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Political speeches frequently use fallacies to sway voters during electoral campaigns. This study presents an approach for implementing machine learning models to automatically identify a specific type of fallacy known as an "appeal to emotion" fallacy. The objective is to establish a set of elements that enable the application of fallacy mining, as in existing literature, fallacies are typically identified manually, and there is no established structure for applying mining techniques. Our method utilizes features derived from an emotion lexicon to differentiate between valid arguments and fallacies, and we employed Support Vector Machine and Multilayer Perceptron models. Our results indicate that the Multilayer Perceptron model achieved an F1‑score of 0.60 in identifying fallacies. Based on our analysis, we recommend the use of lexical dictionaries to effectively identify "appeal to emotion" fallacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research endeavors to analyze two political speeches delivered by two Pakistani prime ministers Imran khan and Shahbaz Sharif in the 74th and 77th session of UN General Assembly. With the Van Dijk model of Critical Discourse Analysis as an analytical framework the current study examines two political speeches by two prime ministers of Pakistan at both Micro and Macro level to gain insight into their diverse political agendas, use of language, distinct perceptions and unalike intentions due their personal world view and unlike political background. The current study combines the micro level text analysis with the macro level focusing on the dichotomy of ‘Us versus Them’. This study investigates the significant difference in the usage of Micro and Macro structures in political speeches. Given study analyses different discursive devices used by both of them at micro level while at macro level as well positive self-representation and negative others representation. Then the section of discussion shows the difference in the usage of macro and micro structures. Findings are explained within the CDS framework of political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early in the nineteenth century, members in the UK Parliament (MPs) hardly ever debated education. When they did, it was nearly always in the context of aid for the religious instruction of the poor. Indeed, even by 1850, nearly two decades after the first Great Reform Act (1832), the Prime Minister Lord John Russell made the case that a system of compulsory state schooling would be immoral and un-British. Yet, by the '80s, MPs debating in Westminster routinely drew connections between schooling and the most critical social issues of the day: social-class mobility and equity, child welfare, national development, emigration, and the civil service, among others. What explains the expanding, and expansive, political uses that elite policymakers put to schooling? How did schooling and education take on such an aggrandized role in society for British statesmen? To address these questions, this paper combines natural language processing techniques, semantic network, discourse, and regression analyses to read and interpret the ∼1.1 million political speeches given in the UK Houses of Parliament during the long nineteenth century (1804–1913). In contrast to explanations emphasizing the direct role that economic, social, and political development as well as conflict played in the UK state's historic expansion, this piece demonstrates how social scientization, the sweeping international epistemic movement that institutionalized and diffused functionalist social theory, created the context that made it possible for political elites to see and promote schooling as an effective policy instrument of greater cultural rationalization supporting the development of capitalist industrial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the convergence of state redress and the educational construction of citizenship from the 1990s onwards in Australia. It examines how successive settler political leaders used the education of a historical consciousness—settler citizens' relation to past, present and future—as a core strategy to seek resolution to the problematic national past. The article examines key political speeches that sought to mediate the settler nation's past in light of growing international and domestic pressures, including Keating's 1992 Redfern Park speech and Rudd's 2008 Apology to the Stolen Generations, and one of conservative backlash: Howard's 1996 Menzies Lecture. Rudd's subsequent national policy agenda of apology and an Australian Curriculum sought to inaugurate a new era in the settler nation's history. That program was embodied by the figure of the future citizen positioned to reckon with the nation's unjust past, a task inscribed in the inaugural national history curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, an increasing 'emotionality' in Britain's political discourse has been attested by many researchers and public commentators alike, regularly accusing alleged modern-day 'populists' of having caused this emotionalization with their unusual conduct and rhetoric. In these analyses, however, emotional speech is too often conflated with 'populist' speech, without offering substantial historical proof to support such claims. To scrutinize this alleged novel emotionalization of the general political discourse in Britain and to historically contextualize the influence that alleged 'populists' have had on it, I conducted a comparative, sequential mixed methods study of political speeches from British Labour and Conservative Party leaders (quant → QUAL), performing a manual neopragmatist discourse analysis as well as an automated dictionary analysis. With this approach, I was able to determine the distinct argumentative characteristics of the speeches and explore the discourses' emotional quality, reporting a multitude of qualitative and quantitative differences as well as similarities between the two parties. Thus, the paper offers a (historical) overview of the general employment of emotion within political speech and consequently, argumentation used by British politicians. These findings are then used to contextualize claims about the influence that alleged 'populists' have had on the emotionality of recent politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Parisian banlieues have long been depicted through harmful stereotypes in political speeches, the press and mainstream film as places of violence, crime and poverty, and of social, racial and religious divisions. In this article, Ashley Harris demonstrates the impact of different modes of visual culture upon the thousands of communities in the banlieues and, more broadly, to examine the significance of visual representations for their potential to create, reinforce or challenge inequalities and injustices. Using critical cartographical theory and an intermedial approach, this article assesses the impact of representation upon the banlieues, considering mainstream dominant narratives and grassroots visual cultures. It argues that grassroots visual cultures produces a more nuanced and integrated depiction of the banlieues. Through a comparative study of Sandrine Madji's blog 'Ma Petite Banlieue' and Aristide Barraud's creative works on Les Bosquets, this article asserts the possibility of reconsidering the banlieues as creative centres, rather than precarious peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speaking to political ecology, this article takes a more holistic analysis of the impacts of the political decisions taken to construct aqueducts and dams along the Río Yaqui, Sonora, Mexico, diverting water away from the traditional homeland of the Yaqui, Indigenous people of Sonora. Moving away from just the agricultural and health implications, instead I demonstrate that environmental change has political sources, and how we regard nature carries deep and often unacknowledged implications and ramifications. Particularly, the dams and aqueducts have had a severe impact on Yaqui culture, as they view the Río Yaqui as crucial culturally. In addition, this article demonstrates that environmental change alters the ability of marginal groups, such as the Yaqui, to resist other actors by showing that their autonomous political system has increasingly been eroded as the Yaqui have been forcefully integrated into the capitalism system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Mark DePue is presented in the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. Topics include his career as the director of oral history at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, the inception and evolution of the library's oral history program, and the significance of projects such as Illinois Statecraft, Veterans Remember, and the exploration of historical events like the COVID-19 pandemic.

This article investigates whether campaign speeches during the US presidential elections can help predict foreign policy behavior. We use speeches made by Donald J. Trump during his bid for president in 2016. We compare the analysis from 2016 with his actual foreign policy decisions during his tenure, 2017-2020. Operational code analysis and leadership traits analysis approaches are used to analyze candidate Trump’s foreign policy beliefs and strategies associated with them. We use Profiler Plus software to conduct content analysis which produces OCA and LTA results. We use three separate datasets to analyze Trump’s beliefs and traits focusing on his general foreign policy speeches, the MENA region, and a third one only about Islamic State and Syria. Our results show that Trump’s profile indicates a foreign policy orientation that avoids involvement in affairs that are perceived as beyond immediate interests. The consistency between his beliefs and traits during the 2016 campaign and his actual foreign policy behavior leads us to conclude that individual level analysis, and specifically OCA and LTA approaches, are useful tools to analyze, explain and predict foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In making political meritocracy a viable alternative to democracy and appealing to all under heaven, Bai is determined to make Confucianism "thin enough" to render it competitive vis-a-vis democracy. Is Confucian Political Meritocracy a Viable Alternative to Democracy? Tongdong Bai's new book, B I Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case i b , with the Confucian political meritocracy occupying its central stage, firmly takes this stand.[4] Throughout the book, Bai is careful to make clear what he means by democracy, that it is a "one person, one vote" system. Small wonder Bai maintains in the book that moral paternalism can be good, hierarchy is not always detestable (87), and "idealistic totalitarianism" can be conducive to the common good of mankind.[19] The difficulties Bai runs into are thus: first, how to align the liberal claim to universality embedded in liberal equality with the Confucian substantive understanding of man, and second, how to promote political meritocracy (or democratic inequality) in a context that is shaped by the hypothesis of equality. [Extracted from the article]

Political speeches play a vital role in the communication strategies of political leaders, enabling them to express their ideas, mobilize support, and persuade the public. Within this context, the effective use of rhetorical devices assumes paramount importance in conveying messages. This paper aimed to investigate the role of antithesis as a potent linguistic tool of persuasion in political speeches, specifically within the context of Kosovo. The paper sought to examine the prevalence and patterns of antithesis in political speeches delivered by Kosovo politicians, analyze its rhetorical effectiveness in shaping public opinion and influencing political discourse, explore sociopolitical and cultural factors that influence its usage, and assess its impact on audience perception and receptiveness to political messages. The paper employed methodologies such as corpus analysis, rhetorical analysis, and sociopolitical analysis, to achieve its objectives. The expected contributions of this paper lie in advancing our understanding of political rhetoric in Kosovo, highlighting the significance of antithesis as a persuasive linguistic tool, and enriching the knowledge base in the field of political communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alustath is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article observes the war-focused social documentary use while calling for global change. It considers a form of documentary photography within the idea to draw the wide public's attention to vital ongoing war-caused social problems and issues. We also characterize social documentary as a critical genre of photography, dedicated to reflection of the life of different people, underprivileged or disadvantaged as a result of the war. The terms "war", and "war of aggression" are concretized. It is also stated, that while conversations, political speeches, press reports or publications, the word "war" may be used to express any serious struggle, strife or campaign. Thus, references are frequently made to "war on corruption", "war against drug dillers", "war of worlds" or "war of genders": the metaphor of war usually serves to convey the stressfullness of the situation, and such a metaphor must not be taken literally. Also, the difference between Social Documentary and Photojournalism is characterized: photos are usually taken for the future reference, whereas photojournalism images are predominantly meant for the short-term public involvement. Social Documentary images definitely may be stored for the long-term study, enabling better understanding of the modern world we live in, making sense of our living, discovering the way other people live. Article characterizes the main thematic motives of social documentary, such as: child labor, child neglect, homelessness, poverty, impoverished children and the elderly, and hazardous working conditions, and outlines the peculiarities of their interpretation in the context of war. Social documentary is to preserve the most important events or parts of the history - some details or archival footage that would rather be buried. This gives not only a better understanding of current events, but also a prospective of what we might face in the future. Social documentary can be an effective tool to influence our preconceptions, and develop empathy towards human beings or any creature suffering. By bringing personal stories to light, documentaries can aim much-needed wider audience's awareness on to war-caused social problems, and facilitate the search for solution. The article also deals with the difference between Social Documentary and Pictorial Manipulation, which are often used to shape public opinion within global digitalized informational space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking the economic issue of Trump's First State of the Union Address (SUA) as original data, the present study examined the evaluation features of political speeches by adopting a holistic approach, which includes both macro and micro dimensions. At the macro level, a series of semantic patterns were identified, with Goal-Achievement and General-Example Patterns being the most prevalent. They predetermine the evaluative tone, giving the surrounding statements evaluative meanings, exhibiting the radiating nature of evaluative meaning; at the micro level, a variety of resources have been identified, both explicit and implicit, lexical and syntactical, attitudinal and gradational, which collaborate to reinforce the subjective evaluation, revealing the holistic characteristic in the realization of evaluative meaning. Throughout the analysis, three evaluative mechanisms have been proposed, which are the coupling of meaning, semantic prosody, and tense switching. They collaborate and promote the subjective evaluation to be established and reinforced in a cumulative, gradient or hybrid pattern. In a narrow sense, the present study has partially revealed Trump's political discourse feature. Broadly speaking, it contributes to the theoretical development of the appraisal framework by refining existing evaluation systems through a holistic research paradigm, which in turn facilitates accurate interpretation of various types of discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explains the role of discourse analysis in understanding political speeches by shedding light on the application of theories and techniques of discourse analysis to analyse political discourse. Language is a multi-layered entity, and based on this, the study analyses the meanings and constructs that lie behind the linguistic elements in political speeches. The study is based on three female political speeches viz., those of Jacinda Ardern (the previous New Zealand Prime Minister) in Christchurch's, the first Senate speech of Fatima Payman, a Muslim immigrant to be a senator in the Australian Senate, and the opening speech of Sanna Marin, the Prime Minister of Finland, at NYU in 2023. The selection was made using Fairclough's Framework to identify different topics for speeches. In the analysis, the researcher unravels the underlying meaning in these speeches, and simultaneously the relationships between power and ideology, ideology and identity. Findings showed that the three speeches used many persuasive techniques and rhetorical devices with concealed meanings betraying ideological biases, and persuasive strategies to advance individual agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of situatedness turns away from ideals of objectivity "from nowhere" and denotes the marking of the place from which a discourse or a theoretical approach takes its starting point. Theories of different traditions have emphasised the need to reflect on their own situatedness in order to avoid mere doxa. Since "situation" is one of the basic concepts of existential phenomenologies (Heidegger, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty), it can serve as a terminological foundation for a reflection of embodied standpoints. The space- and perception-theoretical difference between situation and position – developed in phenomenology of perception and space orientation – can be further thought politically and expanded into "situational difference". With the ambivalent intermediate position between the place of speaking and the space of the political, an analytical differentiation would be available that can lead to a phenomenological explication of the logic of the politics of positioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Thurlow's (2020b) understanding of "wordsmiths," in this paper I document an underexplored and markedly high‐end area of language work: political speechwriting. Drawing on Macgilchrist and Van Hout's (2011) text trajectory approach to ethnographic discourse analysis I engage with two primary areas of scholarship: metadiscourse and entextualization (see Silverstein and Urban 1996), both of which facilitate a deeper understanding of the role of "elite" linguistic labor in contemporary markets. Ultimately, I demonstrate the ways in which political speechwriters come to claim skill and value – not only based on the unique "production format" (Goffman 1981) of the profession, but also related to the wider sociopolitical context of their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the share of women in parliaments rises, increased attention is paid to how they substantively represent women. Meanwhile, the availability of parliamentary speech data has enabled researchers to dissect politicians' rhetorical patterns. We combine these two literatures to ask whether rhetorical differences between men and women in parliament are connected to style, policy, and preferences of women voters. We apply machine‐learning models to speeches from five West European parliaments (2000–18) to measure the femininity of the rhetoric used in each speech. Results show that women and men talk differently in parliament, and that this distinctiveness is due to both style and substance. Combining these results with public opinion surveys, we find that women MPs have the most distinctively "feminine" discourse on issues that are most salient to women in society. These findings showcase the direct connection between descriptive and substantive representation of women in contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given ongoing debates in Spain over how to reckon with its recent past, time operates as a potent site for doing politics in the Peninsula. In this article, I develop the concept of chronopolitics—that is, the discursive configuration of time or history to advance political projects in the present—by analyzing a speech from the leader of Vox, a radical-right populist party in Spain. Through detailed analysis of the text, I reveal a range of chronopolitical strategies, including blatant acts of historical revisionism and the resurrection of slogans associated with Spain's authoritarian past. I also shed insight on more subtle forms of chronopolitical action: the confusion of temporal modes, the subversion of linear perceptions of time, and metapragmatic talk about historical interpretation itself. My aim is to illuminate Vox's particular tactics of persuasion, while drawing lessons from the case of Spain about the mechanics of populist discourse in general. (Spain, Vox, populism, chronopolitics, time, history) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late sixteenth century, top-tier elites of Ming China wrote mock memorials on behalf of the king of Chosŏn Korea. While the Chinese court developed this prompt to familiarize its officials with the changing geopolitics and test their abilities to elaborate on the greatness of China, up until the sixteenth century, elites turned this exercise into an opportunity to rethink the proper order of the world. Notably, some of them epitomized by Ye Xianggao made the critical step to advocate the Korean perspective with words that were even more "intense" than their Korean counterparts. These mock exercises offer access to an important yet much-underappreciated aspect of political culture in early modern China; accordingly, those who had received or had been receiving rhetorical training were actively exploring alternative possibilities of speaking for political and cultural others in a hierarchical world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explored incidents in schools involving the controversial campaign slogan, Make America Great Again (MAGA). Using a cartography of controversies approach, we located news reports to understand how educators, students, and families engaged with MAGA as a cultural symbol. In addition to mapping the location of each incident and grade level, we interpreted news reports through a cultural studies lens during weekly meetings. While discussing MAGA related incidents in schools we scripted a blogcast as we worked thematically with data. Our interpretations coalesced into three key findings. First, MAGA's symbolism, as an extension of Trumpian rhetoric, aroused emotions. Second, actors wielding the symbols exhibited entitlement racism. Third, those provoked to act in response to fear and anger faced a double-bind—they were at risk of punishment for reacting to MAGA and at risk of harm (i.e. political trauma) if they ignored it. We discuss the implications of the findings for educational leadership and offer recommendations for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research focuses on Donald trump’s speech on preventing COVID-19 at White House Conference on May 18, 2020. His speech was suggestion on taking hydroxychloroquine which known as an anti-malaria. The method used in this research is mix method, as the data displayed using description and numbers and this research uses critical discourse theory by Fairclough to analyze the data, and meta function within systematic functional linguistic proposed as the tool to scrutinized the object of the research through transitivity analysis to know the power and ideology used within the speech; modality analysis is to know the information of modal verb, tense, and personal pronoun used within the speech, and textual analysis is to prevail the of the speech and also clariy whether the speech spoken coherently or not. The result of the research shown that (1)the most process used by trump is material process with a total of 95 and a percentage of 52.77%; relational 21 with percentagage of 11, 66%, mental process is 42 with a percentage 23,33%, verbal process 18, with a percentage 10%, behavioral process 2 with a percentage 1,12%, and existential process 2 with a percentage 1,12%, in which becomes the reason of the audience has unconsciously followed the irresponsible suggestion by Trump; (2 )modality analysis shows that Trump rarely used modal verb; (3) textual analysis shows that Donald Trump’s speech has been delivered coherently and transitivity analysis found two the new process forms, both processes are existential process + relational process and relational process + existential process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities need to take swift action to deal with the impacts of extreme climate events. The co-production of positive visions offers the potential to not only imagine but also intervene in guiding change toward more desirable urban futures. While participatory visioning continues to be used as a tool for urban planning, there needs to be a way of comparing and evaluating future visions so that they can inform decision-making. Traditional tools for comparison tend to favor quantitative modeling, which is limited in its ability to capture nuances or normative elements of visions. In this paper, we offer a qualitative method to assess the resilience, equity, and sustainability of future urban visions and demonstrate its use by applying it to 11 visions from Phoenix, AZ. The visions were co-produced at two different governance scales: five visions were created at the village (or borough) scale, and six visions were created at the regional (or metropolitan) scale. Our analysis reveals different emphases in the mechanisms present in the visions to advance resilience, sustainability, and equity. In particular, we note that regional future visions align with a green sustainability agenda, whereas village visions focus on social issues and emphasize equity-driven approaches. The visions have implications for future trajectories, and the priorities that manifest at the two scales speak of the political nature of visioning and the need to explore how these processes may interact in complementary, synergistic, or antagonistic ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on advocating for a straightforward legislative remedy to address the risks associated with geofence search warrants by proposing a comprehensive ban on all such searches. Topics include an explanation of geofence search warrants, Google's handling of them, their implications for privacy and speech, and an examination of the potential shortcomings in relying on the Fourth Amendment, and the third-party doctrine.

The article focuses on critiquing the U.S. Court of Appeals for Federal Circuit's ruling in In re Elster, which determined that the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO)'s rejection of registering "TRUMP TOO SMALL" as a trademark infringed on the First Amendment's safeguard of political speech. Topics include the assertion that the Federal Circuit overlooked the context of the speech and should have evaluated the trademark's registrability.

Federal tax law is of two minds when it comes to speech by nonprofits. The tax benefits provided to nonprofits are justified in significant part because they provide nonprofits great discretion in choosing the specific ends and means to pursue, thereby promoting diversity and pluralism. But current law withholds some of these tax benefits if a nonprofit engages in certain types of political speech. Legislators have also repeatedly, if unsuccessfully, sought to expand these political speech restrictions in various ways. And some commentators have proposed denying tax benefits to groups engaged in other types of disfavored speech, including hate speech and fake news. These latter proposals have recently become more prominent as additional facts come to light about the role of nonprofits in supporting white supremacy and in disseminating misleading information about COVID-19 treatments. This Article explores the existing and proposed limitations on speech by tax-exempt nonprofits given the constitutional restrictions on such limitations and the policy justifications for existing nonprofit tax benefits. It explains why the current limits on political campaign intervention and lobbying by charities are both justified given the subsidy provided to charities and their supporters under existing federal tax law and existing and longstanding constitutional case law. It further concludes that any expansion of these limits on charities to cover other types of speech, including hate speech and fake news, would be inconsistent with the existing broad definitions of the purposes that charities can pursue as well as, in some circumstances, constitutionally suspect. The Article also concludes that limits on speech by non-charitable tax-exempt nonprofits, including the existing limit on political campaign intervention for some of these nonprofits, are both unwise as a policy matter and, in some circumstances, constitutionally suspect given the lack of a subsidy for such speech by these nonprofits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During its more than 20 years in power, the AK Party has made many contradictory decisions in foreign policy. Events in the region beyond Türkiye's control have left the AK Party in a spiral of contradictory decisions. This study aims to reveal this spiral in the AK Party's foreign policy practices and to explain the AK Party's maneuvers in this regard by exemplifying them. In this framework, first of all, a large number of articles, books, and political speeches were accessed by conducting a literature review on the aforementioned subject. Sample countries and autonomous regions (Iraq, Libya, Syria, Crimea, East Turkistan), which are considered to have a more pronounced foreign policy spiral and which are hotly discussed in the media, were selected and analyzed. In this framework, the main determinants (such as the Iraq War, the Greater Middle East Project, and the Arab Spring) that caused Türkiye to remain in a spiral in foreign policy were focused on. And then the tools (soft power, public diplomacy, etc.) used to get out of this spiral were briefly explained. Afterward, the AK Party's foreign policy spiral was analyzed and interpreted within the framework of "the main determinants and tools used in foreign policy" through foreign policy examples. In this context, it was concluded that the AK Party tried to get out of the foreign policy spiral by "putting forward different policy practices" in relation with the aforementioned country examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims to uncover language and power relationships by looking into hidden ideologies present in President Barack Obama's political speech at Cairo University. Language has a significant impact on what and how people speak, and others' perceptions of this use of language in political discourse can be either positive or negative. In any system, politicians frequently use language as a tool to establish their authority and persuade the public of their beliefs. The paper focus on Mr. Obama's spoken political discourse qualitatively in order to understand his word choices and determine how they represent his intentions in the political sphere. For this reason, the Fairclough three-dimensional model served as the theoretical foundation for an analysis of Mr. Barack Obama's "A New Beginning" speech at Cairo University. The Investigation demonstrates a number of conclusions, including Mr. Obama's use of language and rhetoric to influence the audience, forge strong ties with the Muslim community, and assert US dominance over global affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In response to a call for criminologists to consider the impact of former President Donald Trump's presumed criminality, we analyze verbal-textual hostility (VTH) in Trump's campaign speeches. Politicians have particular power and reach with their speech and their use of VTH is an important part of the trifecta of violence. Using a framework informed by linguistic theory and previous analysis of hate speech in recorded hate crimes, we present the categories of deprecation and denigration, and discuss their relationship to domination. In context, these forms of VTH enhance and serve as precursors to more violent speech and acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marina Prentoulis's book, "Left Populism in Europe," offers a passionate defense of left populist politics in Europe. Prentoulis argues that populism is a political logic that can be either good or bad depending on its content. She focuses specifically on left populism and uses case studies from Greece, Spain, and the UK to analyze its manifestations. The book explores the organizational structures of parties, the role of left movements in electoral politics, and the challenges faced by left populist parties. It provides a clear introduction to the key themes and movements of left populism in Europe and offers insights for both newcomers and experts in the field. [Extracted from the article]

The paper aims to give a comprehensive account of translation strategies for English-Ukrainian interpretation of Joseph R. Biden's speech in Poland. Political speeches serve as a multi-purpose tool, shaping people's consciousness and reinforcing political practices and firmly held beliefs. Therefore, the appropriate translation methods are needed to retain such a communicative effect on the recipient audience. Political discourse interpreting requires a high level of pragmatic competence, and interpreters must have the skills and knowledge to effectively convey the speaker's intended meaning in a culturally and linguistically appropriate way. The current research is based on the semiotic and communicative-pragmatic approaches to the study of political discourse interpreting. In this regard, the comparative method and contextual analysis proved efficient in comparing the source language text with the target one. The study results show that interpreting political discourse sets to provoke similar reactions in the source and target text addresses. The studied speech in English is abundant in stylistic devices and expressive means to exert a pragmatic effect. It has been proven that linguo-stylistic features are retained in the interpreted message by incorporating formal correspondences and various transformations. The interpreter of the political speech in question has the ability to adjust the language, style, and delivery of the interpreted message to fit the cultural and linguistic context of the target audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is the foundational act of democracy. While thousands of studies have treated voting as a dependent variable, comparatively little research has studied voting as an independent variable. Here we flip the causal arrow and explore the effect of exogenous voting shocks on citizens' broader attitudes and behaviors. To do so, we first use two waves from a uniquely large survey of young people in the United States, pairing this with a regression discontinuity design. We augment these results with a new meta-analysis of all causally-identified studies exploring whether voting is transformative. We find that—despite voting at much higher rates—individuals induced to vote, regardless of the mode used to mobilize, are (precisely) no different from all-else-equal individuals that are not. Our results illuminate the (non)consequences of a vitally important—and widely studied—political behavior and speak to the broader importance of voting as an object of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public discourse on immigration has seemed to polarize over recent years—with some people strongly trusting, but others strongly distrusting immigrants. We examined whether a cognitive strategy could mitigate these biased outgroup judgments. Given that subtractive counterfactual thoughts ("If only I had not done X...") facilitate cognitive flexibility and especially a relational processing style, we hypothesized that these thoughts (vs. additive counterfactuals "If only I had done X..." and no counterfactuals) would weaken the relationship between people's political orientation and the perceived trustworthiness of immigrants. In five experiments (two preregistered; total N = 1,189), we found that inducing subtractive (but not additive) counterfactuals—either via rhetorical questions in a political speech or via mindset priming—had the predicted debiasing effect. Taken together, subtle means such as using subtractive counterfactual questions in political communication seem to be a promising way to reduce biased outgroup judgments in heated public debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Donate Speech campaign has so far succeeded in gathering approximately 3600 h of ordinary, colloquial Finnish speech into the Lahjoita puhetta (Donate Speech) corpus. The corpus includes over twenty thousand speakers from all the regions of Finland and from all age brackets. The primary goals of the collection were to create a representative, large-scale resource to study spontaneous spoken Finnish and to accelerate the development of language technology and speech-based services. In this paper, we present the collection process and the collected corpus, and showcase its versatility through multiple use cases. The evaluated use cases include: automatic speech recognition of spontaneous speech, detection of age, gender, dialect and topic and metadata analysis. We provide benchmarks for the use cases, as well downloadable, trained baseline systems with open-source code for reproducibility. One further use case is to verify the metadata and transcripts given in this corpus itself, and to suggest artificial metadata and transcripts for the part of the corpus where it is missing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

But reaching an accommodation with "elites" is hardly the same as incorporating existing state institutions (representatives of the military, judiciary, security apparatus, official religious establishment if there is one, or political party in a party-state). The poisonous metaphor of the people populism, authoritarianism, and post-sovereign possibilities in evolving Egyptian constitutional orders But of course most constitutions do not constitute any state; they tinker with existing ones (an underappreciated feature of constitution writing that we will return to below).[11] Indeed, many constitutions are products of existing ruling institutions bargaining with opposition elements - most European constitution writing in the 19th century actually took this form, with monarchies haggling with various political movements, some of them based inside existing authoritative bodies (parliaments, local principalities) and sometimes outside of them (reform or revolutionary movements). In Egypt, arrangements with state bodies were made with abandon - and clearly worked against any democratic or constitutional spirit, enabling an authoritarian presidency (with an incumbent from the military) to reestablish itself after 2013, supported by a group of state actors who answered only to that president, if at all. The introduction of very limited institutional accountability (i.e., of accountability within the state apparatus rather than of state authorities to the society) - though far from democratic or allowing the People to speak in their own name - introduced an era of semi-authoritarian rule within a constitutional framework that still offered strong protection to the existing regime (Brown, [11]). [Extracted from the article]

Brexit constitutes an unprecedented crisis for the European Union and its member states. Three affected parties – the United Kingdom, the EU and Ireland – worked hard to protect their interests, making the negotiations difficult, especially regarding the Irish land border. While the key interests of the negotiating partners are clear, it is less known how and to what extent these interests were communicated by the political representatives of the three countries. We approach Brexit as a critical juncture and base our work on the framing literature. We use a unique dataset including political speeches made by EU Commission members and the UK and Irish government officials during a period from January 2016 until January 2020, relying on the innovative automated text analysis approach of keyword-assisted topic modelling. Beyond insisting on their interests, communication reflects the socio-political context. We find indications that speeches reflect the flow of the negotiations. Finally, our analysis reveals topics that largely flew under the media radar, such as research and protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnography looks at the indexical function of several brief utterances, routinely employed by a Palestinian speechmaker, in the Sheikh Jarrah protest in East Jerusalem. Following Silverstein's contributions to the indexically based theory of (meta)pragmatics, "creative" and nonreferential utterances are examined at the utterance event level, in relation to the speech event level, and more generally to verbal rituals. The political speeches I study have been delivered weekly, in Hebrew, by a Sheikh Jarrah resident and activist, for over a decade. The ethnographic analysis depicts how the utterances create a physical and symbolic (rhetorical) space for the performance of the speeches, routinize and ritualize their recurrence, and secure their endurance in a hostile environment. This is accomplished by spatially disassembling and reassembling the protesters, modifying the participation structure, and establishing a host–guest relationship. The speaker is repositioned as a resident, activist, and political rhetor‐in‐the‐becoming, and the protestors are repositioned as his audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Performative style is an important sociolinguistic variable among politicians, who accomplish agentive goals through speech. Examining 32 Spanish politicians, this article focuses on four Andalusian Spanish phenomena: the fronting of /t͡ʃ/ and the deletion of coda /s/, resyllabified intervocalic onset /s/, and intervocalic /d/. The analysis first looks at overall community production norms for the variants then turns to examine the style-shifting patterns of one individual who deviates from these norms. This individual is examined through a consideration of lectal focusing in interaction to track moment-by-moment variation. While coda /s/ and intervocalic /d/ deletion show usage patterns governed by regional and contextual factors, the deletion of onset /s/ and fronted /t͡ʃ/ reflect social variation and style-shifting. While politicians do not blindly follow partisan norms, normative expectations exist at the regional level that they can choose to depart from due to individual motivations and political affiliation in order to carry out identity work. This study combines quantitative examinations of community and individual variation to contribute to our understanding of style-shifting behavior in political speech and how politicians use linguistic tools to take on oppositional identities in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Great speeches by leaders can move the hearts of their audience and often continue to touch the souls of many long after their utterance. Be it Jawaharlal Nehru's buoyant "Tryst with Destiny" speech at the dawn of India's independence or Winston Churchill's galvanizing "Their Finest Hour" speech during England's darkest hours amid World War II, a good speech has the ability to inspire hope, bring together people and rouse them into action--such is the sheer power of the spoken word. Great leaders make impactful speeches: it is their greatness that lends an impact to their words. While this is true to an extent, many great leaders are not remembered for their speeches. The impact of words is not limited to speeches by political leaders. Powerful orators, no matter their profession or industry, can leave behind a mark on their audience and beyond. Less-known persons can also speak with impact. What makes some speeches better than others? What determines their impact? The paper makes an attempt to identify some components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]