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Statements by politicians and pundits around the world suggest that terrorism uniquely threatens social order. Unfortunately, our knowledge about how terrorism affects generalized trust and social capital, which many view as foundations of civil society, is quite limited. In this paper we theorize that terrorism damages generalized social trust via its pernicious influence on the perceptions of safety and security in urban public spaces, particularly in those urban places that are the most socially salient to national identity and the most connected to global society (i.e., primate capitals). Using aggregated survey data from European countries in the European Social Survey (Waves 1–6), we find that terrorism, whether committed in urban or rural areas, has no direct effect on social trust. Nonetheless, urban terrorism interacts with urban primacy to arrest the development of generalized social trust. We conclude that the effects of chronic terrorism likely go beyond economics and politics, perhaps damaging the fabric of society itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Opuntia Brava is the property of Universidad de Ciencias Pedagogicas de Las Tunas, Centro de Documentacion e Informacion Pedagogica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (0797-5538) is the property of Universidad de la Republica, Faculdad de Ciencias Sociales, Departmento de Sociologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contrary to the "narco-centric" explanation of homicidal violence in Mexico, this article proposes "the political trajectory of urban violence" (PTUV) as an additional analytical category to nuance the developmental process of today´s large-scale violence in Mexican urban enclaves. Building on previous research, this article argues that organized crime-related violence in Mexican cities today has unveiled --and exacerbated-- intricate power tensions among private actors --both illegal and, perhaps more importantly, legal ones--which need to be explored by considering the historical evolution of these political processes within a given urban context. The PTUV, then, regards recent organized crime-related violence as part of a continuum of the socio-political complex in urban environments, and not only due to criminal conduct or activity per se. Because a concrete case study is central to advance on this research agenda, the article posits that repeated outbreaks of homicidal violence in the city of Apatzingán, Michoacán, Mexico, have been the result of a rooted local conflict over land access, economic hegemony, political dominance and increased urbanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of [i2]: Research & Innovation in Architecture / Investigación e Innovación en Arquitectura y Territorio is the property of Universitat D'Alacant and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the role of violence in Turkey's state-coordinated pursuit of rapid urban transformation. We argue that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) implemented an urban development regime that relied on structural violence to control and distribute urban rent, housing and land. Despite framing this mode of urban transformation as a way to include marginalised urban populations in economy and society, it ultimately proved to be politically and economically unsustainable. In response to resistance, the AKP shifted its strategy to one of coercion in order to maintain control of the pace and scope of urbanisation. We present original research from Ankara and show how this strategic shift unfolded through an analysis of urban policy and planning practice. By highlighting the negotiated nature of Turkey's urban transformation and the limits of structural violence, this paper offers insights into the complexities of contemporary urban politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the conflict over urban land between the City of Rio de Janeiro and the residents of Vila Autódromo, a slum neighbouring the area that would become the centre of activities for the 2016 Olympic Games. The work was based on an action research that lasted five years, accompanied by interviews and fieldwork starting from the third year. City Hall launched a series of initiatives that involved practices of intimidation and different forms of violence to implement an urban project. The residents, in turn, resorted to legal and technical support, producing an abundance of critical material regarding the compromise of social rights and the democratic experience. The case of Vila Autódromo shows that City Hall, through its agents, was able to deal with the ambiguities and imprecisions in the law to pursue its goals. It also demonstrates that resistance can sometimes stall and thwart the reproduction of violent structures, even if at great cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to discuss to what extent the coverage of urban violence by local television news in Brazil has been impacted by journalists' fear and their distancing from regions of armed conflict, leading to the development of new professional routines and, in particular, the use of WhatsApp. Our methodology included in-depth interviews with 13 journalists occupying different positions in the hierarchy of the newsrooms of the 4 main TV stations in the country. The testimonies suggest that aggression and hostility against journalists drove professionals away from certain territories and turned them toward new technologies and citizen co-production as ways out for local crime coverage. On the other hand, this dynamic creates challenges for journalism itself. One of the main concerns is the verification of content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ausschreitungen und Gewalt im urbanen Raum stellen immer wieder Projektionsflächen für diskursive Eskalationen und politische Deutungshoheiten dar. Sie können mit Stuart Hall als Conjunctures verstanden werden, in denen situative Ereignisse und medial-diskursive Deutungskämpfe in ein größeres Aushandlungsgefüge eingebettet werden. Durch die Analyse von hegemonialen und oppositionellen Lesarten der Ereignisse eröffnet sich dieser umkämpfte Raum. Im Folgenden soll dieser exemplarisch an den sogenannten Krawallnächten in Stuttgart und Frankfurt im Sommer 2020 diskursanalytisch nachgezeichnet werden. Es zeigt sich, dass die oppositionelle Lesart die versicherheitlichenden und rassifizierenden/kulturalisierenden Lesarten des hegemonialen Narrativs herausfordert und repolitisiert. Welcher Strategien sich beide Lesarten bedienen, soll in diesem Artikel dargestellt werden. Unrest and violence in urban space repeatedly represent projection surfaces for discursive escalations and political interpretive dominances. With Stuart Hall, they can be understood as conjunctures in which situational events and media-discursive interpretive struggles are embedded in a larger negotiation structure. The analysis of hegemonic and oppositional codes of events opens up this contested space. In the following, the so-called Krawallnächte in Stuttgart and Frankfurt in the summer of 2020 will be used as an example to trace this space through conjunctural analysis. It becomes apparent that the oppositional reading challenges and repoliticizes the securitizing and racializing/culturalizing strategies of the hegemonic narrative. The strategies that both codes use are presented in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

'Pedagogy of Precariousness': The Experiences of Young People in a Violence Prevention Project on the Outskirts of the Greater Vitória Metropolitan Area analyzes the experiences of young people in the Projeto Proteção de Jovens em Território Vulnerável (Protejo), implemented in 2019 in the Jardim Carapina neighborhood, on the outskirts of the Greater Vitória Metropolitan Area, Espírito Santo. Starting from a qualitative methodology, it was understood that the project, based on the premises of citizen security, aims to prevent violence that affects young people in urban peripheries through "social" actions and the promotion of citizenship. However, the participants' experiences indicate a long distance between the project's objectives and its practices, which was conceived in terms of a "pedagogy of precariousness". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical approaches to IR have often been criticized for lacking methodological rigour. Especially, authors informed by the works of Michel Foucault have faced challenges to justify their methodology, given that Foucault did not provide scholars with a methodological blueprint. This article argues that Carol Bacchi's 'What's the problem represented to be?' (WPR) approach provides a robust critical methodology for policy analysis. WPR is a method that facilitates the critical examination of public policies to analyse 'how the "problem" is represented within them and to subject this problem representation to critical scrutiny' (Bacchi, 2012b). This way of questioning differs from other forms of policy analysis in that it shifts the focus of analysis from policy as a 'problem-solving' exercise towards seeing policy as an act which is constructive of 'problems'. Policies are therefore not analysed from a problem-solving perspective, but from a problem-questioning perspective. By making the 'problem' itself the focus of analysis, it becomes possible to uncover the political, epistemological and historical contexts which are constitutive of the problem representation. I demonstrate the value of this approach by subjecting the Cure Violence Global NGO to a WPR analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online literature chatting (BPL acronym in Portuguese) is a proposal for constructing virtual healthcare spaces and health attention to the university community during the social isolation period imposed by Covid-19. Restraining measures such as quarantine and social distancing may have a negative impact on individuals' mental health. This article aims to reflect on the creation of Online literature chatting and on the potential of literature as a source of health promotion and care in virtual spaces during pandemic times. The proposal was built by the Prevention and Health Promotion Working Group interdisciplinary team. BPL occurred each week on the WhatsApp platform. Selected literary works to be debated were: 1) Ideas to Postpone the End of the World; 2) Dear Ijeawele, or A Feminist Manifesto in Fifteen Suggestions; 3) The Old Man and the Sea; 4) The Sun on my Head. For the analysis of the texts on which the debates were based, Iramuteq software was used so that the debates are presented as word cloud graphics. The results cover a wide range of topics, from questioning humanity as universal; the environment as one of the central aspects of life; gender equality and justice; urban violence to social invisibility. One concludes that literature plays an essential role in individuals' emancipation, helping participants with social issues and their critical awakening. BPL unveiled itself as a space of self-transformation and empowerment, particularly a space of self-care and health promotion of the university community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Owing to its immense scope and persistence in impacting health, there have been increasing, but undertheorized, calls to conceptualize and address violence as a public health issue. This violence-as-a-disease paradigm has particular relevance in consideration of the deep sociomedical embeddedness of violence in minoritized communities. Given that violent ideation and actualized violence begin early in one's life, consideration of adolescent violence in these theoretical contexts is of particular utility. Method: We conducted semistructured interviews with 32 school staff members, including, school teachers, administrators, and security, at five high-risk urban public high schools in the Chicago metropolitan area. Most participants were either Black (31.3%), White (43.8%), or Hispanic (21.9%). We examined perspectives on the causes and consequences of adolescent violence, tested and reconceptualized the violence-as-a-disease model, and developed an enhanced nomenclature for this model. Abductive analysis was used to analyze the interviews. Results: Respondents identified specific co-occurring "chronic" and "acute" causes for violence, with psychosocial cognates being central to violence initiation. Chronic causes include structural forces such as neighborhood deprivation, limited resource access, and familial and cultural influences. Acute causes include situational and "real-time" triggers like perceived slights and a desire to meet social group performance expectations. Conclusions: In consideration of the violence-as-a-disease paradigm, violence is stimulated and entrenched by socioeconomic, cultural, and environmental forces that implicate psychopathological paradigms in multiple groups and individual-level contexts. An expanded nomenclature and conceptual model for primary and secondary prevention are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Brazil, there are Integrated Regions of Economic Development (RIDES) that are constituted by more than one state, and thus can be seen as a heterogeneous set in which large agglomerations of demographic, economic, social and political importance substantially differ. The general objective of this work was to characterize these Integrated Development Region of the Federal District and its Surroundings - RIDE/DF, considering the composition stated by Complementary Law 163/2018, in the political, spatial, and socioeconomic spheres. Through bibliographical and analytical research, It was possible to observe that the municipalities that constitute the RIDE/DF underwent a disorderly urbanization that was not caused by industrialization nor is linked to factors related to an egalitarian regional development. The RIDE/DF was characterized by centralization of economic functions, work opportunities, and residential segregation, caused largely by initial actions of the state, and which resulted in several problems, such as structural unemployment, housing deficit, urban violence, and socio-spatial inequality, which affect not only the DF, since this generates overflow effects for the other municipalities of the RIDE/DF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has brought an unprecedented adverse impact on women's health. Evidence from the literature suggests that violence against women has increased multifold. Gender-based violence in urban slums has worsened due to a lack of water and sanitation services, overcrowding, deteriorating conditions and a lack of institutional frameworks to address gender inequities. Methods: The SAMBHAV (Synchronized Action for Marginalized to Improve Behaviors and Vulnerabilities) initiative was launched between June 2020 to December 2020 by collaborating with the Uttar Pradesh state government, UNICEF and UNDP. The program intended to reach 6000 families in 30 UPS (Urban Poor settlements) of 13 city wards. These 30 UPS were divided into 5 clusters. The survey was conducted in 760 households, 397 taken from randomly selected 15 interventions and 363 households from 15 control UPS. This paper utilized data from a baseline assessment of gender and decision-making from a household survey conducted in the selected UPS during July 03-15, 2020. A sample size of 360 completed interviews was calculated for intervention and control areas to measure changes attributable to the SAMBHAV intervention in the behaviours and service utilization (pre- and post-intervention). Results: The data analysis showed a significant difference (p-value < 0.001) between respondents regarding women's freedom to move alone in the control and intervention area. It also reflected a significant difference between control and intervention areas as the respondents in the intervention area chose to work for the cause of gender-based violence. Conclusion: The SAMBHAV initiative brought an intersectional lens to gender issues. The community volunteers were trained to approach issues based on gender-based violence with the local public, and various conferences and meetings were organized to sensitize the community. The initiative 's overall impact was that it built momentum around the issue of applying the conc ept of intersectionality for gender issues and building resilience in the community. There is still a need to bring multi -layered and more aggressive approaches to reduce the prevalence of gender-based violence in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the relationship between population density and political violence within North and West Africa. We find that while most violence currently occurs in rural areas, it also exhibits a classic distance-decay effect, commonly occurring near urbanized places. Regional differences are evident as Jihadist-led violence is increasingly rural in West Africa while urban violence was more common in North Africa. Important difference in states with major conflict are also present, exemplified by urbanized violence in Nigeria and rural violence in Mali. Our findings therefore provide mixed evidence for the typical "urbanization of conflict" discourse in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female homicide is a global phenomenon with a higher prevalence in countries in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Life expectancy in Brazil is compromised by the high risk of death from male and female homicides, a growing social problem. This study aimed to integrate different public datasets and describe the sociodemographic, criminal, and medicolegal characteristics of the homicides of girls and women occurring in Porto Alegre, southern Brazil, from 2010 to 2016. The data were obtained from autopsy reports, police reports, and records from crime scenes. During this period, there was a significant increase in overall standardized rates of female homicides (4.98 to 10.85), with a pronounced increase in non-gender-related deaths, especially due to urban violence, such as involvement in drug trafficking and other crimes and robbery resulting in death. Young (15–29 years of age), non-White women were the most affected. Increased female homicide rates due to non-gender-related factors is a new and worrying phenomenon in Brazil. Obtaining specific data on the profile of victims and characteristics of violence is a crucial step in facing the problem and directing public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have, during the Latin American spring, studied the material traces of state oppression and social movements in Temuco, Chile, and the transformation of the urban landscape with archaeological surveys. Our results demonstrate alterations in the urban landscape related to both police presence and protesters. Large amounts of teargas-projectiles and rubber bullets indicate strong police presence and repression of different social movements. We have also identified protection and resistance modes in the form of shields, paint bombs, and protective masks, often associated with graffiti's, barricades, and other alterations of the public space. Material vestiges combined with interviews have shown how state institutions have tried to cover up the traces of violence. We argue that archaeology can play a central role in this process and in recording the materiality of these events with the aim to hand over the information to human right associations to prevent state oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population growth and demographic changes were an important part of recent discourse about suburban areas, but research on the importance of rapid population growth for crime in suburban areas has been limited. A recent study found that rapid population growth in this city was not associated with changes in arrests for violent or property crime, which was counter to what was expected given the substantial body of research about increased violence in rapidly developing rural boomtowns. The findings of that study raised questions about whether rapid population growth was associated with changes in crime in all contexts and whether commonly assessed neighborhood level predictors of violence in urban and rural studies operated in the same fashion in suburban areas. The current study engages with this by examining the importance of population growth for changes in calls for service for four forms of violence in a rapidly growing suburban city. Findings indicate rapid population growth was not associated with an increase in violence overall, but that certain forms of violent behavior were more likely to increase. Further, the findings suggest neighborhood level population changes had different implications for changes in specific forms of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are undergoing socio-spatial transformations, including mega retail/marketplace infrastructure projects. While often celebrated, these projects also present adverse socioeconomic and environmental consequences, which we illustrate by turning to the Takoradi Central Market (TCM) in Ghana as a case study. Herein, we deploy infrastructural violence as a lens to interrogate these consequences by probing the nature and forms of violence resulting from (re)developing the TCM and the underlying institutional logics, processes, and practices reproducing them. Our findings suggest that the forms of violence experienced by traders from the TCM redevelopment manifest through marginalization, abjection, and deprivation. More crucially, we illuminate that these embodied forms of violence from the TCM infrastructure are co-constitutive and structural. That is, they are reproduced through the country's prevailing institutional logic and practices around urban planning and development, including centralized and technocratic infrastructure planning processes that are deeply embedded in tokenistic/symbolic participatory planning and partisan politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Instagram account (@Balance_ton_bar) highlighted the issue of sexual violence in Brussels nightlife sharing testimonials from victim-survivors. Set up in response to reports of drug-facilitated sexual assault at nightlife establishments, the account aimed to raise awareness and hold establishments accountable. This study examines these testimonials to explore how violence was perpetrated—through chemical drugging, alcohol use, isolation, and social power—the socio-emotional consequences for victim-survivors, and their journeys in seeking support. Key insights reveal (a) the demand for long-term, trauma-informed care, (b) the role of digital platforms for healing and activism, and (c) the need for community-level, norms-focused preventive actions to effectively combat sexual violence across European nightlife settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) can be uniquely vulnerable to exogenous shocks and urban violence. • Survey evidence from Honduras, El Salvador and Venezuela reveals that smaller and informal businesses suffered most during COVID-19 and that increased violence and extortion was detrimental. • Receiving government support and engaging more with both the State and criminal groups was associated with better business outcomes for SMEs, as was engaging in charity and philanthropy in communities of operation. • While SMEs can be vulnerable to shocks and crises in complex institutional settings, they can also instrumentalize relationships, particularly with communities, in ways that may support resilience. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) can be uniquely vulnerable to exogenous shocks and crises. In many Latin American cities, SMEs also face endemic challenges related to urban violence that can inhibit their operations and survival. Drawing on theory related to how small business vulnerability and resilience is shaped by firm capacity, dynamics of violence and businesses' networks and relationships, this article examines SMEs self-reported business outcomes in fragile urban contexts. We do so by utilising a novel primary survey of urban SME owners in Venezuela, El Salvador and Honduras conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our results highlight how firms that were smaller, informal and faced increasing violence and extortion tended to suffer; while those that increased engagement with both the State and non-state criminal actors and those who supported their communities tended to fare better. While SMEs may face distinct liabilities in complex institutional settings, our findings suggest they can also exercise some agency in navigating urban violence and exogenous shocks by utilising both formal and informal support networks and fostering community linkages as resilience strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

i Lanham, MD & London: Lexington Books, 2023, vii + 175pp., £73.00/$95.00 h/b. Petro, Nicolai N., I The Tragedy of Ukraine. Lanham, MD & London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2022, xix + 267pp., $26.95 h/b. Leukavets, Victoria, I The Integration Policies of Belarus and Ukraine vis-à-vis the EU and Russia. Lanham, MD & London: Lexington Books, 2023, xiii + 365pp., £96.00/$125.00 h/b. Xing, Li (ed.), I China-EU Relations in a New Era of Global Transformation i . [Extracted from the article]

This essay analyzes contemporary American gun rhetoric with particular attention to location. Funded by a pragma-dialectic perspective, I examine conservative and progressive attempts to situate the national discussion about firearms and gun control legislation in urban locations (especially Chicago) and in suburbs (especially schoolhouses), respectively. I demonstrate that these location rhetorics function as strategic maneuvering, enabling both sets of discussants to move the conversation to issue sets that favor them and make their policy preferences seem more reasonable, even as they often prevent the public from responding to the bulk of actual gun violence. To begin, I develop a perspective on public argument based on pragma-dialectic argumentation theory. Next, I attend to conservative rhetoric that publicizes gun violence in large urban population centers, especially Chicago. Then, I turn to liberal gun rhetoric that centers attention on leafy suburbs where mass shootings often occur. In the final portion of this paper, I argue that both strategies disadvantage the public and forestall meaningful improvement on this important issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban margins are typically depicted as residual, apolitical spaces, where delinquent activities take place. But these spaces, with their own social, economic and political goings-on, are capable of drawing established urban economic and political structures into question. This paper brings together urban frontiers, political settlements and brokerage literatures to analyse how residents muddle through the challenges of everyday life in the urban margins and interact with coercive systems of rule. Through ethnographic fieldwork, this paper focuses on two brokers from neighbouring communities in Rio de Janeiro's West Zone; exploring how they mediate violent conditions, coercive militia rule and limited resources, and why and how they do so to different effects. By focusing on the spatial and historical dimensions of brokerage, this paper argues that power in Rio de Janeiro's margins derives not only from coercive control and domination, but also from agency, legitimacy and social energy. By doing so, this paper unearths potential for more radical possibilities for urban development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to analyze whether there is a spatial relationship between urban violence and school violence in the municipalities in Rio Grande do Sul. For this purpose, the technique of exploratory spatial data analysis (ESDA) was applied to the indicators of urban violence and in schools in the cities in 2017. The ESDA results indicated that the High-High cluster of the violence index within public schools in Rio Grande do Sul coincides with the regions with the highest urban crime rate, showing a positive relationship between the violence index education and school violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to present a "cultural biography" of the Michael Jackson statue in the Santa Marta favela, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Examining the time frame between 2010 and 2018, the dynamics of urban space production are focused considering the touristic commodification and urban violence. The exposed analysis come from an ethnographic research carried out under interlocutions with a network of dwellers, entrepreneurs, tour guides and local leaders of the favela. Debating the connections among the (im)mobility of images, meanings, objects and bodies conducted by the pacifying police units (PPU) program, I argue that the "social life" of the statue in the favela can be determined by the "regimes of value" around its uses, disputes and meanings over time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban art has been and continues to be a transforming component within urban renewal processes, reinforcing memory, recovering the sense of place, and reducing stigmatization. This article delves into the role of urban art within the (physical-spatial) requalification and (symbolic) resignification processes in Urban Working-Class Settlements, analyzing how these processes are related to strengthening place attachment, sense of belonging, sense of security, and community organization, and trying to reflect on how they can affect deeper lying issues such as social and environmental risk. The methodology used is participatory action research, which was developed with the Santa Lucía Community in the Historic Center of San Salvador. Although the limitations of urban art are clear in the face of complex problems such as urban violence and environmental risk, the case of Santa Lucía reflects the potential of these interventions when they emerge as a collective and consensual expression, becoming an instrument of citizen vindication, strengthening community ties and organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence in the community can impact access to health care. This scoping review examines the impact of urban violence upon youth (aged 15–24) access to sexual and reproductive health and trauma care in Low and Middle Income Countries (LMICs). We searched key electronic health and other databases for primary peer-reviewed studies from 2010 through June 2020. Thirty five of 6712 studies extracted met criteria for inclusion. They were diverse in terms of study objective and design but clear themes emerged. First, youth experience the environment and interpersonal relationships to be violent which impacts their access to health care. Second, sexual assault care is often inadequate, and stigma and abuse are sometimes reported in treatment settings. Third is the low rate of health seeking among youth living in a violent environment. Fourth is the paucity of literature focusing on interventions to address these issues. The scoping review suggests urban violence is a structural and systemic issue that, particularly in low-income areas in LMICs, contributes to framing the conditions for accessing health care. There is a gap in evidence about interventions that will support youth to access good quality health care in complex scenarios where violence is endemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-first century Latin America has become the most urbanized region on the planet and, at the same time, the one that has the highest level of inequality. This article discusses how this tension is expressed in cinema, an eminently urban art, through two case studies: the Mexican Nuevo orden (dir. by Michel Franco, 2020) and the Brazilian film Era uma vez Brasília (dir. by Adirley Queirós, 2017). Both works are independent films that deal with issues of urban violence and authoritarianism through a distinct style that combines the techniques of realist representation with fictional elements borrowed from dystopian and science fiction genres. While the two show a preoccupation with the economic and racialized inequality that characterizes urban space in the capital cities of Mexico and Brazil, they ultimately evoke two modes of utopian discourse. Whereas the first film can be considered anti-utopian, criticizing the impulse to seek social change, the second one, though pessimistic, retains a utopian call for political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science research has focused on hot spots of adolescent violence in marginalized urban neighborhoods for nearly a century. In contrast, in this study, we explore under‐resourced urban areas that do not experience high rates of adolescent violence: "pockets of peace." We use a mixed‐method approach to identify the sociodemographic, geographic, and criminological commonalities and differences between pockets of peace and other areas of concentrated disadvantage dealing with high rates of adolescent violence in Indianapolis, IN. More than one out of every ten of Indianapolis' areas of concentrated disadvantage meet the criteria to be labeled "pockets of peace." Quantitative data indicate that these areas have fewer prosocial institutions and experience lower homeownership rates than comparison under‐resourced areas, and qualitative data point toward rental stability and residential longevity as potentially salient social factors within these contexts. As an alternative to using statistics to control for the context of structural disadvantage, studying pockets of peace and other "cold‐spots" of adolescent violence presents an opportunity to understand community‐level resilience within the real, lived context of structural disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Morro da Piedade is located in Vitória (ES), Brazil, and has been experiencing a process of resident evasion since 2018, due to the dispute over territory between groups linked to drug trafficking. In this context, movements and collectives emerged that articulate and question the relationship between the State and the territory. This article aims to analyze the attempts to redefine space, which took place between 2018 and 2021. The theoretical-methodological framework adopted is that of Marxist critical theory. The research instruments are case study, participant observation, interviews, data analysis and literature review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The fiction of J. G. Ballard closely examines contemporary environmental and climate change issues through the author's consistent juxtaposition of natural and urban settings, which are often associated with individuals on both a personal and global level. While his early works - cli-fi novels - primarily focus on global-scale physical catastrophes caused by human activities, his later works - urban disaster and urban violence novels - portray the urban catastrophe that threatens to invade man's personal sphere. This inquiry attempts to demonstrate that the inhabitants of the enclosed societies portrayed in Ballard's urban violence novels, namely Cocaine Nights (1996) and Super-Cannes (2000), are inexorably drifting toward a state of social and psychological entropy. These communities strive to condition their cognitive framework to align with the sterile and impersonal urban environment, thereby eliciting us to envisage incessant reciprocity with the milieu. By introducing the concept of 'trans-corporeality' to connote the fundamental nature of the symbiotic relationship between humans and the 'more-than-human' world, and the consequent blurring of boundaries between body and environment, this paper aims to illuminate the critical significance of environmental health and the notion that the human body (or psyche) is inextricably intertwined with its surroundings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that the "making" and deployment of political violence can be construed as hard work, in which political elites mobilize those from below to sustain their positions through the mobilization and doing of violence against perceived opposition political parties and or individuals. The article examines the ways in which former President Robert Mugabe instrumentalized his political relationship with his clients as a tool of political mobilization and perpetrating political violence in urban spaces where his electoral support base had dwindled. We argue that one of the remarkable ways in which Mugabe was able to remain in power for three decades was through his ability to creatively transform his influence and political position into a source of opportunities for his political clients, in particular the youth. We, therefore, assert that Mugabe extended and maintained his political patrimonial relationship with youths who did the work of political violence for him and his ZANU‐PF party. The mobilization of youth political violence is therefore an "art of governing" from below. This article is based on ethnographic data collected between 2016 and 2017 from youth in Harare. We conducted in‐depth interviews, life‐history interviews, observations, and informal conversations with youth in Harare city, Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The social conditions that demarcate space determine, to a large extent, the social and urban experience of those who inhabit it. Inhabiting an urban enclave of poverty configures specific life experiences of youth, and unequal inclusion affects how they live in the city. This article, which derives from research conducted in a poor neighborhood in the city of Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas (Mexico), presents the implications of the conditions of precariousness and violence that demarcate an urban enclave of poverty by defining specific patterns of socialization that shape the urban and social experiences of the young people who live there. Resumen: Las condiciones sociales que demarcan el espacio moldean en gran medida la experiencia social y urbana de quienes lo habitan. Habitar un enclave urbano de pobreza confi gura experiencias específicas de vivir la juventud, así como maneras de inclusión desigual de vivir la ciudad. Este artículo, derivado de una investigación realizada en una colonia popular de la ciudad de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas (México), presenta las implicaciones que tienen las condiciones de precariedad y violencia que demarcan un enclave urbano de pobreza al delimitar patrones específicos de socialización que configuran las experiencias urbanas y sociales de las y los jóvenes que lo habitan. Résumé : Les conditions sociales qui délimitent l´espace façonnent largement l´expérience sociale et urbaine de ceux qui l´habitent. Vivre dans une enclave urbaine de pauvreté configure des expériences spécifiques de la jeunesse et des modes d´inclusion inégale de la vie dans une ville. Cet article, dérivé d´une enquête de terrain menée dans un quartier populaire de la ville de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, au Chiapas (Mexique), présente les implications des conditions de précarité et de violence qui caractérisent une enclave urbaine de pauvreté et qui définissent des schémas spécifiques de socialisation et des expériences urbaines et sociales des jeunes qui y habitent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]