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This article is a case study of Barcelona’s policy entrepreneurship in innovating refugee reception. In a context of a highly centralised and increasingly dysfunctional Spanish refugee reception system, it traces how Barcelona, after declaring itself a city of refuge, aimed to change refugee reception into a more decentralised and bottom-up system with a major role of cities. Following Minstrom and Norman, the article reconstructs the city’s policy entrepreneurship and shows how the city 1) led by example in developing innovative local policies; 2) developed political arguments for change from a municipalist stance in coalition with other cities at national and EU level; and 3) worked its arguments into more technical discussions on the future of integration funding in the EU. On the basis of these developments, the article reaches two main conclusions. First, while the different registers of policy entrepreneurship cannot be directly connected to any concrete change of the multi-level setup of refugee reception, they do represent a significant step forward in cities’ self-organisation beyond ideological lines and a factor contributing to a stronger recognition of cities in refugee reception in Europe. Second, while the literature on multilevel governance has an in-built bias towards more coordinated and harmonious relationships across tiers, the case of Barcelona shows that more attention should be paid to conflict and change. Some of the interviews used in this paper (those conducted by Blanca Garcés) were conducted with the financial support of the H2020 project CEASEVAL. This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 770037 and acronym CEASEVAL. This publication reflects only the author’s view and therefore the European Union and its Research and Executive Agency is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

Recent research has reported that an increasing number of migrants in Norway are concentrated in the low-skilled sectors of the labour market, irrespective of their educational background, thus facilitating the formation of migrant niches in the long term. Despite the growing body of literature that raises the problem of downward professional mobility and deskilling among migrant populations, little scholarly attention has been paid to migrants’ struggles and vulnerabilities as a result of underemployment. Drawing on 30 in-depth interviews, this article explores the common experience of habitus mismatch and suffering among Poles who have worked below their level of competence or professional experience since migrating to Norway. By analysing subjective experiences of downward professional and social mobility and the conflict between valued and stigmatised identities, the article examines the various habitus mismatches that contribute to suffering in downwardly mobile Polish migrants.

In December 2018, the UN General Assembly formerly endorsed the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. Louise Arbour, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for International Migration, said, “the formal endorsement of the Compact represents a resounding commitment to an international migration framework based on fact, not myth, and to an understanding that national migration policies are best implemented through cooperation not in isolation.” While there are formidable challenges to the implementation of the Compact, the mandates for the role of evidence in policy and program formulation have been expressed from stakeholders, Member States, civil society organizations, and migrants, throughout the preparatory processes. This paper seeks to share those voices vis a vis the call for research concerning data, research and analysis concerning international migrants and displaced persons, and will consider the implications for scientific initiatives for migration research and analysis and for global policy and goals concerning migration and sustainable development.

In this article, I introduce a typology that maps the regulation of two fundamental boundaries of modern nation-states regarding immigration: territorial boundaries and membership boundaries. Based on a theory of the structural logics underlying Immigration Regime Openness (IRO) and Citizenship Regime Inclusiveness (CRI), I make four observations on the two-dimensional policy space determined by the relative porousness of these two boundaries. First, a Categorical Principal Component Analysis (CATPCA) using a combination of original and existing panel data across 23 liberal democracies from 1980 to 2010 confirms that IRO and CRI are internally consistent and statistically distinct dimensions. Immigration policies therefore appear more coherent than often assumed. Second, the distribution of cases over the four ideal-typical policy configurations from 1980 to 2010 shows that more and more cases combine relatively liberal immigration policies with relatively liberal citizenship policies. Behind this finding are, third, overall liberalizing trajectories in both policies as well as a pattern of convergence in immigration policies. The liberalisation of immigration policies is most notable until 1996 and the level of openness fluctuates thereafter. Regarding citizenship, I provide evidence for a much-cited restrictive turn during the 2000s. In addition, I show that there has already been a restrictive turn in citizenship during the 1990s. Fourth, instead of the trade-off anticipated by much of the literature, I find an increasingly positive correlation between IRO and CRI. The new typology, its underlying theory, and the subsequent findings significantly advance our understanding of the most fundamental boundaries of modern nation-states.

This paper reviews new evidence on the trends and patterns of migration between Africa and Europe since the mid-1970s, and discusses their congruency with the changing context of migration policy. Using data from the Determinants of International Migration (DEMIG) and the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) projects, we compare flows and policies of three African and six European destination countries (Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, and Senegal, on the one hand; and Belgium, France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK, on the other). The paper focuses on topics that quantitative studies usually overlook due to the lack of data, namely the propensity to out-migrate, legal status at entry, routes of migration, and propensity to return. We show that times of restrictions in Europe do not correspond to less African out-migration, but rather to more unauthorized migration and fewer returns. We further show that trends in African migration differ greatly between historical and new destination countries in Europe.

It is clear that the field of migration studies has grown significantly over the past decades. What is less known is how this growth has taken place. This article combines bibliometric metadata with expert interviews to analyse the institutionalisation of the field in terms of self-referentiality, internationalisation, and epistemic communities. Self-referentiality in migration studies has gradually increased as the field has grown, until recently. The field has internationalised in terms of international co-authorships but has done so unevenly. Finally, we find that epistemic communities in migration studies, based largely on disciplines, increasingly refer to one another and are increasingly interdisciplinary.

In this paper, based on qualitative research on the North African second-generation in Paris and the Turkish second-generation in Berlin, we discuss ethnic minorities’ attachment to place and how living in highly diverse cities shape their perceptions and experiences of marginalization and belonging. Even though France and Germany have different state-level approaches to citizenship and belonging, the experiences of marginalization and exclusion of the second generation in the city are rather similar. In both societies, ethnic and religious minorities such as the North African or Turkish second-generation are excluded from mainstream society. This exclusion is experienced on the local level. Thereby the geography of Berlin and Paris impacts ethnic second-generation populations’ feeling of belonging to the communities in which they live, as well as how they understand their experiences of racism and exclusion. This research has implications for understanding the multivariate experiences of middle-class second-generation ethnic populations across Europe.

Social protection refers to resources and strategies to deal with social risks, such as poverty or obligations and needs of care, which might impede the realization of life chances and well-being. Previous research has shown that migrants are particularly affected by challenges when accessing or providing social protection, because of unfamiliar welfare regulations in the immigration country and their family and friends being located in various locations, calling for an investigation of gendered dynamics in transnational spaces. Inthis special issuewe aim to advance these vital debates by elucidating the social consequences of the articulation and organization of formal and informal social protection across borders for different actors involved through a joint investigation of gender and transnationality as key dimensions of social inequality. More specifically, the papers collected inthis special issueare devoted to investigating the link of formal and informal dimensions of transnational social protection and showing its impact on unequal life chances of mobile people in Europe. This introduction frames the articles collected inthis special issuefrom an inequality perspective, thereby pointing to the ways in which gender and transnationality interact with other dimensions of inequality in the field of social protection, which currently constitutes one of the most vital issues in the field of migration scholarship.

Drawing on interviews conducted in Brussels, Dakar and Accra between September 2017–March 2018, this paper discusses the responses of domestic policy actors to the EU’s migration policy proposals in the two West African countries of Senegal and Ghana. EU-African cooperation in migration is mediated by the domestic context that the EU’s migration agenda is ‘received’ in, and the preferences and responses of policy communities in the countries that are the intended recipients of the EU’s governance approach. While existing studies have examined preference formation on the part of European actors in the EU’s external migration agenda, the preferences and agency of African actors and how these shape the EU’s external migration governance remain under-examined. Looking primarily at domestic contestation in the area of returns and readmission, this paper demonstrates that the preferences of policy actors in the receiving country are formed in a shifting domestic context and have an impact in determining the ability of the EU to achieve its aims and preferred governance strategy. In addition, it is shown that organisational and bureaucratic dynamics can influence cooperation outcomes.

This study aims to shed light on how high-skilled and business Turkish immigrants (HSBTI) decide to acquire host country's citizenship and why some of them choose not to seek naturalization. With this in mind, a comparative case study of Canada and Germany was designed. It is proposed that host country citizenship and migration policy, social, economic and political costs and benefits of host country's citizenship and individuals' conceptualization of citizenship impact the decision-making process of HSBTI. Based on the data results, the study argues that social, economic and political opportunities in host countries (such as the right to vote), multicultural migration and citizenship policies of those countries and valuing citizenship as a commodity positively influence the naturalization decisions of HSBTI interviewees, while restricted policies, economic costs of citizenship and seeing citizenship as a sense of belonging adversely affect their decisions. German Academic Exchange Service [DAAD]Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD); Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey [TUBITAK]Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) German Academic Exchange Service [DAAD] and the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey [TUBITAK] support Deniz Yetkin Aker with scholarship for the field researches of this study in Canada and Germany.

This article examines the connection between media use and social in/security from the perspective of Finnish Russian-speakers. Based on 25 interviews conducted in Finland in 2015–2016, it analyses the ways in which people in conflict situations mitigate social risks and attempt to produce security by governing their use of the media. Drawing from von Benda-Beckmann and von Benda-Beckmann’s work on social security, the article argues that security studies ought to include transnational media use in their scope and broaden the emphasis towards the social and societal aspects of threat and insecurity. Furthermore, it explains how, in times of conflict, transnational media may turn into a digitalised ‘war zone’ with alarming consequences on the identification and social security of their audiences.

Research has given increasing recognition to the important role that children play in family decisions to migrate and the significant impact of migration on family relationships. At the same time, the role of emotional labour involved in feeling ‘at home’ and the sense of ontological security and everyday be-longing that families develop post-migration can benefit from further exploration. Drawing on data collected with Eastern European migrant families in Scotland, this article explores intergenerational understandings of (in)securities by comparing parents’ and children’s views on their lives post-migra-tion. It shows that, while adults constructed family security around notions of stable employment and potential for a better future, children reflected more on the emotional and ontological insecurities which families experienced. Family relationships are often destabilised by migration, which can lead to long-term or permanent insecurities such as family disintegration and the loss of a sense of recognition and be-longing. The article reflects on the ways in which insecurities of the past are transformed, but are un-likely to be resolved, by migration to a new country. It does this by grounding the analysis in young people’s own understandings of security and by examining how their narratives challenge idealised adult expectations of family security and stability post-migration. It also shows that young people’s involvement in migration research brings an important perspective to the family dynamics post-migration, challenging adult-centred constructs.

The central question of the symposium has been whether interculturalism provides a new paradigm that transcends multiculturalism? I note that, consistent with my own position, none of the commentaries answers this question in the affirmative. I concur with the view that interculturalist approaches suffer from an indeterminacy in the use of concepts such as local, place and proximity. When such concepts are given specification, they can have two different meanings: a) face to face encounters, b) urban life and/or governance. Whilst (a) and (b) can be connected together, a dichotimising logic is employed by interculturalists relation to the micro-macro and the city-national. I conclude by specifying, by reference to my work, the key features of multiculturalism that a replacement paradigm has to engage with.

This article explores the nature and impact of stigmatisation upon Russian and Russian-speaking migrants living in Scotland. It is based upon data gathered from 19 interviews with Russians and Russian-speakers living in the Aberdeen/Aberdeenshire and Central Belt regions of Scotland. Ongoing conflict in Syria and Ukraine has worsened relations between the UK and Russia, while EU enlargement and, latterly, the ‘refugee crisis’ have fuelled hostile attitudes towards migrants. Russians and Russian-speakers living in Scotland therefore face two potential sources of stigma, firstly because of a (perceived) association with the actions of the Russian state and, secondly, because they are often misidentified as Polish and are consequently regarded as threatening the availability of resources such as jobs, housing, benefits and school places (Pijpers 2006; Spigelman 2013). The article explores how people respond to such stigmatisation, emphasising the complexity of engaging with misdirected stigma. It is suggested that stigma – and the way in which people respond to it – is situational and context-specific in that it is significantly influenced by the identity, background and perspective of the stigmatised person. Also investigated is the wider impact of stigma on Russian and Russian-speaking migrants’ lives, highlighting the emotional and social insecurities that can result from stigmatisation. Drawing on anthropological theories of social security (Caldwell 2007; von Benda-Beckmann and von Benda-Beckmann 2000), the article suggests that robust social support, particularly from people who are local to the host country, can mitigate the negative effects of stigmatisation.

Since the 1970s multiculturalist policies that recognize and accommodate ethnocultural diversity have been implemented across western democracies. However, the tide seems to have changed: a ‘backlash against multiculturalism’ has been occurring since the 1990s. While it remains unclear whether this backlash is a matter of rhetoric or if there is indeed a wholesale retreat from multiculturalism, several scholars, politicians and journalists have invoked a pervasive narrative of the rise/advance and fall/retreat of multiculturalism. ‘Interculturalism’ has been introduced as a remedy, being allegedly well-suited to address some of the shortcomings of the multicultural approach. In this introduction to the Special Issue, which is about the key texts of Tariq Modood and Ricard Zapata Barrero, we present and question the nexus between the two terms. How has the ‘multiculturalism-interculturalism’ debate been held so far?

Theoretical and normative approaches regarding the question of diversity and integration, such as multiucluturalims and interculturalims compete in an attempt to redefine citizenship and nationhood. Most analyses have been single-theory-oriented, leading to multiple, contested and controversial interpretations of integration and democratic public spaces. Transnationalism raises the question of the limits of national public space and extends the concept of cultural integration beyond borders challenging the normative theories of multiculturalism and interculturalism bounded to national societies. Whatever the ideology and objective in the understanding of integration, states are confronted today with the transnational actions of activists who try to bypass states in order to reach a global perspective of their identification and action. Solidarity beyond borders involves a multilevel interaction between home and host countries and leads the states to develop strategies of integration – territorial and non-territorial – as a way of including identity issues developed in a minority situation into their political strategy to “re-territorialize” them. The objective then is to counter non-territorial solidarity expressed in global religious terms, mostly virtual, diffused by the Internet, which attracts the young generation, urging them to reject any or all national identification, to develop a new pride, a sense of community based on a global identification.

This study examines the socioeconomic adaptation of post-1991 Eastern European professionals in the United States. The data were obtained from the pooled 2006–2010 American Community Surveys. The analysis includes recent immigrants between ages of 25–65 who have at least an associate’s degree. Skilled immigrants in professional or managerial occupations are compared with non-professionals or managers to examine and compare socioeconomic outcomes. The findings presented in this study support the segmented assimilation theory and reveal cross-group and cross-country disparities in socioeconomic adaptation. Despite the high amount of human capital, Eastern European skilled immigrants tend to have a lower share of professionals and managers than other groups. Their average income is lower than the income of some other groups in the analysis, especially immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, suggesting these immigrants experience difficulties in transferring human capital. Among the three largest Eastern European groups – Russia, Ukraine, and Poland – there is a clear hierarchy in socioeconomic status with Russian professionals having the highest educational attainment and income, followed by immigrants from Ukraine and Poland. Results also revealed gender differences in socioeconomic adaptation. Women from Eastern Europe are highly professional, but they tend to be concentrated in different occupations than men, leading to a significant gender-wage gap. The effect of selected individual and country-level characteristics on skilled immigrants’ socioeconomic adaptation is discussed.

There is scarce empirical evidence on the relation between migration and child health in Moldova and Georgia—two post-Soviet countries with large out-migration flows in the region. This study uses nationally representative data collected in 2011–2012 in Moldova (N = 1601) and Georgia (N = 1193) to investigate how children’s health associates with five transnational characteristics: migrant and return-migrant household types, parental migration and parental divorce, maternal and/or paternal migration and caregiver’s identity, the duration of migration, and remittances. Findings show that, regardless of the transnational family setting, children of migrants have overall positive or no differing health compared to children in non-migrant households. However, significant gender differences are found in both countries. More often than not, Moldovan and Georgian girls are more at risk of having poorer health when living transnationally. These results add nuance to a field of research that has mainly emphasized negative outcomes for children in transnational care.

Integration is a pivotal concept in migration studies. Yet, over time critiques have been formulated that question the very assumptions that the concept of integration rests on. Willem Schinkel, one of the major criticasters explains what is wrong with the concept. Is it that bad? Some of his discussants believe yes, but offer alternative conceptualizations as way out, whilst others believe the critique is unjustified and write in defense of integration.

An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via the original article.

This article examines the intertwining of migration law and criminal law — termed ‘crimmigration’ by scholars — in Australia and the United States of America, and its implications for non-citizens who engage in criminal conduct. Our comparison of the two systems demonstrates that the laws and policies in both jurisdictions are similar to a significant degree. Both have strong exclusionary policies characterised by sweeping visa cancellation/removal powers, a heavy focus on enforcement, and limited review rights. In Australia, legislative amendments in 2014 have given the executive greater powers to cancel visas and remove non-citizens on character grounds as a means of ensuring national security and public safety. This has coincided with a new law enforcement body created within the Australian Department of Immigration. These changes reflect a repurposing of migration law as a tool for managing criminal threats based on the concept of ‘risk management’. Drawing on the experience of the United States — where such a ‘risk management’ approach is entrenched — we query the utility of this shift and highlight the potential pitfalls of pursuing such a policy for Australia.

"Durante las dos últimas décadas es visible la mayor presencia de canadienses en México, especialmente en determinadas localidades. Se analiza la evolución y las características más recientes de esta población mediante el análisis comparativo y complementario de datos utilizando información censal y de los registros administrativos migratorios. Los resultados del estudio corroboran el incremento sostenido de los canadienses en México así como su diversificación en las modalidades migratorias, áreas y territorios donde tienen presencia. Se identifica principalmente a tres grupos: a) población ocupada, b) pensionados y c) menores de 16 años. Además, se destaca la participación de turistas de larga estancia, conocidos como snowbirds. Se concluye que estos patrones inmigratorios están asociados, en lo esencial, al modelo integracionista de Norteamérica (tlcan), a la apertura a la inversión extranjera y al turismo en México, al aumento de la población pensionada en Canadá y a los lazos históricos que mantienen las comunidades menonitas entre ambos países."

In a large part of Latin America, residential segregation has been examined almost exclusively from a socioeconomic perspective, with an ethnic approach far less common. The aim of this article is to analyze segregation of Bolivian and Peruvian migrants residing in the city of Córdoba and its association with access to adequate housing, based on data from the 2010 Census. Both groups are segregated and in deficient residential conditions. Although the most segregated group does not present the worst residential indicators, it is a paradox which underscores the complex relationship between segregation and access to adequate housing En gran parte de América Latina la segregación residencial ha sido abordada casi exclusivamente desde una perspectiva socioeconómica, siendo mucho menos frecuente su abordaje étnico. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la segregación de los migrantes bolivianos y peruanos que residen en la ciudad de Córdoba y su vinculación con el acceso a una vivienda adecuada, a partir de datos del Censo de 2010. Ambos grupos se encuentran segregados y en condiciones residenciales deficientes. Aunque el colectivo más segregado no presenta los peores indicadores habitacionales, es una paradoja que evidencia la compleja relación entre segregación y acceso a una vivienda adecuada Fil: Molinatti, Florencia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina Fil: Pelaez, Enrique. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

En este artículo se analiza si los discursos generados en la comunicación e intercambios materiales de los hogares transnacionales tienen un impacto en las narrativas de las aspiraciones y en el imaginario de cumplimiento de las expectativas educativas y profesionales de las/os hijas/os de migrantes del cantón Sígsig, Ecuador. Los resultados obtenidos mediante un estudio cualitativo muestran que la migración internacional no incide negativamente en las aspiraciones educativas y puede influir positivamente en el imaginario de cumplimiento de las expectativas debido a las remesas. This article analyzes whether the discourses generated in the communication and material exchange within transnational households impact the aspirational narrative and imaginary regarding the fulfillment of the educational and professional expectations for the sons and daughters of migrants from the district of Sígsig, Ecuador. A qualitative study demonstrates that international migration does not have a negative influence on educational aspirations and may have a positive influence on the imaginary regarding expectation fulfillment given the remittances they are receiving. Fil: Pérez Gañán, María del Rocío. Universidad de Cuenca; Ecuador. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Departamento de Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Estudios de la Argentina Rural; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina Fil: Pesántez Calle, Blanca Nelcila. Universidad de Cuenca; Ecuador

Se incluye 1) una reinterpretación de un par de conceptos básicos ( Gemeinten Sinn y Verstehen ) de Max Weber. Se define a la migración internacional (inmigración) como una relación social de carácter laboral. Se hace referencia al libro de Ernesto Galarza. La noción teórica de Verstehen entendida por Weber como un “entendimiento pro - fundo” de un fenómeno social, da lugar a la narración que hace el autor, derivada del uso del 2) método de “observación participante” de una experiencia personal. De ésta se deriva el concepto de vulnerabilidad que implica una innovación a los enfo - ques teóricos de la migración. Lo anterior se encuadra en un enfoque metodológico de investigación cualitativa de la cual 3) no se desprenden “hallazgos” en su sentido empírico, sino explicaciones complementarias del “sentido” de los hechos relatados. 4) El encuentro del autor con un compañero migrante en el centro de detención, se presenta como el origen empírico del concepto de vulnerabilidad.

Utilizando una metodología mixta se aborda la presencia rumana y búlgara en Ribera del Duero, España. Esta zona mundialmente famosa por sus vinos ha experimentado un gran crecimiento económico, así como grandes transformaciones, entre otras, un proceso de reemplazo étnico: de una mano de obra familiar y local a una mano de obra migrante. Analizamos la evolución de la inmigración rumana y búlgara tanto en sus for- mas de llegada como en las diferentes formas de asentamiento y distribución geográfica a escala municipal que revelan una cierta especialización territorial según nacionalidad.

Este artículo empíricamente examinó el impacto del origen inmigrante sobre los logros educativos en Rusia. El principal método consistió de regresiones logísticas con datos longitudinales de escolares en edades 6-14 (del 1º al 8º grados) durante el periodo 2010-2013 (cuatro rondas). En contraste con la mayor parte de la literatura empírica previa, los datos de panel controlaron el impacto sobre los logros educativos de determinantes invariables en el tiempo. Los hallazgos sugirieron que el origen inmigrante no tiene efecto sobre los logros educativos después de controlar los efectos del estatus socioeconómico, la salud del niño, el tipo de escuela, asentamiento, y otras características personales, los cuales tuvieron efectos estadísticamente significativos para distinguir entre estudiantes exitosos y malogrados. Así pues, no hay brecha educativa entre migrantes y estudiantes nativos, lo cual diferencia a Rusia de la mayor parte de países desarrollados.

Convertirse en migrante internacional en el ámbito de una comunidad indígena chiapaneca entra en tensión con los sistemas normativos que en nombre del bien común reclaman participación de sus miembros. Rehusar a cubrir tareas civiles será aceptado mediante el pago de una multa por el candidato a emigrar. De ahí la existencia de esta instancia comunitaria en la regulación de la migración. El retorno pasa por la calificación comunitaria, además de que las iniciativas de los retornados se ven limitadas. Todo lo anterior ocurre en comunidades, en donde la membresía a una comunidad entraña un lazo de identificación cultural.

En el artículo se plantea una reflexión sobre los movimientos migratorios en España, acercándose al papel que desempeñan las mujeres procedentes de Marruecos y Guinea Ecuatorial. Se analiza la inmigración como un proceso que conduce a estas mujeres a una nueva realidad, provocando una ruptura con su pasado. Se examinan también las situaciones de integración o asimilación que acompañan a la dinámica migratoria respecto a la sociedad de acogida. Como conclusión se apunta que se trata de un proceso inacabado pues, la verdadera incorporación de las inmigrantes a esta sociedad de acogida se prolonga en el tiempo: son “mujeres en transición”.

En el presente trabajo se analizarán las representaciones valorativas que migrantes paraguayos establecen sobre la sociedad de origen en contraste con la de destino (Argentina), con base en entrevistas y observaciones realizadas en el Gran Rosario (Santa Fe), entre 2010 y 2013. Desde las referencias a sus trayectorias, se examina la elaboración de los relatos migratorios, los cuales son elementales en la conformación identitaria. Con ello se evidencian las dimensiones que atraviesan tales derroteros, en sus contradicciones y en su elaboración a través de una ambigüedad valorativa (Sayad, 2010a).

Conocer qué piensan los chilenos sobre la creciente inmigración es el objetivo de este artículo. Para ello, se aplicó una encuesta telefónica a 1 110 connacionales distribuidos en el país. Los principales hallazgos muestran que se exige la protección de la diversidad cultural que la inmigración trae, pero más a nivel individual que grupal, acercándose al modelo norteamericano. No obstante, se evidencia poca claridad sobre qué tipo de política pública se debe implementar en el país. De aplicarse, ésta debería enfrentar la difícil tarea de combinar un multiculturalismo débil con un Estado protector de la cohesión social y promotor del reconocimiento de derechos. Dado que una encuesta telefónica no cubre homogéneamente todos los estratos sociales y segmentos de la población nacional, es una limitación que se debe tener en consideración.

El artículo presenta un estudio de caso etnográfico sobre la experiencia de peruanas migrantes en el Terminal Internacional Rodoviario de Arica (Chile). Desarrollamos un análisis que, partiendo de la descripción del espacio y de las experiencias entre nativos y migrantes, establece vinculaciones teórico-empíricas que tensionan la dicotomía estructura-agencia. Empezaremos contextualizando la investigación, discutiendo las algunas de las categorías teóricas de los estudios de la migración urbana. Luego, desarrollamos una descripción etnográfica de los espacios internos del Terminal y de cómo ellos se “interconectan” con el paisaje de Arica. Nuestra principal conclusión sobre nuestros hallazgos es la proposición del concepto de espacialidad hiperfronteriza.

Este artículo analiza la marginalidad juvenil y el proceso cualitativo de guetoización en una zona desfavorecida de Madrid. Un estudio etnográfico que examina el papel de las estructuras intermedias (familia, comunidad étnica y asociaciones cívicas) en las trayectorias de vida de los jóvenes excluidos del sistema educativo. Los resultados de este es - tudio de caso muestran que el efecto benéfico de estas estructuras depende de la calidad del capital social que sean capaces de generar, un recurso que surge de la colaboración específica entre las organizaciones étnicas, religiosas y seculares en las que las mujeres desempeñan un papel decisivo.

El objetivo del trabajo es conocer el efecto de los ingresos laborales antes de la migración en los ingresos obtenidos por los migrantes en la economía de destino para el caso de los migrantes temporales mexicanos hacia Estados Unidos. Se utilizaron datos de la encuesta Emif Norte entre 1999 y 2009. Se observa una alta movilidad absoluta y relativa. Los ingresos por hora se multiplican por un factor de cuatro en la economía de destino, mientras que el efecto de un incremento de 10 por ciento en los ingresos en México aumenta en menos de uno por ciento los ingresos en Estados Unidos. Los resultados muestran que los ingresos laborales en México tienen poco poder predictivo en el desempeño laboral de los migrantes mexicanos en Estados Unidos.

De 2001 a 2013 murieron en la frontera sur de Arizona 2 184 personas, de las cuales alrededor de 75 por ciento perecieron por hipertermia, golpe de calor o deshidratación. Aunque resulta claro que las condiciones ambientales de la región Sonora-Arizona son de alto riesgo los migrantes siguen cruzando por ella, de allí que surge el objetivo de este estudio: examinar la percepción de los migrantes sobre el riesgo a las altas temperaturas. Con base en 27 entrevistas realizadas en albergues de Agua Prieta y Ciudad Obregón, Sonora, se encontró que sólo una tercera parte de los entrevistados consideraban las altas temperaturas un problema para su salud, por lo que se concluye que esta minimización del riesgo se debe a un exceso y saturación de peligros relacionados con la violencia hacia sus personas en su recorrido por México.

El artículo investiga la relación de las remesas y la permanencia escolar en México. Se analiza un panel de datos sintético para medir la permanencia escolar de los niños y jóvenes nacidos entre 1981 y 1998. Se encuentra que mientras más importantes sean las remesas en el ingreso familiar, la relación positiva estimada sobre la permanencia escolar será mayor. Incrementos en las remesas están relacionadas con incrementos en la permanencia escolar de entre 4.89 y 11.7 por ciento. El efecto positivo de las remesas en la permanencia escolar aumenta en hogares con altos niveles de marginación.

Following publication of the original article (Levy, Pisarevskaya, & Scholten, 2020), the authors reported several errors. In the Abstract, “co -authorships” has been corrected to “co-authorships”. Footnote 1 contained a typesetting mistake – duplicate text was added. It has been corrected to: “E.g. a transdisciplinary article is one where it becomes difficult to ascertain the discipline from which it has originated, even though it is clearly identified as belonging to migration studies.” In the section ‘Bibliometric analysis’, the formula has been corrected to: (Formula presented.), where N is a Total number of sources for period t: The 8th paragraph of the ‘Bibliometric analysis’ contained a typesetting mistake – the first part (highlighted in bold typeface) was omitted. This paragraph has been corrected to: “We did this in five year increments (1975–1979; 1980–1984, and so on, with the exception of the final period, 2015–2018). The network files exported from VOSviewer can be found in the Harvard Dataverse (see Levy, Pisarevskaya, & Scholten, 2020). Following our iterative logic, this enabled us to analyse the data in the same terms – i.e. “early 1980s”, “late 1990s” – as our interviewees described their perception of the field’s development. VOSviewer clusters the authors according to how often they are cited together. We take these clusters to approximate the variety of epistemic communities within the field in each period. To assign labels, we used Google Scholar to find the unifying features of each cluster. We checked the research of each cluster’s most-cited authors, and the first-page results (usually the authors’ higher-cited works) enabled us to grasp their conceptual, thematic, or disciplinary focus. We triangulated this information with the reflections shared by our expert interviewees”.

This paper looks at how migrants with different skill profiles make use of their education in order to avoid unemployment compared with natives in three European countries with significantly different labour markets and policies for attracting highly skilled migration: France, Spain and the UK. The paper also explores the role played by the quality of the education migrants and natives received in accounting for these differentials, an explanation rarely tested in the literature due to a lack of appropriate data. We here use PIAAC data (OECD), which for the first time offers an interesting proxy of the quality of education, namely the cognitive skills of a representative sample of adult workers in our selected countries. The paper reaches three clear conclusions. Firstly, that it is among the most educated that inequality in obtaining returns to education by migrant status reaches a maximum. Secondly, that there are important differences in how this happens across countries, with the UK minimizing migrant-native differentials when compared with France and Spain. And that thirdly, and most surprisingly, differences in cognitive abilities, our proxy of the quality of education, are somewhat irrelevant in explaining this inequality.

In this paper I consider how the construction of migration as a problem poses both ethical and epistemological challenges to migration scholars and how this is related to political and methodological nationalism. I briefly outline two paradigm shifts that have been highly generative in our field and beyond – methodological transnationalism and the mobilities turn, both of which have as their starting point a critique of the nation state as a container of social processes. Building on these critiques and alternatives to methodological nationalism I go on to propose an approach I’m calling ‘methodological denationalism’ which takes as its starting point the migrant/citizen distinction. Key to this approach is to ‘migrantize’ the citizen, and I go on to give some examples of how this is done, not only to citizens of colour, but also to those who support non-citizens or who are the partners of non-citizens. Finally, I suggest that migrantizing the citizen enables us not only to look at the ways in which immigration controls affect citizens, but also how we might begin to make connections between the formal exclusions of noncitizenship and the multiple, and sometimes informal exclusions within citizenship.

The aim of this paper is to presents the validation of the 5-wave approach as a method capable of easing access and approximating a representative sample of a hard-to-reach population group (Sub-Saharan African migrants in Germany) for health, and social intervention projects and research. The 5-wave-approach addresses the non-representativeness in the Sudman and Kalton snowballing sampling technique by breaking down the discriminative referral system (snowball system) into five separate components. Data on socio-demographic characteristics collected in a cross-sectional from 532 Sub Saharan African migrants in Germany were compared with data from Germany Foreign Population registry 2016 (AuslaendBevoelkerung 2016) to check for the validity and representativeness of the method. Data comparison shows that sample socio-demographics characteristics reflect population characteristics, as presented in the 2016 German foreign population report. This finding supports the 5-wave-approach as a method capable of capturing a sample of Sub-Saharan African migrants (SSA migrants) that reflects and represents population demographics characteristics. The practicability of this approach offers health and social worker, policymakers and researchers with a communication channel that open up access to the larger group and facilitates the delivery of more efficient intervention projects.

The article confronts comparative research outcomes on factors that helped or hindered the educational success of immigrant youth and second generation in the past decades in several European countries with the institutional responses of European educational systems to the challenges of integrating a substantial number of refugee and other newly arrived children since 2014. Especially studies on the second generation – mostly the offspring of labour migrants – have revealed substantial differences in the long-term effects of specific institutional arrangements in the different systems that can – and should – serve as lessons for the potentially detrimental effects of the ways schools and school systems have reacted to the new influx of immigrant children. In the light of the lessons that could be learned from previous experiences with immigrant children and children of immigrants the article analyses in which way the current responses of different European educational systems to the presence of refugee and other immigrant children reflect these lessons, but also do justice to the particular challenges and specific situations of refugee youth that generally place them at an even higher disadvantage than other migrants. On the other hand, some of the ad-hoc measures for refugee pupils may have the potential of becoming permanent features of the respective educational systems.

By way of a commentary on Willem Schinkel’s ‘Against “immigrant integration”: For an end to neocolonial knowledge production’ in this volume, I propose twelve propositions in order to rethink the academic use of the concept “integration” in contemporary migration studies. The notion of “immigration integration” is deeply embedded in a methodological nationalism found throughout mainstream research and policy making on “immigration” that reproduces a colonial, nation-state centred vision of society sustained by global inequalities. The article broadly shares Schinkel’s arguments, while suggesting specific operationalisations which could advance a more autonomous social scientific understanding of how the categorisation of international migration and mobilities is used by nation-states to sustain particular orders and hierarchies of social power.

In this essay, I respond to Schinkel’s recent statement that ‘any claim and practice that concerns ‘integration’ should be the object of research, rather than the project of research’ (2018, p. 8). Although I agree with Schinkel that there are problematic practices of integration research, I do not agree that integration cannot be used as an analytical concept with heuristic value. In his critical analysis of how ‘integration’ is (ab)used as a political project, Schinkel seems to claim that there is no way to think of integration outside this problematic discourse. I argue that the concept of relational integration enables us to do just that by solving the most fundamental conundrum presented in his critique: that the concept of integration exempts ‘non-migrants’, and places migrants outside society.

Published: 30 April 2019 This commentary is a reply to the article ‘Against immigrant integration’ by Willem Schinkel. It argues that rather than abandoning immigrant integration as a field of research, we have to continue to strengthen critical approaches. Immigrant integration has to be understood and analyzed as a governance technique, rendering differences purposeful for certain ends. In this way, categories such as class and race get into the picture instead of being omitted. It is also emphasized that we have to look beyond the nation state to truly unsettle common sense ideas about immigrant integration and the migrant ‘other’. These points are illustrated by discussing the ‘management’ of immigrant integration in cities in Europe.

In his contribution, Willem Schinkel makes critical observations on the concept of immigrant integration and its use in Europe, specifically in the Netherlands. Three of these are agreeable: there is a lot of fuzziness around the concept; there is clearly selectivity and normativity in its use in political rhetoric and in research; there is also a strong influence of politics and policy on what is researched and how. However, Schinkel’s diagnosis of why these shortcomings exist and whose shortcomings these are, is erratic. Firstly, he does not recognize that the concept of integration has fundamental different functions in research and in policy. That makes his diagnosis of why the integration concept in research is problematic misleading. Secondly, Schinkel’s analysis focuses on the assumed function of research: “..it plays a crucial role in the problematization of migrant others” and “it is part of the contingent way in which ‘immigrant integration’ sustains a classed and raced form of dominance that is less precisely called ‘native’ or even ‘nativist’ than ‘white’.” Such sweeping interpretations lead Schinkel to plea “for a social science against immigrant integration policy”, whatever that would mean. The author of this article offers an alternative solution to problems of research that Schinkel signalizes. It includes three main elements: a) a broad, heuristic, scientific definition of the process of integration that studies the (outcomes of) interaction between newcomers and the receiving society at three levels (individual, collective and institutional), taking into account three dimensions of that process: the juridical/legal, the socioeconomic and the cultural/religious dimension. Such a definition is (and should be) independent of any policy concept of integration. b) studying integration policies as fundamentally different from the analysis of the process of integration; the former should be studied as – by definition normative, politics driven - efforts to steer integration processes. c) researchers should be aware of the consequences of policy-research-relations (particularly funding) and assure their scientific independence.