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The excavation of Crno Vrilo site (Zadar, Dalmatia, Croatia), carried out by B. Marijanović, has unearthed the vestiges of an Early Neolithic village dating back to ca. 5800–5600 cal BC. The lithic assemblage, with more than 4000 pieces, represents the biggest Impressed Ware assemblage of littoral Croatia. Lithic production at Crno Vrilo is characterised by the pressure Blade flaking on high-quality exogenous cherts (Gargano, southern Italy) reflecting important socio-economic and technical aspects that are specific to the Neolithic. The presence of some débitage elements such as flakes, debris, cortical and technological pieces indicates that standard pressure flaking occured at the site, while the presence of large Blades (with widths exceeding 20 mm) suggests production by lever pressure, a technique that required specialized knowledge and equipment. This article questions whether the lever pressure technique was used in the production of large Blades and examines the status of these Blades in the Crno Vrilo lithic assemblage by examining their technological and functional aspects.

The layer B is one of the lower layers of the long stratigraphic sequence of the Kamyana Mohyla 1 site. The layer B received eight new AMS radiocarbon dates that clarified its chronology: 7950–7300 calibrated years BC. They are in a reasonable correspondence with the dates for lower and upper layers. The lithic assemblage belongs to Kukrek cultural aspect. It is characterized by pencil-like conical cores, Kukrek inserts, Kukrek burins and Dęby burins, nongeometric microliths (oblique points). The assemblage finds close parallels in the sites of Kukrek, Ihren VIII, Melnychna Krucha SU4 and Domchi-Kaia. They can be united into Kukrek sensu stricto cultural unit. The overlying layer C yielded somewhat different complex that finds parallels in the materials of the so-called “Kukrek cultural tradition.” Due to clear stratigraphic position of these units in the Kamyana Mohyla 1 sequence, we are able to differentiate Kukrek sensu stricto and “Kukrek cultural tradition” and suggest their respective chronological positions.

Between 22ka and 9ka ago, after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and during the transition to the Holocene, mobile hunter-gatherer populations, differentiated by their stone tool assemblages, periodically dispersed and contracted across Europe. It is well understood that climate played an important role in human distributions and population sizes during the post-LGM Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene, but the question remains as to whether increasing population sizes drove early human dispersal. Here, using a spatiotemporal species distribution model to infer the fundamental and potential human climatic niche space of Late Upper Paleolithic, Final Paleolithic and Early Mesolithic Europe, and hypotheses derived from the Ideal Distribution Model, we test i) how changes in climate affected the size and extent of the projected potential human niche space, ii) for effects of changes in size of projected potential niche on regional human population sizes, iii) whether increasing human population sizes drove human dispersal into less climatically suitable habitats, and iv) whether populations associated with different high-order material culture groupings (macro-level technocomplexes) occupied different climatic spaces. We find that changes in climate correlate strongly with the size and extent of the projected potential human niche space, that increases in the projected human niche space correlate with increases in human population, that human population size is just beginning to become large enough to influence land use and dispersal patterns at the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, and that archaeological technocultural entities overlap in their fundamental climatic niche space. This overlap implies that changing tools forms cannot readily been seen as reflecting adaptations to changing climates. • Changes in climate correlate with the size and extent of the human projected potential niche space. • Increases in the geographic size of the projected potential niche space correlate with increases in human population size. • Larger human population sizes push people to occupy less suitable habitats. • Climate can impose constraints on human population size, limiting the effects of human population size on dispersal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaped stone balls (SSBs) were an integral part of human culture across the Old World for nearly 2 million years. They are one of the oldest implements made and used by humans. In this significant era, which was characterised by biological and cultural transformations, these round implements were a stable hallmark throughout the Lower Paleolithic period and beyond. However, while much research progress has been made in other stone tool categories, and despite the increased research efforts in recent years, attempts to define SSB function and typology have remained inconclusive, and broader cultural and cognitive aspects related to their production techniques, use and dispersal have yet to be explored in depth. What is the significance of their continuous presence and wide geographical distribution? What do these imply regarding the cognitive abilities of Oldowan and Acheulian humans? In this paper, we turn the spotlight on these enigmatic items. We address unresolved issues and explore the ergonomic and perceptual properties stimulated by the geometry of these items. We show that stone ball variability matches (modern) human hand palm variability. Moreover, when using SSBs in percussion activities, they are handled with the entire palm. Following, we discuss the role of SSBs in the context of socio-cultural processes. We suggest that SSBs reflect some of the earliest evidence in human history of a specific form that was conceptualised and recurrently acted upon.

The technocomplexes of the European Lower Palaeolithic are often attributed to the so-called Acheulean. Through several prehistoric sites located in the South Armorican coast, a distinct and contemporary Acheulean cultural facies was proposed at the end of the 1980s. Based on the study of lithic industries at the Pointe de Saint-Colomban site in Carnac, it is called "Colombanian" and is characterised by the coexistence of macro-tools on pebbles and a variety of small tools on flakes. As is often the case, the presence or absence of handaxes is a determining criterion to qualify a lithic assemblage as "Acheulean". However, this categorial attribution loses all meaning when a technological analysis is conducted. Consequently, we used a techno-structural approach to illustrate the technological and functional variability of lithic artefacts from the early occupations of the Pointe de Saint-Colomban site (layers 5, 6 and 7). The application of the "chaîne opératoire" principle allowed us to reveal the processes and objectives of the lithic production system and to establish a homogeneous reading grid among the different pieces of the assemblage. We present here the data from our study which clearly shows that the "Colombanian" is no longer valid and that we need to initiate a change of definition. The lithic industry of the Pointe de Saint-Colomban site is dominated by the concept of flaking (débitage) represented by numerous cores and flake tools. The concept of shaping (façonnage) is illustrated by only two sandstone pebble tools. All this highlights the diversity and originality of the lithic technical systems of the Lower Palaeolithic of the Atlantic Armorican coastline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of the typological and geochemical analysis of the archaeological materials recovered from the Chapelco Chico 1 site, the easternmost site located in the binational Valdivian basin. A novel obsidian record of the FHH chemical group is highlighted, associated with an expeditive lithic technology and monochrome painted and incised pottery, which allows its association with other wooded and lacustrine contexts of both Andean mountain slopes: the Argentine Norpatagonia and the Chilean Araucania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Quina Mousterian is one of the well-defined Middle Paleolithic techno-complexes. Despite the pivotal research carried out in south-western France, the presence of this techno-complex across the rest of Europe is still poorly documented. Here we apply a techno-functional approach, combining technological and use-wear analyses, for reconstructing lithic core-reduction, tool-reduction, and tool use at De Nadale Cave, a single-layered Mousterian site with Quina features located in northern Italy and dated to the early MIS 4. Our results indicate that the flexible core reduction strategies identified at De Nadale show some similarities with the Quina knapping method, in addition to the adoption of centripetal methods on single surfaces. Variations of this scheme identified at De Nadale are the exploitation of lateral and narrow fronts which are aimed to the production of elongated, small blanks. A parallel, ramified reduction is applied to limace cores and Quina or demi-Quina scrapers having diversified purpose (mixed matrix). These blanks are exploited as tools and cores-on-flakes from which thinner, usable flakes or bladelets are detached. The use-wear identified on both scrapers and reaffutage flakes further confirm this behavior, demonstrating the use of both tools, albeit for different tasks (i.e., scraping and cutting). We discuss the ecological implications of this behavior within the Quina Mousterian. The high frequency of retouched tools and Quina or demi-Quina scrapers seems to accompany the highly mobile human groups associated with this techno complex and their seasonally organized subsistence strategies. Finally, by combining available multidisciplinary data on paleoenvironment, subsistence, and chronology, we were able to embed the neanderthal settlement of De Nadale in a regional and Western European frame, underlining the importance of the Quina Mousterian in Western Eurasia between MIS 4 and early MIS 3. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stone‐tipped weaponry was important for the survival of past peoples, and many functional and non‐functional factors likely influenced their design. Two functional factors that past peoples likely considered in the design of their stone tips are durability (whether or not a stone tip breaks) and robusticity (how much damage is incurred upon breakage). Many factors have been shown experimentally to influence stone tip influence durability and robusticity, including stone raw material. Here, we further explore the relationship between stone raw material and stone tip durability and robusticity via controlled experiments comparing chert and obsidian. We first demonstrate with semi‐static fracture strength analyses that obsidian stone tips require less force to break than do chert stone tips. We then show with dynamic ballistics impact testing that obsidian stone tips are less durable and robust than chert stone tips. Our results are entirely consistent with previous experimental comparisons of chert versus obsidian stone tips, and support the hypothesis that past peoples, when presented with multiple raw materials, likely weighed their costs and benefits in the process of selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Māori discovered and used a range of obsidian sources throughout Aotearoa New Zealand. Temporal patterns in the economic use of obsidian are investigated with geochemical data, a technological analysis, and use-wear analysis of obsidian artifacts. We examined 11 metrics related to geologic source, flake size, fragmentation ratio, and use-wear on assemblages of artifacts over 20 mm in size from seven North Island assemblages dating to the Early/Middle (AD 1250–1600) and Late (post-AD 1600) periods. Sites are in three locations, Ahuahu Great Mercury Island, Pouerua, and Kohikia. We begin by examining change over time from the Early/Middle to Late Period in a single location—Ahuahu Great Mercury Island—then consider Late Period geographic variation in obsidian economization across all three locations. The technical analysis results, including the size of artifacts and fragmentation ratios of assemblages, support the proposal that obsidian was used more economically later in time. Use-wear metrics generally indicate greater economization of material in the Early/Middle Period. While reuse of artifacts and post-depositional damage are compounding underdetermined factors, the analysis documents a shift in the type of economization of obsidian in Aotearoa New Zealand from conservation focused on the maximization of use (Early/Middle) to the maximization of the number of artifacts (Late). We speculate that this may be due to population increase resulting in a larger number of people to provision with obsidian, and decreased direct access to raw material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately 50000 stone artefacts have been recovered from the prehistoric site of Leang Bulu Bettue (LBB), on the Wallacean island of Sulawesi, in Indonesia. This large assemblage offers the opportunity to produce a large‐scale, comprehensive model of the early lithic technologies of South Sulawesi. Through the analysis of half of this assemblage, this study identifies a technological shift between the artefacts produced ca.50–40 thousand years ago (ka) – the "Lower Industry" – and the "Upper Industry" artefacts produced ca.40–16 ka. The majority of the assemblage belongs to the Upper Industry, and these artefacts are associated with portable art, ornamentation, and the Homo sapiens remains reported in previous works. These Upper Industry artefacts are largely made on chert that was brought to the site, sometimes in the form of large flake blanks, which was further reduced within the cave and used for ochre and plant processing. Artefact reduction was strategic during this period, and the bipolar method was frequently used for controlled reduction of flakes of various sizes. This represents a shift from the technology seen on the small number of Lower Industry artefacts, recovered from the deeper deposits. The oldest lithic artefacts yet reported from the site were made on immediately available limestone pieces, which were reduced through least‐effort and non‐intensive flake removal dictated by the available platforms. This study is compared to an analysis of Pleistocene artefacts at the nearby site of Leang Burung 2, where a similar technological shift has been observed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of lithic morphological variability during the Acheulean is a much-debated topic, especially in the late Acheulean of the Levant. To explore this issue, we present a 3D analysis of 260 handaxes from Jaljulia, a recently discovered late Acheulean site dated to ca. 500–300/200 ka. We employ a comprehensive suite of 3D methods aimed at reconstructing the technological and morphological choices enacted by the Jaljulia knappers. These methods include the precise calculation of orthogonal measurements, center of mass, surface area, edge length, and geometric morphometrics, as well as new metrics for quantifying handaxe outlines and distribution of mass. Scar density was used to reconstruct the handaxe reduction strategies employed at the site. Our analyses reveal that the Jaljulia handaxes are diverse in shape suggesting that they were made following a flexible reduction sequence involving an expedient selection of initial nodules of varying sizes. This reduction strategy was geared toward improving the refinement and outline quality of the handaxes, but not imposing any shape constraints. The expediency and relative crudeness of the handaxes from such a late Acheulean site belie the commonly held perception that handaxes improve through time during the Acheulean. This is true on an intra-site scale also, with the oldest excavation area containing the most refined and smooth-edged handaxes. Finally, we consider how this newfound morphological flexibility and expediency of nodule selection fit within the complex lithic variability occurring in the terminal phase of the Acheulean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Late Upper Palaeolithic Hamburgian tradition reflects the earliest known human presence in northern Europe after the Last Glacial Maximum. We report here on the open-air site of Jels 3 (Denmark) and its associated stone tool assemblage, which can be unambiguously attributed to this period. Along with only a handful of other sites, Jels 3 represents the northernmost limits of human expansion in Europe at this time. We conduct a technological analysis of the lithic material from Jels 3 and other relevant sites to shed new light on the behavioral processes that likely underwrote this expansion. Given that sites dating to this initial dispersal remain few, are restricted to certain geographic regions, and represent an overall lack of a well-developed settlement hierarchy, we suggest that this dispersal process is most commensurable with the earlier stages of a leap-frogging colonization targeting specific landscape elements and that it was quite possibly very short-lived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early Upper Palaeolithic marks the introduction at a continental scale of a fully-fledged laminar industry, and it is associated with the presence of Homo sapiens in the Near East and in Europe. For this period there are three commonly recognised early Upper Palaeolithic technocomplexes : the Early Aurignacian and the Protoaurignacian, in Europe, and the Early Ahmarian, in the Levant. They have been used to illustrate different dispersal routes and behavioural adaptations to climate change, different regional settings or to infer different land-use and mobility strategies. Still, there is no consensus on the criteria for assigning one lithic assemblage to a particular early Upper Palaeolithic technocomplex. The early Upper Palaeolithic assemblages from Banat are among those showing ambiguous results when observed through the current taxonomical lens. This paper evaluates the taxonomical stances comparing technological raw data from extensively published early Upper Palaeolithic sites in Europe and the Levant. The comparison of assemblages attributed to different technocomplexes reveals a much more homogenous picture than expected. Various behaviours that are ascribed to a particular technocomplex are widespread in others too, but they are overlooked because of unclear and non-standardised terminology. The present paper shows that trying to fit the archaeological record in abstract, short definitions leads to misunderstandings, with clear implications on the further conclusions made on human past behaviours. It further advocates for creating new shared criteria for analysing lithic assemblages and thus overcoming the taxonomical impasse

With over 200 peer-reviewed papers published over the last 20 years, 3D modelling is no longer a gimmick but an established and increasingly common analytical tool for stone artefact analysis. Laser and structured light scanning, photogrammetry, and CT scanning have all been used to model stone artefacts. These have been combined with a variety of different analytical approaches, from geometric morphometrics to custom reduction indices to digital elevation maps. 3D lithic analyses are increasingly global in scope and studies aim to address an ever-broadening breadth of research topics ranging from testing the functional efficiency of artefacts to assessing the cognitive capabilities of hominid populations. While the impact of the computational revolution on lithic analysis has been reviewed, the impact of 3D modelling on lithic analysis has yet to be comprehensively assessed. This paper presents a review of how 3D modelling in particular has impacted the field of stone artefact analysis. It combines a quantitative bibliometric analysis with a qualitative review to assess just how “revolutionary” 3D modelling has been for lithic analysis. It explores trends in the use of 3D modelling in stone artefact analysis, its impact on the wider lithic analysis field, and methodological, regional and theoretical gaps which future research projects could explore.

The objective of this work is to advance in the studies of lithic production in the archaeological sites Los Varela Recinto 11 and El Polear 1, two Aguada sites inhabited during the Middle Period (c. VI - XI AD) in the Ambato Valley (Catamarca, Argentina). To study the lithic assemblages, the techno-morphological analysis of the carved lithic material, the technical-morphological and morphological-functional analyzes of the polished artifacts were implemented through macroscopic observation. The results obtained allowed to characterize the lithic assemblages of both sites, as well as to observe differences and similarities in the production of this technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fluting is a technological and morphological hallmark of some of the most iconic North American Paleoindian stone points. Through decades of detailed artifact analyses and replication experiments, archaeologists have spent considerable effort reconstructing how flute removals were achieved, and they have explored possible explanations of why fluting was such an important aspect of early point technologies. However, the end of fluting has been less thoroughly researched. In southern North America, fluting is recognized as a diagnostic characteristic of Clovis points dating to approximately 13,000 cal yr BP, the earliest widespread use of fluting. One thousand years later, fluting occurs more variably in Dalton and is no longer useful as a diagnostic indicator. How did fluting change, and why did point makers eventually abandon fluting? In this article, we use traditional 2D measurements, geometric morphometric (GM) analysis of 3D models, and 2D GM of flute cross sections to compare Clovis and Dalton point flute and basal morphologies. The significant differences observed show that fluting in Clovis was highly standardized, suggesting that fluting may have functioned to improve projectile durability. Because Dalton points were used increasingly as knives and other types of tools, maximizing projectile functionality became less important.We propose that fluting in Dalton is a vestigial technological trait retained beyond its original functional usefulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El Fin del Mundo is an archaeological site in Sonora, northwest Mexico, that contains a buried Clovis megafauna kill in a lowland area and concentrations of Clovis and later lithic materials scattered on the deflated surface of the surrounding uplands. The Clovis lithic assemblage from the site, identified by its technological and typological features, has been classified into three modes: bifaces, unifaces, and blades. The kill locality only contains Clovis points, whereas the assemblage from the uplands includes multiple bifaces reflecting diverse stages of the manufacture process from blank production to finished, highly reduced, and discarded broken Clovis points, numerous end scrapers, and blades and blade manufacture byproducts. This assemblage is indicative of a campsite where stone tool production and possibly other domestic tasks took place. In addition, a rhyolite outcrop near both the campsite and the kill was intensively exploited, as reflected in the high proportion of this raw material in the Clovis assemblage. Unequivocal association of the kill locality and the campsite is not confirmed; however, the configuration of the site indicates that the campsite was established in uplands near locations with water, game, and lithic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The knowledge about rocks availability in areas of archaeological investigations is fundamental in order to approach the lithic technology studies and human behaviors associated to its production. The aim of this paper is to characterize the structure of the basis of lithic resources of the area and to contrast previous observations. Here we present the first results of the prospections carried out in an inactive littoral cordon at the archaeological locality of Punta Entrada (Santa Cruz river mouth, Santa Cruz). Also petrographic analysis of samples recovered there are exposed. Patagonian Shingle Formation is the only one with outcrops in the area. This Formation would have functioned as a secondary source of a wide variety of lithologies of different qualities, which are presented in different sizes and morphologies thus offering a wide range of possibilities to the knappers.

The beginning of the Neolithic in the Adriatic region dates back to approximately 6000 cal BC, and the appearance of Impressed Ware pottery marks its generic development. By combining lithic, economic, and paleoenvironmental data, we propose a new arrhythmic model for the chronology of Neolithisation in the Adriatic. On the one hand, the available data suggest that in the south-central part of the basin (Dalmatia and Apulia) the transition to farming was relatively quick, resulting from the colonisation of an open landscape (seemingly linked to the “8.2 ka event” and the onset of a drier climate). These newcomers mostly settled in the fertile plains of the Dalmatian and Apulian hinterlands, basing their subsistence almost exclusively on agriculture and livestock, while lithic blade production in cherts from Gargano (southern Italy) indicates important social aspects and complex management strategies (mining activities, more complex modes of pressure flaking, and specialised distribution networks). However, on the other hand, in the northern Adriatic (Istria, Karst, eastern Po Plain, and Marches), the Neolithic emerged somewhat later, possibly as a result of some form of acculturation. Although available data are still scarce, some evidence suggests that the last Mesolithic groups played an active role in the process of Neolithisation in these areas, where certain Castelnovian traditions have been identified in the lithic production accompanying Impressed Ware (the use of local cherts, lamellar production by indirect percussion, and “simpler” forms of pressure flaking) and in the economy, e.g. importance of fishing.

This dataset is comprised of metric and non-metric lithic assemblage data from terminal Pleistocene through late Holocene prehistoric lithic assemblages recovered at nineteen archaeological sites in the upper Susitna River basin, southern Alaska Range. The data is stored in The Digital Archaeological Record public repository. This dataset has the potential to be reused in meta-analyses of demography and land-use patterns over time, aggregate regional lithic research, studies assessing methodological approaches to lithic analysis, and for educational purposes.

In stone artefact studies, researchers often rely on qualitative classifications to describe flake scar arrangements on cores. While this approach provides a broad overview of core reduction patterns, its application can be ambiguous due to the three-dimensional complexities of core geometry and the subjective nature of qualitative classifications, making it challenging to objectively compare flake scar patterning across different analytical settings. In this study, we present a new approach to quantify one aspect of flake scar arrangement on cores: the three-dimensional orientation of core scar negatives. Using standardised digital and experimentally flintknapped cores, we demonstrate that statistical techniques from fabric analysis can quantitatively characterise the scar orientation profile of cores. Importantly, this method is able to reveal variations in the flake scar arrangements of informal cores, such as multiplatform cores. When applied to a sample of multiplatform cores from the Homo floresiensis type-site of Liang Bua in Indonesia, we identify differences in flake scar orientation between cores made by Homo floresiensis and those manufactured by modern humans who utilised the site after the disappearance of the extinct hominin. This finding suggests a possible divergence in stone knapping practices between the two hominin taxa at Liang Bua. Overall, our research provides a new quantitative approach to gain new insights into hominin technological behaviour through stone artefact analysis. It also highlights the potential of 3D analysis for advancing the field of archaeological lithic research. • A new method for quantifying the 3D orientation of flake scars on cores. • Major core types can be differentiated on the basis of flake scar orientation data. • Effective in characterising scar pattern variability among multiplatform cores. • Detected scar orientation differences at the Homo floresiensis site of Liang Bua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Variability in the composition of lithic assemblages stems from the combined action of different agents. In this study we used shifts in the relation between lithic artefact density and lithic technological organisation as a tool to better understand the underlying causes of lithic techno-typological variability throughout the archaeological sequence of Nesher Ramla (Israel). Nesher Ramla is a Middle Palaeolithic open-air site found in a karst sinkhole, where human occupation took place in situ. The upper part of the site's sequence (Units II-I, dated to Marine Isotope Stage 5), is characterised by sharp shifts in lithic artefact densities, concomitant with changes in the composition of the lithic assemblages. Using lithic artefact density as a proxy, we were able to partially dissect palimpsests at the site as well as isolate which components of the lithic assemblages are affected by the length of the site occupation and which are possibly the outcome of different activities performed on-site (i.e., the site function) or result from the stylistic preferences of the site inhabitants. We suggest that the role played by the site within past hunter-gatherers' mobility systems changed from the occupation of Unit IIB-Lower, when it was possibly repeatedly used for hunting and processing animal resources, to Unit I, when it was only sporadically visited for more general purposes. Morphological changes in the karst sinkhole over time are suggested as the major causes of change in site use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The occupation of Buang Merabak, a cave located on the island of New Ireland, by 42,000 years ago demonstrates that the colonisation of the Bismarck Archipelago occurred soon after that of Sahul. This provides the opportunity to consider the adaptation of small groups of people to a depauperate island environment. An analysis of a lithic assemblage from Buang Merabak was used to consider how technological organisation reflects changing patterns of site use and subsistence strategies from the late Pleistocene through to the early Holocene. A strategy of small simple flake technology was identified, which would have allowed site occupants flexibility in the face of fluctuating patterns of faunal resource use. During the late Pleistocene, a broad range of local lithic materials were used expediently. Gradual change occurred in the early Holocene to a smaller variety of materials with dominant use of local chert flakes and conservation of specific volcanic materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Upper Palaeolithic Solutrean culture that coincided with the last glacial maximum has become famous for documenting an increasing investment of time and effort in the production of tools. However, Solutrean lithic assemblages predominantly document local procurement of flint and only in rare cases, stones were transported over distances above 100 km. The perhaps most remarkable Solutrean artefacts are the large bifacial laurel-leaf points of Volgu. Some studies on the points suggested long-distance transport, proposing multiple raw material locations in the > 170 km distant Paris Basin. These findings were not based on physical or chemical measurements but rather on evaluations of macro- and microscopically visible features at the surface of the flint. In this study, we aim to verify previously made propositions on the Volgu points’ origin with an archaeometric technique. For this, we apply reflectance infrared spectroscopy, a method that relies on identifying differences in the crystallographic properties of flint. We compare eight of the Volgu laurel-leaf points with five regions of Upper Cretaceous flint deposits in France and Belgium. We found that the Volgu points’ flint is most similar to flint from the south-eastern Paris Basin in terms of its crystallography (identifying a region between 170 and 250 km from Volgu). Our findings provide a reproducible line of evidence for the long-distance procurement of flint to produce exceptional artefacts in the Solutrean. Our study is the first application of this method to flint sourcing in a European context. It has therefore also implications for future provenance studies on other archaeological sites in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of experience during the exploration of lithic artefacts can be been investigated through multiple approaches. Knowledge can influence visual perception of the environment, whilst action “affordances” can be processed at the first sight of an object. In this study, we used eye tracking to analyse whether and to what extent archaeological knowledge can influence visuospatial attention whilst interacting with stone tools. Archaeologists were found to pay more visual attention to the middle region and the knapped surface. Differences between the visual exploration of choppers and handaxes were also found. Although the general pattern of distribution of the visual attention was similar to naïve subjects, participants with archaeological experience paid more attention to functionally relevant regions. Individuals with archaeological experience directed more attention to the upper region and the knapped surface of the tools, whilst naïve participants spent more time viewing the middle region. We conclude that although both groups could direct their attention to action relevant features in stone tools, functional affordances had a greater effect in subjects with previous experience. Affordances related to manipulation triggered lower attention and showed no differences between participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Middle Stone Age (MSA) lithic artefacts coming from dated layers preserved in their original stratigraphic position are still rare in Northeast Africa in general and in Sudan in particular. This paper aims to present the results of technological and functional analyses of an assemblage coming from a stratigraphic context, i.e. the upper level of the EDAR (Eastern Desert – Atbara River) 135 site, discovered in an abandoned gold mining pit in the Sudanese Eastern Desert, approximately 70 km east of the town of Atbara. The assemblage, which is based on locally available quartz and rhyolite, comes from a layer bracketed by OSL dates of 116 ± 13 and 125 ± 11 kya. Such dating places it within Marine Isotope Stage 5e–5d. Analysis of the assemblage revealed several characteristics that seem to set it apart from other MSA Northeast African inventories. Among these, the dominance of simple, non-predetermined core reduction strategies and expedient tool types, coupled with the lack of traces of Nubian Levallois technique, are the most conspicuous. Micro-traces of use on animal and plant matter were preserved on some of the tools. EDAR 135 is part of a newly discovered complex of sites that confirms the presence of Middle and Late Pleistocene hominins along one of the possible routes out of Africa towards Eurasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Middle Stone Age in southern Africa, often called the final MSA (∼40–28 ka), represents one of the most understudied technocomplexes in this part of the world. Researchers have often focused on earlier time periods associated with Marine Isotope Stage 4 or have emphasised the transition between the Middle and the Later Stone Age. Thus, the final MSA has been poorly understood and, at least in KwaZulu-Natal, only a few chrono-cultural markers called hollow-based points are known for it. Since 2016, excavations at Umbeli Belli rock shelter have produced new insights into this period. The site provides one of the most accurately dated sequences for the final MSA, spanning four geological horizons, respectively GH7, GH8, GH9 and GH10, that date to between 29.9 ± 2.3 and 40.3 ± 3.5 ka. Significant technological and typological variations are evident between those horizons, raising questions about the mechanisms behind them. A direct comparative analysis with the final MSA layers Coffee – Espresso at Sibhudu, which date to ∼38 ka, places these results in the regional archaeological context. The analysis shows first that the final MSA encompasses diachronic variability within relatively short time frames at Umbeli Belli. Secondly, it reveals several distinct chronological discrepancies between Sibhudu and Umbeli Belli. A detailed review of the environmental setting of the research area helps to explain these changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late Holocene was a period of cultural change along the west coast of South Africa, with widespread archaeological evidence for shifts in settlement patterns and economic activity. With these changes, we expect variability in the movement patterns of resident populations. In this proof-of-concept paper, we use lithic assemblages from Spring Cave near Verlorenvlei to evaluate changes in mobility during the late Holocene. These assemblages are dominated by bipolar-reduced quartz, which is notoriously difficult to assess using geometric approaches given high levels of fragmentation and variability in product dimensions. We use measures of curvature on cortical pieces to estimate original nodule size, and then use this to calculate the cortex ratio, a measure of mobility. Ratios indicate differences in mobility and place use through time that mirror earlier observations about shifts in land use. These observations warrant more extended analysis of other late Holocene contexts throughout the west coast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lithic technology, subsistence modes, mobility strategies, and habitation modes in the northern part of Northeast China co-evolved during the Paleolithic Neolithic transitional period, from the end of the Pleistocene through the beginning of the Holocene, exhibiting notable continuity and the phases of development. The investigation of climate, environment, population, technology, subsistence, and mobility is helpful in understanding environmental adaptation strategies and reconstructing cultural adaptation processes. The study of paleoclimatic records in this region indicates that remarkable climatic turbulence during the late Pleistocene, alongside extreme fluctuations in temperature and humidity, significantly influenced human technological systems and behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lake Cardiel basin (Central-West Santa Cruz) has been object of archaeological research seeking to discuss the relationships between climatic/environmental and social change during the Holocene. These researches cha-racterized the basin as a region of late settlement in relation to neighboring spaces. In this basin a drying process during the Holocene generated a reorganization of local populations. This paper approaches the problem from a particular site, Alero Los Guanacos 1, to discuss the way in which these processes are presented at a smaller scale. The site presents occupations during the mid and late Holocene. The technology recovered there is analyzed, and taking this into account, variations in the site use over time are discussed. Some of these variations differ from the general overview known for the basin. It is concluded that these differences are the result of the differential role of the different spaces in the settlement process.

In the upper basin of the Guadiana River, especially in the sectors drained by its right-bank tributaries, the Bullaque and Becea rivers, important concentrations of Acheulean and Mousterian industries can be found in a superficial position. These industries have provided series containing tens of thousands of pieces. Deposits in stratigraphic position have also been identified, related to the fluvial terraces of the Guadiana and Jabalón rivers and some tributaries. Within the sector studied, in the province of Ciudad Real, the position of these deposits is related to alluvial fans developed on the slopes of the immediate reliefs. These fans, mainly composed of Lower and Middle Ordovician quartzite gravel, were eroded in their distal positions by the Bullaque and Becea rivers, forming very low terraces on which large concentrations of Acheulean and Mousterian lithic industry can be found. El Sotillo, the only known stratigraphic site in the area, was excavated in 2017–2019 and consists of several levels with Mousterian and Acheulean industry. We present the technological characteristics of the main Acheulean assemblage recognised at this site, for which numerical dates have been obtained placing its chronology in the second half of the Middle Pleistocene. The location of these sites, in surficial position and El Sotillo, allows us to recognise a territorial space with specific geographic characteristics and a very significant human impact.

In the Natufian lithic component at Hayonim, both in the cave and the terrace, numerous artifacts of pink/red color may be recognized. Cherts with similar appearance are not present in the geological environment surrounding the site in Northern Israel. Pink chert available in Jordan is shown to be of different nature. Thus this leaves us with the hypothesis of intentional heat treatment of locally available iron-rich yellow chert, of Cenomanian age. Based on experimental replication of chert firing and SEM analysis, we argue that a well-mastered and controlled use of fire was practiced by some skilled craftsmen at Hayonim throughtout the Late Epipalaeolithic.