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The article deals with the conflict between Venezuela and Guyana in the Essequibo border region. This long-standing dispute could escalate due to the new Latin America strategy of the USA, which includes a military deterrence strategy against the growing influence of China and Russia. Brazil has strengthened its armed forces at the borders with Venezuela and Guyana. The conflict revolves around the Essequibo territory, which is rich in oil and natural resources and affects various international treaties on border settlement between Venezuela and Guyana. There have been attempts at a settlement, but the conflict has further intensified with threats and military actions from both sides. There is hope for a peaceful solution through dialogue and negotiations. The conflict has a geostrategic dimension between the USA and Latin America and has global significance in the context of the new West-South/East conflict. [Extracted from the article]

Organizational transformation seems to be a trend amidst the current developments in various organizational strategic environments. Demands for organizational transformation also occur in military organizations. With Indonesia's military capabilities needing to continue to be improved, the transformation of Sesko TNI into a Military Strategy School is one of the areas of focus. In the context of this transformation, the role of human resource management is highly expected. Considering that the Sesko TNI will be transformed into the Military Strategy School, strategic human resource planning for the future has an important position. Therefore, this journal article proposes to analyze the urgency of strategic human resource planning so that it can contribute to the Sesko TNI organization being competitively superior in the future. Apart from that, competency variables that influence the quality of strategic human resource planning are also discussed. By applying literature studies, this article shows the results that it is important for Sesko TNI to implement strategic human resource planning considering the great urgency in the process of implementing strategic human resource planning, Sesko TNI is required to pay serious attention to the competence of planners so that quality of planning can be presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Key global powers are engaged in the development of artificial intelligence ("AI") for military purposes, and it is widely accepted that the development and deployment of AI tools will lead to a revolution in military strategy and the practice of warfighting. The question is whether these tools can be designed, developed, and deployed in a manner that facilitates compliance with international legal obligations--in particular the law of armed conflict and international human rights law--and if so, how. To date, this question has not been answered satisfactorily. This article examines how concepts and procedures derived from international human rights law can combine with the law of armed conflict to inform militaries' AI-related decision-making processes. A human rights-based approach to the decision-making process centres around the identification of the intended benefits of an AI tool--including an elaboration of the intended circumstances of use--and an identification of the potential harms, so that these "competing interests" can be assessed. Reference to either an appropriate evidence base, or reasoned justification, is essential. This should be capable of "convincingly establishing" the claimed benefit of a measure, and of providing a full evaluation of the potential harm. This article begins by providing some examples of how AI is, or is likely to be, used by the military. It then discusses the current approach to the military use of AI, highlighting the need to develop appropriate guidance capable of influencing militaries' decision-making processes. It then sets out, in broad terms, a human rights-based approach to AI, before turning to a more in-depth examination of how a human rights-based approach can help inform the decision to deploy an AI tool. The final sections of this article then discuss how the intended benefit, and the potential harm, of an AI deployment can be evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of globalization, states employ private military and security companies (PMSCs) to carry out various military functions. This signals an international shift in military strategy away from traditional state actors and towards the use of nonstate actors motivated by profit. The result has been an unequal application of international humanitarian law (IHL) towards PMSC personnel in international armed conflict. This Comment offers three suggestions on how to standardize the treatment of PMSC personnel in international armed conflict and ensure accountability and compliance with IHLs: (1) treat PMSCs engaged in international armed conflict as personnel of the state employing them, (2) outlaw PMSCs operating in international armed conflict, or (3) require PMSCs to apply for international licenses. Each option is examined through the lens of Blackwater operations in Iraq and Wagner operations in Ukraine, two of the most notorious PMSCs widely criticized in the media for their blatant disregard for IHL. These suggestions aim to strike a balance between an evolving military landscape, the profit-driven motivations of nonstate actors, and IHL considerations. Ultimately, this will create a more equitable and legally sound framework for addressing the role of PMSCs in contemporary armed conflicts, ensuring that they are held accountable for their actions and that IHL is upheld. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International military relations are complexly determined by the strategic and political framework of cooperation, and by the dynamics of diplomatic relations within the volatile geostrategic and geopolitical context, with relevance and impact at the regional, European, and trans-Atlantic levels. In this context, the present paperwork aims to disseminate the most efficient methods and tools through which the military higher education institutions can contribute to the enrichment of international military cooperation policies, directly by stimulating the academic process of internationalization, which is extremely beneficial for promoting higher standards in the harmonized training of military personnel, in line with the updated technical, technological, and operational requirements at the European and international levels. For this purpose, the authors have considered the present importance of the Internationalization process of the Higher Education System, aiming to offer a strategic instrument for conceiving an operational framework in designing the qualitative and quantitative expressions of international actions, as part of the institutional strategic plan and medium and long run perspectives. The article represents in fact, the first step toward a wider research, where the authors are aiming to identify the way in which the internationalization process can bring a competitive advantage on the academic services sector. The examples are brought from the Military Higher Education System, where the academic, training and research services are connected to a higher level of international affairs and diplomacy, the present paperwork configuring the prior analysis of how the internationalization strategy could became a strong vector for international cooperation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author will try to demonstrate how «hybrid warfare» is not a typically modern phenomenon. The combined application of military and non-military tools in the conduct of conflicts can in fact be traced back to antiquity and does not belong to Russian strategic culture alone. The renewed attention to «hybrid» instruments is rather determined by the asymmetry existing between the revisionist powers that resort to them and the US hegemon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of NDU Journal is the property of NDU Journal, Institute for Strategic Studies, Research & Analysis (ISSRA), National Defense Univ. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study demonstrates the difference between contemporary Israeli military and national security operations under the 'Campaign between Wars' framework and the way Israel would wage a 'war for existence'. The paper first outlines Israeli military strategy and theory regarding an existential war, while aiming to show how Israel would use its military capabilities. The paper explains the most plausible scenario of a war between Israel and a peer competitor, namely Iran and its proxy network, and the question of using nuclear weapons. Finally, the study presents the potential effects of such war on Israel, its enemies and the region. The paper argues that the most important aspect of Israeli conventional and nuclear warfighting capabilities is that they provide such a robust deterrent that they make war extremely unlikely. However, Israeli deterrence is based on the firm belief that the preparation for the war for existence is the most significant national goal, thereby establishing Israel as a linchpin to the regional balance of power, as a regional great military power itself is incapable of becoming a regional hegemon while assertively balancing against any such contender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Muntaqa: New Perspectives on Arab Studies is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The misinterpretation of the conditions of ancient Chinese social history is to be found in the basic reinterpretation that, according to the standard sinologist-historian thesis, ancient China was feudal in the Zhou period, and then after the Qin unification it was a centralised state. The introduction of the study briefly clarifies why this is not the case and why it is not possible. In this context, the study presents the interpretation of the term fengjian 封建. This concept of 'Chinese feudalism' also has an impact on the reinterpretation of the situation of Chinese thought, because, among other things, it is related to the view that the teachings of the ancient Chinese sages cannot be examined and interpreted as philosophy. However, here too we run into a problem. Why do we have to consider the system of views of Chinese thought as the teachings of the wise? The study briefly discusses the relationship between philosophy and this teaching, and the difference between them, and shows why the teachings of the Chinese sages are not philosophy. Mengzi addressed contemporaries and followers who might have been interested in state administration, the 'building' of relations between individual sub-states, military strategy, agrarian policy, and other issues related to governance. Mengzi, as befits a good Confucian, condemned talk of 'profit' (li 利). Although this condemnation is usually interpreted as demanding the complete rejection of the principle of utility, this is not the case. Later in the text, it is the practice of governance that is useful to 'all under heaven' as a whole that is recommended to rulers. Through examples of the 'horizontal division of labour' within village communities and the 'vertical division of labour' of the dominant role of the elite, the study aims to shed light on the function of these divisions of labour in the structure of society. A prominent place is given to the presentation of the historical role - in ancient China - of peasant production in village communal areas, within the framework of the so-called 'well land system' (jingtian zhi 井田制), which was a method of allocating fields, cultivation, and taxation based on this. Since Mengzi is one of the primary sources that describes the system, we will examine these passages in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article utilizes the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method to decide how to choose an effective weapon system for the A2/AD (anti-access/area denial) strategy at the Sunda Strait, Indonesia's strategic choke point. The main discussion is limited to selecting the types of weapon systems considered effective in implementing A2/AD at Indonesia's strategic choke points. The next step is to decide which primary, secondary, and alternative criteria are the most important. Each of these will then be put together mathematically by measuring consistency using the Consistency Index (CI), the Consistency Ratio (CR), and the Consistency Hierarchy, which is the ranking as the result of the analysis. This method resulting in a weight for the navigation criteria of 66%, projection of 19%, and operability of 16%. Furthermore, in conclusion, the order of the best weapon systems is RBS15 MK4 with a weight of 66%, Brahmos II at 18%, and Neptune 360ST at 16%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the regional security environment determined the change of perspective in the elaboration of the military strategies regarding the threats faced by Romania. This retrospective analysis aims to highlight, on the one hand, the dynamics of the main threats to Romania as a result of the trends of the regional security environment, starting with the first military strategy after joining NATO until the present, and, on the other hand, to emphasise the imprint produced at the strategic level as a complementary document to the Romanian National Defence Strategy. Thus, the purpose of this research is to emphasise the amplification and complexity of threats over time as a result of the tightening of the security environment, a fact that highlights the current interdependence of threats and their transformation from autonomous elements into aspects that can no longer be analysed, in the present, in functional isolation. Likewise, the retrospective analysis also emphasises Romania’s role within the North Atlantic organisation, starting with the implementation of NATO strategic concepts within the national military strategies. If, at the beginning of 2007, Romania identified itself as a state concerned with aligning with NATO standards regarding the transformation processes of the Romanian Armed Forces, in 2016, Romania appeared as a credible state within the Alliance, and in the 2022 NATO Strategic Concept, Romania had a special strategic importance in the context of the war in Ukraine in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the regional security environment determined the change of perspective in the elaboration of the military strategies regarding the threats faced by Romania. This retrospective analysis aims to highlight, on the one hand, the dynamics of the main threats to Romania as a result of the trends of the regional security environment, starting with the first military strategy after joining NATO until the present, and, on the other hand, to emphasise the imprint produced at the strategic level as a complementary document to the Romanian National Defence Strategy. Thus, the purpose of this research is to emphasise the amplification and complexity of threats over time as a result of the tightening of the security environment, a fact that highlights the current interdependence of threats and their transformation from autonomous elements into aspects that can no longer be analysed, in the present, in functional isolation. Likewise, the retrospective analysis also emphasises Romania's role within the North Atlantic organisation, starting with the implementation of NATO strategic concepts within the national military strategies. If, at the beginning of 2007, Romania identified itself as a state concerned with aligning with NATO standards regarding the transformation processes of the Romanian Armed Forces, in 2016, Romania appeared as a credible state within the Alliance, and in the 2022 NATO Strategic Concept, Romania had a special strategic importance in the context of the war in Ukraine in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure analysis (FA) is the process of determining the cause of failure, collecting, and analysing data, and developing conclusions to eliminate the failure mechanism (FM) causing specific device or system failures. Why it is so important to use FA, i.e. to know the cause of product failure, this is what we intend to describe in this article. Reliability analysis is not at all the only ‘customer’ of FA. Other fields, such as business management and military strategy are using this term. In order to offer to the reader a more complete picture, we identified the possible applications of FA in various fields (industry, research, etc.), which are detailed in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crucial role of meteorology in military activities is evident both theoretically and practically. Meteorological phenomena profoundly influence the planning and execution of ground, air, and maritime operations, and ignoring them can have devastating consequences. This paper explores the importance of meteorological forecasting in the military domain, emphasizing the need to understand atmospheric phenomena for making informed decisions and anticipating potential risks. By analyzing historical data and climate trends, it highlights the possibility of adapting military strategies to climate change and meteorological variability. Moreover, it proposes the use of historical archives, including military ones, to reconstruct past meteorological and climatic conditions, offering a new perspective on how weather and climate have influenced past military operations and may influence future ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"The Evolution of Modern Warfare Through the Prism of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict: A Comprehensive Analysis" is an article that examines the changing nature of warfare in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It focuses on the impact of technological advancements, such as artificial intelligence and cyber warfare, on military operations. The article also addresses the ethical and legal challenges posed by these advancements, including issues of responsibility and accountability. It emphasizes the need for comprehensive legal mechanisms to regulate the use of telecommunications technologies in conflict zones. The conclusion highlights the importance of interdisciplinary approaches in understanding and addressing the complexities of modern warfare. The text also discusses the need for reforms to protect civilians, safeguard data privacy, prevent cyber-attacks, and combat misinformation. International organizations like the ITU and ICRC are seen as crucial in mediating between technological capabilities and legal frameworks. The article also explores the role of arms exports in conflicts and the challenges of holding individuals accountable for crimes against civilians. It emphasizes the geopolitical implications of the conflict and the role of neutral states in managing international conflicts. The conclusion underscores the necessity of interdisciplinary approaches to comprehend and tackle the intricacies of contemporary conflicts. [Extracted from the article]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary.

The research into the strategies of the sides in the Russia-Ukraine war is of great relevance, as it is one of the most intense conflicts on the territory of Europe since World War II. Further, the violent actions committed by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine have had an unprecedented impact on the international peace architecture and international relations; they have caused a humanitarian, economic, and social crisis on a regional and global scale. The present research may, most notably, help understand the causes and consequences of the conflict. For this reason, this paper aims to analyze and cover the peculiarities of the main military and political strategies of Ukraine and the Russian Federation in the context of the 2022 war, as well as evaluate specific actions the enemies took against each other as international actors. The updating of the states’ strategies should be noted, as previously Ukraine was regarded only in the context of European integration and reforms, while the full-scale war increases Ukraine’s subjectivity, particularly in terms of planning and implementation of military decisions and more proactive diplomatic efforts. Russia’s strategies were considered in the context of Western theoretical models aimed at establishing it as a regional leader with extensive military potential. Moreover, the beginning of the full-scale war proved that in the situation of the military conflict against Ukraine and its allies Russia’s strategic resources are limited, which calls for further research. The results of this investigation provide a theoretical basis for further research in the field and are of importance for the understanding of security issues, and safeguarding of peace and stability not only in Ukraine and Europe but all around the world.

The contemporary world order is rapidly changing, which is manifested, inter alia, in the growing erosion of the US global military superiority. This trend is acknowledged in the US military-strategic and policy planning documents. In this context the strengthening of the military potential of both the Russian Federation and the PRC, coupled by the expansion of political and economic cooperation between them, is a matter of particular concern for the US ruling elites. At the same time, recognizing a problem does not mean assessing it correctly. A closer examination of key strategic documents published in recent years shows that if from a political and military point of view, the US strategists come up with a generally rational list of measures aimed at countering the challenge, posed by Russia and China, from an ideological point of view they doggedly follow liberal-hegemonic premises that are increasingly inconsistent with current international political realities. The author notes that the policy of D. Trump and J. Biden administrations towards China is characterized by a high degree of continuity. The main role in containing the PRC should be played by a system of military-political alliances with the countries of Southeast and South Asia located along the perimeter of its borders. In addition to the alliances inherited from the Cold War, the Biden administration is seeking to develop new ‘bloc structures’ in the Indo-Pacific region, in particular the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD). However, not all countries in the region, in particular India, support the anti-Chinese orientation of the US initiatives. Washington’s relations with Moscow deteriorated sharply after the start of the special military operation in Ukraine, but even before that, the United States faced serious challenges in maintaining strategic parity with the Russian Federation. This primarily concerns the quantitative, rather than qualitative side of the equation: according to the US military strategists, Russia has made significant progress in modernizing its strategic nuclear forces and developing fundamentally new types of nuclear delivery vehicles. At the same time, the Biden administration’s approaches to building relations with Moscow are no less ideological than in the case of the PRC, which makes the prospects for resuming Russian-American (and ideally trilateral Russian-American-Chinese) negotiations on strategic arms control extremely vague. The question arises to what extent this ideologized foreign policy of the Biden administration meets the new international realities and the strategic interests of the United States itself.

The article discusses the significance of unpredictable and extreme weather conditions faced by the combatants in the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House in Virginia in May 1864 during the U.S. Civil War. According to the article, intense heat, followed by dense fog and heavy rainfall, muddied the battlefield and influenced strategy and tactics of opposing commanders Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee.

In September 2019, 19,000 amateur runners participated in the Canada Army Run, a road race hosted by the Canadian Forces (CF). This ethnographic study explores the event as a site of socialization, demonstrating that the Army Run: (a) focuses on promoting the CF rather than maximizing race results, (b) promotes the CF by exceptionalizing its members, and (c) is a celebratory site of promilitary socialization and recruitment that precludes critical engagement with the CF. These findings indicate that military promotional strategies have evolved since the immediate post 9/11 era; whereas previous initiatives used sport to tie local military agendas into larger neoliberal military imperatives, the 2019 Army Run demonstrates a new tactic, depoliticizing the CF and reifying an idealized, decontextualized Canadian military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of research, which set out to clarify the importance and role played by the concept of using A2/AD capabilities in the military strategy of the Russian Federation. Analysis and criticism of the literature were used to solve the research problems. In order to guide the research process, a hypothesis was formulated, assuming that the Russian concept of using A2/AD capabilities is an operationalisation of a broader military strategy for defeating the adversary, as well as an effective deterrence mechanism. The research process established that the Russian concept of using A2/AD capabilities is a theory and operational practice, a broader military strategy of achieving multi-domain superiority over the adversary by conducting strategic offensive operations. Integrating offensive and defensive operational capabilities plays a key role in this concept, which guarantees possession of the strategic initiative and maintenance of dominance in the international security environment and supports the idea of creating Russian spheres of influence. It also prompts NATO states to counter the supremacy of the Russian Federation.

Purpose: The main purpose of this research is to examine the military threats of the United States and present the military strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran against them.Method: The type of research is applied, and the necessary information is obtained from the study of documents, interviews with experts and questionnaires, and a descriptive method with a mixed approach has been used. The overall statistical population of the research is 70 people and the sample size is consistent with the statistical population and all the numbers have been determined. In order to collect and analyze data, in addition to taking samples from library studies and conducting expert interviews, using document analysis and elite analysis methods, descriptive and inferential statistics methods have also been used.Results: The number of 7 main strategies was calculated based on 73 selected research factors (19 strength factors, 9 weakness factors, 10 opportunity factors and 35 threat factors) relying on the provided partial strategies.Conclusion: The result of the vector on the axis of Cartesian coordinates indicates that the competition of the Islamic Republic of Iran is more focused on strengths than opportunities.