važno je istaknuti, bio obrambenog tipa. Akcija Maslenica, pokazat će vrijeme, je bila majka svih akcija Domovinskog rata jer je bila vrlo dobra podloga za akcije Bljesak i Oluja. U završnom djelu rada proveli smo kratki dubinski intervju sa sudionicima Akcije Maslenica koji su nam iz prve ruke rekli tadašnje stanje na bojištu, načine na koji su komunicirali i kako su se nosili s rizikom da u svakoj sekundi mogu izgubiti život. Nakon razgovora možemo reći da definitivno mi koji smo imali ulogu civila u Domovinskom ratu nismo bili svjesni pola toga što se događalo u našoj neposrednoj blizini. Na kraju svega možemo samo zahvaliti svima onima koji su dali život, a bilo ih je nažalost mnogo, što smo danas u samostalnoj i svojoj državi, jer da nije bilo njih ne bi vjerojatno bilo ni Republike Hrvatske u kojoj danas živimo. Media aspect of displaying Action Maslenica in journal Zadarski list should have been comprehensive field of study which displays the highlights that took place during the Action. But unfortunately, we cannot say that this is the way it happened. Regardless of journalistic standpoint, studied articles do not show that much interest in the action. Thus the answer to the research question is not even slightly positive. The theoretical part of the work consists of a short presentation of the Action Maslenica and the causes and beginning of the Homeland War. Thus, in the content of this work one can find the following chapters: The Position of Croatia in 1993, Character of Homeland War, Who and Why Started the Aggression, Action Maslenica, The Foundations of Action Maslenica, Impact of the Action Maslenica, Faults in the Implementation, The Paths of the Aggressor, War Communication, Media Advertising, Zadarski list and the research part of the work. By reading the literature we encountered many undiscovered facts that changed our general view on the Homeland War, which was, and it is important to emphasize, a defensive war. The time has shown that Action Maslenica was mother of all other actions during the Homeland War because it was a very good foundation for Bljesak and Oluja. In the final part of the work we carried out in-depth interview with the participants of the Action Maslenica who gave us from the field information, ways of communication and how did they cope with the risk of losing life every second. After the interviews we can say that civilians were not aware of everything that was happening in our immediate vicinity. At the end, we can only express our gratitude to the many who gave their lives, so we can live in our independent state. Probably, there would not be Republic of Croatia without them.

SEE marked the twentieth century because of the numerous crises and conflicts that permanently marked regional, European and world history. In order to understand processes in SEE, in order to protect their own national interests, with the aim of taking control over those processes in the area, many countries have sent members of their own intelligence and security agencies that operate in the SEE. During the aggression against Croatia and occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatian and Serbian intelligence agencies were active in SEE, but with the different positions and in the different roles. Some partner agencies tried to mediate between the two intelligence communities in order to establish contacts and start conversations. However, only the liberation of Croatian and B&H area by military means, changed the attitude of Serbia, and led to the establishment of contacts of national intelligence community.

Rad na osnovi trostruke tipologije nacije i nacionalizma Anthonyja D. Smitha i metode kvalitativne analize sadržaja proučava poruke deset odabranih govora predsjednika Franje Tuđmana. Cilj mu je ustanoviti je li koncept nacije prvoga predsjednika Republike Hrvatske bio baziran na demosu ili etnosu i je li bio stalan ili se mijenjao kroz vrijeme te što je uzrokovalo te promjene. Polazišna točka istraživanja premisa je o presudnom utjecaju Tuđmanove osobe na formiranje hrvatskoga nacionalnog identiteta u prvom desetljeću neovisnosti., The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political speeches of the Croatia’s first President Franjo Tudjman in the light of Anthony D. Smith’s tripartite typology of ethnic, civic and plural concepts of nationhood. Its goal is to determine which one of these models President Tudjman had been advocating and whether his views on this matter had been stable or if they had varied through time. The underlying premise is that Tudjman - as the leader of the Croatia’s (armed) struggle for independence and as an authoritative figure in the Croatia’s semi-presidential system of the 1990’s - played a pivotal role in modelling the Croatian national self-concept in the first decade of its statehood. The qualitative content analysis showed that Tudjman’s first speeches in the year 1990 had had an almost ideal-typical civic structure with their emphasis on civil rights and duties of all citizens of the Republic, regardless of their ethnic background. However, already in 1991 his rhetoric changed drastically due to the outbreak of the Serb rebellion in Croatia and the following Serbian military aggression. Henceforth, Tudjman’s discourse had been laden by often vitriolic remarks against the Serb minority, culminating in the hate-speech in Knin after the Croatia’s decisive military victory against the rebels in the summer military operation “the Storm” of 1995. Nonetheless, even in the belligerent period between 1991 and 1995, the rhetoric of the first President of Croatia always included a civic component, as well as hints to a possible pluri-national solution of the conflict epitomized in his repeated references to the Serb “national rights” within Croatia. Tudjman’s post-war speeches continued to move to and fro between ethnic and civic ideal types, revealing the President’s deep-rooted internal conflict amid the two paradigms. It can be concluded that Tudjman’s hybrid concept of the Croatian nation corresponds to the dualistic process of Croatian nation-building from the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, which, due to specific circumstances, followed parallel routes termed by Smith as “nation-to-state” and “state-to-nation”. It is, therefore, reasonable to believe that it will continue to influence debates on the Croatian national self-understanding in the future.

Jedan od najvećih uzroka destabilizacije naseljenosti Općine Đulovac je Domovinski rat koji je ubrzao negativne demografske procese koje su u predratnom razdoblju zahvatile općinu. Ratnim zbivanjima i poratnim migracijama došlo je do osjetne promjene narodnosnog sastava stanovništva općine; domicilni Srbi u znatnom su broju iselili, a na područje općine naseljeni su Hrvati s Kosova. Takva promjena narodnosnog sastava odrazila se na sve aspekte održivog razvoja, od gospodarstva (načina vrednovanja prostornih resursa), preko demografskih procesa, trenda preobrazbe pejzaža i okoliša do promjene kulturnog identiteta prostora. Umjesto poželjne (demografske) revitalizacije, promjena vjersko-narodnosno strukture uzrokovala je dodatnu destabilizaciju. To je tim nepovoljnije što je riječ o općini s obilježjima ruralne periferije, koju karakteriziraju brojni strukturni i dinamički problemi. Suočavanje s ovakvim problemima zahtjeva prvenstveno stabilizaciju naseljenosti i suradnju ukupnog stanovništva općine. One of the biggest causes of destabilization the population of the community Đulovac is Homeland war which accelerated the negative demographic processes that have been in in the pre-war period affected community. War and post-war migrations caused a noticeable change in the ethnic structure of the population of the community; local Serbs emigrated in significant number and abandoned community was populated with Croats from Kosovo. Such a change of the ethnic structure reflected on all aspects of sustainable development of the economy (of assessment space resources), through demographic processes, the trend of transformation of the landscape and the environment to change the cultural identity of the area. Instead desirable (demographic) revitalization, change of the religious-ethnic structure caused further destabilization. That is the less favorable if we know that is a community with the features of rural periphery, characterized by numerous structural and dynamic problems. Dealing with these problems first demands the stabilization of population and cooperation of the total population of the municipality.

Općina Plaški zahvaćena je negativnim demografskim procesima koji su rezultat djelovanja složenih prostornih, društvenih i gospodarskih čimbenika. Iseljavanje vitalnog i reproduktivnog stanovništva rezultiralo je izrazito nepovoljnom dobnom strukturom stanovništva, što se odrazilo na nemogućnost gospodarskog razvoja promatranog područja. Domovinski rat je dodatno intenzivirao nepovoljnu demografsku sliku, a posebice je utjecao na promjenu etničke strukture stanovništva. Analizom suvremenih demografskih kretanja istraženi su demografski potencijali i resursi kao osnova za demografsku i gospodarsku revitalizaciju područja. The municipality of Plaški has been affected by the negative demographic processes that are the result of complex socioeconomic factors. Emigration of vital and reproductive population has resulted in an extremely unfavorable age structure of the population, which led to the impossibility of economic development of the observed area. The Homeland war has further intensified unfavorable demographic situation; it has especially influenced on the change of ethnic structure of the population. Based on the analysis of contemporary demographic trends explores, the demographic resources and potentials as the basis for demographic and economic revitalization of the area have been researched.

Na okupiranim područjima Republike Hrvatske, u okviru tzv. Republike Srpske Krajine, tijekom 1991. godine organiziran je rad osnovnih i srednjih škola s namjerom uspostavljanja školskog sustava izvan nadležnosti Ministarstva prosvjete i kulture Republike Hrvatske. Radi toga je osnovano Ministarstvo prosvjete „Republike Srpske Krajine„ koje je ustrojavalo je službe, davalo upute i uredovalo između škola, općina i Vlade “Republike Srpske Krajine”. Uvjeti rada školstva obilježeni su nedostatkom školske opreme, udžbenika, sredstava za grijanje i prijevoz, lošim stanjem mnogih školskih objekata i manjkom nastavnoga osoblja. Ratna djelovanja i blizina bojišta utjecali su na prekid nastave, a nastavnici su upućivani u ratne postrojbe. Migracije učenika i nastavnika u “Republici Srpskoj Krajini” i izvan nje (Srbija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna Gora) utjecale su na dinamiku rada i broj školskih odjeljenja. Iz prikazanih podataka i rekonstruirane slike školstva očituje se neuspjeh u razvoju i održanju učinkovitoga školskog sustava, što se odrazilo na ukupno stanje unutar “Republike Srpske Krajine” i bilo je jedan od čimbenika njezine nestabilnosti., In 1991, a grammar and secondary school system was organized in the occupied parts of the Republic of Croatia within the so-called “Republic of Serbian Krajina” with the aim to establish the school system out of the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Croatia. To this end, the Ministry of Education of “the Republic of Serbian Krajina” was constituted, which organized departments, issued instructions and intermediated between schools, municipalities and the Government of the Republic of Serbian Krajina. The working conditions in schools were characterized by a lack of school equipment, textbooks, heating and transport, a poor condition of many school buildings, and a shortage of teaching staff. The war operations and the close proximity of the battlefield caused interruptions in teaching activities and teachers were drafted to military units. Migrations of students and teachers within the Republic of Serbian Krajina and beyond (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro) affected the schedule and the number of classes. The information presented and the reconstructed pictures of schooling activities demonstrate a failure to develop and maintain an effective school system, which was reflected in the overall situation within the Republic of Serbian Krajina and was one of the factors of its instability.

The causes for the emergence of the narrative on the equal assignment of blame and the reasons why this narrative has become dominant in Western historiography are ascertained in this work. The fundamental objective is to analyse the perspective from which Western European and American political and academic circles view the colapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia’s role in the events which transpired from 1990 to 1995. With some individual exceptions, writers from Europe and America have generally taken the stance that the war in the territory of Yugoslavia was a civil war. Herein the insistence on the civil nature of the war in Croatia is also aimed at proving the equal culpability of all warring sides (Croatian and Serbian) for its outbreak. By the same token, it is apparent that Western historiography and current affairs analysis makes very little use of scholarly works generated by Croatian historiography, which are generally in agreement that in 1991 the Republic of Croatia was subject to aggression. The standpoints of Western historians and others (so-called “Balkan experts”) do not substantially differ from the policies which the United States and the European Union implement toward Croatia and the countries of the former Yugoslavia. This points to the conclusion that historical research in the West is under the great influence of the views of political elites.

Prikaz knjige., Book review.

The change that has befallen Eastern European countries after the fall of the Berlin Wall reflected, among other things, on the processes and role of memory in the context of a past, intensely characterised by the events during and after World War II. Communism and socialism forming the post-war space of the so-called other Europe had an impact on the art scene as well, which was trying to reintegrate itself into the art history of the West, among universal and recognisable art canons. At the same time, the situation in Croatia was furthermore troubled – in parallel with the Croatian Homeland War the society was undergoing a transition aspiring in principle to democracy and simultaneously denying and reinterpreting the past. Intensified national feelings, heightened by wartime destruction, often rose to the level of nationalism. They served as an exclusive argument of declarative oblivion of the life in the Yugoslav community and the circumstances of its appearance. Eastern European criticism classifies this period as ‘communism and post-communism’, highlighting ‘post-communism as an era marked by the endings of the previous system and the transition towards the future.’ However, the expected separations were less than smooth – in this period we encounter complex relations between the past, memory and oblivion. In Croatia they could be analysed (also) on the example of the deliberate destruction and removal of over 3000 monuments, semantically distinguished from the rest of the monument practice as ‘anti-fascist’, since the early 1990s, as well as the simultaneous already mentioned inflation of monuments to the Croatian Homeland War, the aim of which, among other things, was to erase the memory of the post-war past. Modern-day memory is archivist and ‘relies on very precise traces, dominantly material remains, the most specific footage, the most visible images.’ A brief disengagement from the recent wartime occurrences in Croatia led us to memorising everything because the present-day era leans on the ‘production of archives’ and not necessarily on understanding, remembering and memorising past events. A radical opening of Croatia and other countries caused by the collapse of former Yugoslavia, as well as other Eastern European countries, towards the desired and long expected West has resulted in facing with a series of stereotypes. In order to shed light on this period, we will make an attempt at delineating it in political and social terms as ‘the layering post- socialism’ that appeared in the late 1980s and spread into the 1990s. This period, which is often referred to as ‘losing the centre’, could be analysed from different points of view. More precisely, the traditional orthodox system defined by central polarity ceased to be functional. The centres multiplied and since it was no longer possible to define periphery, as this is the position everyone renounced, the quality of ‘centrality’ also became subject to constant reinterpretation. Changes in balanced bloc relationships established after World War II and opening tectonic crevices in mutual assumptions between East and West, fed for decades by the Cold War ideological polarity, impeded straightforward determinations of the newfound circumstances and generated new art strategies. However, unlike the rest of Central and Eastern Europe, which saw as the pivotal problems of the 1990s belonging to a unified geopolitical area and the need to face the traditional configuration of national and cultural identities, the situation in Croatia was furthermore burdened by the dramatic collapse of Yugoslavia and the Homeland War which followed. Certain attenuation in creative activities early in the decade was a natural response to the utterly traumatic socio-pathological situation that befell the Croatian society during the conflicts. It should be observed that after World War II there was more understanding for avant-garde monuments in Yugoslavia than it is the case in today’s Croatia. Often we tend to forget that former Yugoslavia was the only socialist country that expressed monumental volumes in the language of modern art. After 1948, when the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was expelled from the Eastern Bloc, there was a gradual association with western countries out of interest, which brought economic help as well as cultural influences. Abandoning the short-lived socialist- realist model meant a more autonomous organisation of cultural production and a development of art and science, whose particular synergy is evident from the series of monuments that are, sadly, today torn down or devastated.

U članku se prikazuje rad Međunarodnog suda te velikog broja evidencija i dokumenata koje je Sud prikupio. Spisi i dokumenti arhiva Međunarodnog kaznenog suda za teška kršenja međunarodnoga humanitarnog prava počinjena na području bivše Jugoslavije sastoje se od dokumenata u konvencionalnom i digitalnom obliku, a sadrže tisuće sati audio-video zapisa, fizičkih predmeta i više od 5 500 iskaza svjedoka, čija su svjedočenja prihvaćena kao dokazi. Problem reguliranja dostupnosti arhiva Međunarodnog suda nakon prestanka rada Suda, postavlja niz pitanja. Odsjek Ujedinjenih naroda (UN) za vođenje arhiva i dokumentacije radi na zaštiti i dostupnosti arhiva te je zadužen za nadgledanje strategije okončanja rada Međunarodnog kaznenog suda za teška kršenja međunarodnoga humanitarnoga prava počinjenog na području bivše Jugoslavije (MKSJ) za pitanje arhiva. S početkom procesa zatvaranja MKSJ, nužno se određuje i politika arhiva, odnosno način njegovog čuvanja i dostupnosti. Glavno težište stavljeno je na plan da se arhiv MKS za Jugoslaviju učini dostupnim u pravne i istraživačke svrhe. Donošenje odluka vezanih za pristup arhivu postavlja niz pitanja, tj. spadaju li određeni dokumenti u povjerljive, te smiju li se objaviti, odnosno smiju li se objaviti pod samo određenim uvjetima. Obrađena je i dokumentacija koja je nastala tužbom Hrvatske protiv Srbije za genocid pred Međunarodnim sudom pravde u Haagu., The International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991 (better known as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia or ICTY) was established in 1993 by the resolution of the United Nations Security Council. In the course of its work, the International Court issued as well as gathered a large number of documents and records. The writings and documents of the Court’s Archives consist of conventional and digital documents and contain thousands of hours of audio and video recordings, physical objects, as well as more than 5500 statements of witnesses whose testimonies were accepted as evidence. The Archives of the International Court also contain the extremely valuable information from all the trials at the ICTY. Certain sections of the Archives are confidential and access to these documents was limited solely to the International Court by the countries which presented those documents to the Court. Since the Court has stopped working, many problems have arisen regarding the regulation of the accessibility of the Court’s archives. The United Nations Department of Archives and Documentation (UNARMS) deals with the protection and the accessibility of the archives. It is also in charge of supervision of the task completion strategy for the issue of archives of the International Court. Simultaneously with the beginning of process of closing the International Court, the politics of the archives were determined i.e. the methods of its maintenance and accessibility. The UN High Committee for Human Rights published nine instruments for providing assistance in the area of rights, among which is also the matter of archive accessibility. The most important issue was making the ICTY’s archives available for research and for legal purposes. Numerous questions arise from the decisions made regarding the archive accessibility and from the decision whether certain documents may be published and under what circumstances. In the course of its work, the International Court provided the preservation and accessibility of the archives. The Archives of the International Court started the digitalization process, ensuring the protection of the archives as well as its accessibility. In December 2008, the International Court posted on its official web page a newly updated page containing the database with over 150 000 court documents. The extensive documentation available through the online database represents a crucial resource for numerous researchers. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague published documents such as the contents of the Croatian claim against Serbia for the genocide committed during the Homeland War, the contents of the Serbian counterclaim and a series of documents through which both sides responded to arguments and evidence from the opposing side.

The process of creating modern Croatian intelligence community in line with the democratic principles was burdened with many demanding challenges for which the process was neither quick nor easy. However, despite the fact that the Republic of Croatia during the transformation of the intelligence community from a totalitarian system to a democratic system was exposed to external and internal aggression, Croatia has successfully transformed it firstly, and then reorganized its security system. Although it has been over 20 years since the beginning of this process, due irresponsible political activities, Croatian security system is still, occasionally, burdened by harmful influence of remained totalitarian (communist) mentality.

This research report is focused on the process of intergenerational transmission and reproduction of memory regarding traumatic events in Croatian society. The report is divided in three sections ; ‘introductory section’ describes historical and political context of Croatian society, as well as theoretical and methodological framework of the research. In the second section, ‘research findings’, authors presented key findings of the research in seven sub-chapters (Family mnemonic culture ; Difficult past and 'good old days' ; The 'traumatic' and 'important' events in family memories and institutionalised historical narratives ; Family memories and national identity ; Transmission of political heritage within the family ; The 'present' concerns ; What is forgotten/not talked about in the family). At the end of the report is ‘concluding section’ and references.

Prikaz knjige., Book review.