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This study is about the influence of genes on political attitudes and behavior in the subfield of biopolitics. Genopolitics arose as a critique of the political science approach which was deemed insufficient to explain political attitudes and behavior both theoretically and methodologically. To find the origins of political attitudes and behavior, interdisciplinary studies are needed. It is genes that can explain the origin of individual preferences on which all rational choices are based. The method used in this study was a literature review to see the development of genopolitics, debates, and criticisms related to political attitudes and behavior from the point of view of political science and genopolitics. The literature used was derived from books, journals, magazines, and news on the internet. Regarding voter turnout, 32 different social factors can only be explained by 31% by differences in political behavior, while the remaining 69% of differences can be explained by genetic differences. This study concludes that genopolitics as a new approach used to see political attitudes and behavior can be applied in Indonesia to answer and complete the survey-based study of political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We identify in-person early voting and no-excuse mail voting as antidotes for the depressing effect inclement weather has on voter turnout and the Republican dividend that accompanies rain and snow on Election Day. We offer and test an explanation for how voters utilize early voting to anticipate and avoid the costs of voting in bad weather. Replicating and extending Gomez et al (2007) analysis through the 2016 election, we confirm the remedial effect in-person early voting and to a lesser degree no-excuse mail voting has on turnout and the Republican advantage when bad weather coincides with Election Day. Our work makes an important contribution to understanding how election laws effect voter participation. We discuss how taking seriously treatment effect heterogeneity both in theoretical and empirical analyses might contribute to our understanding of the effects of election laws on voter participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study advances a model of critical civic motivation grounded in expectancy-value theory and highlights diverse manifestations of motivation among marginalized adolescents. The participants were 447 high school youth (85.0% Latinx; 62.9% low-income). Two complementary methodological approaches were employed to examine civic motivation, conceptualized as expectancies (individual and collective), and values (interest and attainment). First, regression analyses found that civic expectancies and values differentially predicted behavioral outcomes of service and activism. Expectancies and values interactively predicted activism, whereas only main effects of individual and collective efficacy and interest value positively predicted service. Second, person-centered analyses yielded a five-cluster solution, with one-third of the participants exhibiting discrepancies between expectancies and values. Distinct patterns in the manifestations of civic motivation components may inform practices that support civic engagement of marginalized youth. Overall, the findings illustrate the utility of a holistic, critical framework that integrates established literatures on political efficacy and interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sport Psychology (2676-3729) is the property of Shahid Beheshti University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Building on literature from political science and psychology, I argue that political attention on animals and animal-friendly political candidates cause voter backlash. I test this using two different kinds of experiments with large, representative samples. I ask respondents to consider political candidates running for office in a U.S. presidential primary context. I find that, overall, political attention on the need to reduce meat consumption for environmental reasons caused voter backlash compared to both a control condition and attention on the need to reduce reliance on gasoline-powered vehicles (also for environmental reasons). But, the heterogeneous effects of partisan identification were strong: voter backlash was mainly driven by Republicans and Democrats were neutral. Surprisingly, candidates who put attention on farm animal rights during elections faced no voter backlash from Republicans or Democrats. Animal-friendly candidates, particularly Black women and Latinas, with attributes that demonstrate personal concern for farm animals and strong support for animal rights generally fared very well in elections, receiving large boosts in voter support. This work launches a research agenda in political psychology that “brings the animal in” to politics.

The political behavior of Qom seminary during the political era has gained features that organize the actions and reactions of seminaries in the political sphere. The inductive investigation and analysis of the positions and actions in various levels of seminary center during the last century in domestic arena suggests that some features have dominated the political behavior of clergies. These features are as follows: the principle of enforcing the Islamic laws and preventing the anti-religious thoughts and symbols, concern about preserving the independence of the country and non-dominance of foreigners over Muslims’ affairs, nationalism, the clergies’ political endogeneity, idealistic pragmatism, political rationality, priority of theory over practice, obligation-centrism and avoiding politicalism and politicization, people-centrism and belief in people, avoiding radicalism, preserving independence of the seminary, pluralism and respecting others’ views. This article, while presenting arguments and documents related to each item, leads the readers to the framework model of how clerics confront the political affair wherein most of the political behaviors of the seminaries are formed.

The goal of this research is analyzing the impact of politics on business and economy in Turkey. How influencial are political factors for managers with respect to accretion of the companies? What is the dimension of political consciousness of managers and employees and what kind of regulations can be made? The study is going to enlighten answers to these questions. Total 37 SME managers attended in the study. After collecting the qualitative data within surveys, it was interpreted as quantitative extent through SPSS program. In addition to the normal dispersion and reliability of the data; t-Test, ANCOVA, ANOVA and linear correlation analyses were practiced. Findings demonstrated that the managers of SMEs consider the political factors and they are impacting positively. In regard to categorical variables, mostly bachelor degree graduates, young and middle-aged, both male and female participants indicated that politics is effective on economy and business, but when the detailed statistical analysis is examined between the variables, any significant data cannot be observed.

Abstract Humanity is sporadically subjected to leaders with deviant behavior, ego problems, or psychiatric disorders, potentially leading to social instability. Bipolar disorder is not common in all populations, but, coincidentally, studies suggest that it affected two sovereigns that were contemporaries, King George III of England, who died 201 years ago, and Queen Maria I of Portugal, who died 205 years ago. They lived during a time when Europe was in turmoil with the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, which also coincided with the rise of psychiatry. Both monarchs were forced to have prince regents rule in their place, due to their emotional decline, and they shared the same medical consultant, Francis Willis.

Independents remain hard to categorize because they are, by their choice of self‐identification, resisting the standard categories of political classification. Despite the growth in independent voter identity, many political strategists still view independents as partisans. In this article, we contribute to the academic literature on independent voting behavior by exploring whether those who identify as politically independent function as true independents by accounting for their voting patterns over time. We do this by analyzing data produced by the American National Election Studies (ANES) on political identification and voting choices from 1972 to 2020 on each of the three ANES measures of party affiliation. Our findings show when tracking independent voting behavior over more than one election, there is a significant volatility in voting loyalty and independents as a group are distinct from partisans. This volatility was observed in all three measures of party affiliation used by the ANES survey data. The research also finds evidence that a sizeable number of independents move in and out of independent status from one election to another. Related Articles: Grossmann, Matt. 2014. "The Varied Effects of Policy Cues on Partisan Opinions." Politics & Policy 42(6): 881–904. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12102. Reilly, Thom, and E. C. Hedberg. 2022. "Social Networks of Independents and Partisans: Are Independents a Moderating Forcer?" Politics & Policy 50(2): 225–43. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12460. Saeki, Manabu. 2019. "Anatomy of Party Sorting: Partisan Polarization of Voters and Party Switching." Politics & Policy 47(4): 699–747. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12318. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current approaches to voting behavior in clientelist contexts either predict that clients leave their preferences aside for fear of having their benefits cut off or voluntarily support politicians they perceive to be reliable patrons. These two approaches cannot account for clients' vote choices in the Sertão of Bahia, Brazil, where voters were free to choose among competing candidates but supported patrons they knew were unreliable. This article argues that clients voluntarily voted for bad patrons as a strategy to gain symbolic power in their negotiations with politicians. By explaining clients' paradoxical choices in the Sertão, this article reveals how clientelism can persist without monitoring mechanisms or positive attitudes toward patrons. In addition, this study shows the importance of incorporating voters' perspectives and their everyday survival strategies to better account for clients' political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of "struggle", (2) the forms of "struggle", (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women's agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers' organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanity is sporadically subjected to leaders with deviant behavior, ego problems, or psychiatric disorders, potentially leading to social instability. Bipolar disorder is not common in all populations, but, coincidentally, studies suggest that it affected two sovereigns that were contemporaries, King George III of England, who died 201 years ago, and Queen Maria I of Portugal, who died 205 years ago. They lived during a time when Europe was in turmoil with the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, which also coincided with the rise of psychiatry. Both monarchs were forced to have prince regents rule in their place, due to their emotional decline, and they shared the same medical consultant, Francis Willis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article intends to offer a contribution to the theme of the relationship between individual consciousness and structural determinations in the process of building the patterns of behavior of subjects, especially in the political/electoral field. For this, it carries out a reflection centered on the attempt to understand, theoretically, how the process of determining individual choices takes place and what is the weight of subjective elements and structural conditions in these determinations. Initially, we seek to theoretically delimit the debate on the relationship between individual and structure in marxist orientation social theory, especially from two authors who have focused on the theme with important contributions, namely, Edward P. Thompson and Ellen M. Wood. Then, and based on the theoretical contributions of these authors, we deal with the main approaches to political-electoral behavior, to then reflect on how these can be situated in relation to the approaches presented and, eventually, have their explanatory potential expanded from them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Brands increasingly take a stance on political issues, whereas consumers increasingly choose to either support a brand by buying their products ("buycotting"), or turn away from a brand ("boycotting") for political reasons. While buycotts can be understood as a rewarding and cooperative form of mostly individual behavior, boycotts are a conflict-oriented form of collective punishment. Even though research has acknowledged these conceptual differences, studies have failed to analyze the difference in the absolute effect of consumers' disapproval and approval. Moreover, research to date has not identified boundary conditions that might explain variation in the difference between consumers' willingness to boycott or buycott. This research investigates this different effectiveness by conducting two experiments with different sets of brands, issues, and countries. Our results suggest that boycotting outweighs buycotting, implying that political brand communication is a risky strategy. Furthermore, we identify consumers' political interest and category involvement as moderators of this imbalance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of political processes in the postcommunist states of Eastern Europe in the 2000s to early 2020s demonstrated a significant number of new challenges and caused many issues, including those related to the transformation of the ways and models of political behavior, civic participation, protest actions, and so on. All these elements of social and political life, in my opinion, have a gender dimension deserving a detailed analysis. In this article, based on Belarusian, Russian, and Ukrainian cases, I consider what role women have played up to this point, and continue to play, in the public policy of the region and what ideological background serves the theoretical basis of this activity. In particular, these issues are analyzed in relation to the conflict situation—the war in Ukraine, which aggravated not only political, but also sociocultural and ideological confrontation in the studied societies. More or less commonplace is the conviction that to date none of these countries, considering all their fundamental differences, has achieved a sustainable gender balance in the highest governing institutions, and the gender approach is not sufficiently and/or effectively integrated into the policy-formulation process. At the same time, it is impossible to deny the fact that bright, charismatic persons who have appeared in the last 15 years—such as Yulia Tymoshenko, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Maria Kalesnikava, Yulia Galyamina, Yulia Navalnaya, and more—have made up a kind of collective "female face of politics" in postcommunist societies of Eastern Europe. I examine the practical consequences of these changes, and also look at those ideas and ideologies that influenced the formation of this portrait of a new sociopolitical reality. The range of these ideas is very wide and includes the legacy of the Soviet female-emancipatory project, European liberal thought, post-Soviet national projects, and other similar phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration attitudes have long been critical in predicting electoral behavior in Western Europe. Whether such attitudes will continue to motivate political behavior in the current pandemic environment is yet to be seen. This article addresses this topic by exploring immigration's prevalence and impact on Germany's 2021 Bundestag election. Combining evidence across multiple German election surveys, I find that immigration remains consequential in shaping political behavior throughout the country. In spite of immigration's reduced political salience, voters continued to view immigration as one of the most important political problems facing Germany. Moreover, immigration-minded voters were significantly more likely to support the Alternative for Germany on the far right and punish the Greens on the left. The article concludes that reducing immigration's salience will not necessarily change its influence over modern German elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Recent decades have seen a trend toward enfranchising emigrated citizens in home country elections. Political parties have also become increasingly interested in connecting with emigrant voters. That said, we still know little of what voters think of the parties in the home country and how party preferences may change because of migration. On the one hand, research shows that the experience of migration and the context of the host country have a significant impact on the political behavior of migrants. On the other hand, party ties are known to be resistant to change. In this paper, we study how what is generally assumed to be the strongest of party ties, namely ties to an ethnic party, is affected by migration. Utilizing two highly comparable surveys of resident and non-resident citizens, we study how identifying with an ethnic minority party among Finland-Swedes in Finland, where they constitute a linguistic minority, compares with emigrated Finland-Swedes in Sweden, where they speak the majority language. We find that party ties, even with an ethnic party, tend to be weaker for emigrated citizens. However, the difference is relatively small and only materializes after an extended stay abroad.

This publication examines the features of the manifestations of political absenteeism and public activism in Ukrainian society. The phenomenon, causes of political absenteeism and its impact on the socio-political life in Ukraine are studied, as well as the ways to reduce absenteeism tendencies in our society are identified. Particular attention is placed on the spread of political absenteeism among young people and other age groups, which led to low turnout in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019 and the lowest turnout for the entire history of Ukraine in local elections in October 2020. It is shown that the introduction of foreign experience in overcoming of political absenteeism will allow to identify effective ways to reduce this phenomenon in Ukrainian society. The authors also study the phenomenon of public activism. It is noted that it gained special momentum during the Euromaidan, when political activity of citizens increased sharply against the background of total corruption in all branches of government, accompanied by a backdown from European integration course, the collapse of the army against the background of strengthening law enforcement agencies. The occupation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine led to the development of volunteer battalions and volunteer movements. The authors note that in recent years the activity of citizens has focused primarily on solving pressing problems of local importance, in particular on combating illegal construction, protecting entrepreneurs from the arbitrariness of local authorities. To support the development of civic activism in Ukraine, different educational projects, online courses, trainings etc were organized. The state of public activism in Ukraine is analyzed, in particular — at the local level, aimed at establishing a real civil society, strengthening the influence of local communities to solve local problems, offers ways to improve the political culture of citizens.

Does the availability of alcohol influence support for radical right-wing parties, and if so, why? Drawing parallels to the UK, where pub closures led to increased support for UKIP, this study investigates similar trends observed in Sweden. Utilizing a novel dataset of over 50,000 alcohol-serving permits and electoral data from 2002 to 2018, the study finds that a reduction in permits is associated with a 3.7% increase in support for the Sweden Democrats (SD). To explain this, it is argued that bar closures politicize alcohol regulation and serve as a symbolic issue linked to the populist radical right. Survey data from over 20,000 respondents reveal that individuals in municipalities with a decreasing number of permits are more likely to support alcohol deregulation policies, and these voters become more likely to support SD. These findings underscore how perceptions of government overregulation drive support for radical right-wing parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and interpreting the reasons and forms of protest activity of representatives of the youth cohort in the context of the institutionalization of modern digital society and digital policy. The common and specific features of the protest activity of Russian and foreign youth in the context of the content and level of their digital culture are characterized. The attention is focused on the dominant trends in the transformation of the practices of protest behavior in online and offline formats, taking into account the restrictive measures caused by the spread of COVID-19. Methods. The work was prepared within the framework of political science discourse using modern scientific theories and concepts. The authors rely on the main provisions of the activity-activist approach (A. Giddens, V. Yadov), the concept of “traumatic changes” (P. Sztompka) and “network society” (M. Castells). At the same time, the characterization of digital transformations and innovations (society, politics, culture) is carried out in the context of the ideas of “digital counterculture” (C. Gere), domestic researchers analyzing the consumer behavior of youth in the digital environment (T. Beregovskaya, S. Grishaeva). The work uses theoretical and empirical methods for analyzing the results obtained by leading domestic and foreign research centers, as well as with the direct participation of the authors in the implementation of grant activities. Results. An attempt is made to conduct political science analysis of the modern approaches to understanding the phenomenon of youth protest activity, its dominant forms in the context of the institutionalization of digital policy and the transformation of value orientations in the new structure of “digital culture”. The relationship between the protest activity of representatives of domestic and foreign youth, the practices of their destructive/constructive protest behavior using digital technologies in order to legitimize/ delegitimize the political regime is traced. Highlighted the real and potential resources of the authorities and administration, civil society institutions to minimize destructive factors that contribute to the strengthening of protest (civil, political, etc.) activity of various groups of young people in the context of the spread of the global pandemic. The results of theoretical and empirical studies that reveal the regional specifics of institutional forms of protest activity in modern Russia are interpreted. Discussion. The question of the forms and technologies of transformation of protest activity, taking into account the substantive characteristics of the digital culture of youth, its inclusion in the system for ensuring the stable and safe development of the Russian Federation, remains poorly studied. Authors’ contributions. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the research and carried out the general scientific edition of the article. S.I. Morozov analyzed the dominant tendencies of youth protest activity. S.D. Gavrilov interpreted the results of theoretical and empirical studies characterizing the process of institutionalization of digital policy.

La participación de las personas mayores en la sociedad está considerada como una de las dimensiones centrales del denominado envejecimiento activo. Esta investigación tiene como objeto analizar la participación política –convencional y no convencional– de las personas mayores en España, marcando el objetivo de conocer si su edad, como factor explicativo, mantiene relación directa con participar más o menos, así como conocer qué otros factores se pueden extraer como limitadores o modificadores de dicha participación. Para ello se llevaron a cabo un total de tres modelos de regresión logística para cada una de las tres variables dependientes, relativas a las dimensiones de la participación política consideradas, con el fin de conocer qué variables actúan y qué efecto producen sobre la propia edad. Las principales conclusiones permiten afirmar que las personas mayores se alejan de los modos de participación no institucionalizados y que las variables de contenido político son las que en mayor medida limitan el efecto de la propia edad sobre la participación política.

Income inequality is a major driver of the growth of radical parties on both the left and right, as it exacerbates citizens' economic insecurities. However, few studies have explored how welfare policies from Member states of the European Union (EU) can help reduce these economic grievances by reducing income inequalities thereby affecting the support towards radical alternatives. In this article, we aim to understand how redistribution affects radical support. We argue that redistribution policies reduce the economic insecurities caused by income inequalities, and thus, the electoral support for radical political platforms is also reduced. To test this hypothesis, we performed multinomial regression models using the European Social Survey data from 17 countries over a period of more than a decade. Our findings reveal that redistribution reduces radical voting, but only for the radical right. We contribute to the literature on welfare policies and radical support by looking at the main welfare policy outcome: redistribution. Our results highlight the importance of redistributive policies in reducing radical right support in the EU, providing valuable insights for policymaking at the European level.

The presented article is a study dealing with the role and characteristics of youth political online activism in modern Russia. The relevance, main aspects and criteria of the effectiveness of youth policy in the field of communication are considered. There are following basic steps suggested: to improve the effectiveness of such communication associated with a clear articulation of the needs of various groups of people through competent socio-political monitoring with independent quantitative and qualitative research. Building a constructive dialogue to promote positive, constructive and conventional activation of the political behavior of youth groups; work to overcome the apolitical and absentee tendencies of young people, as well as the expansion of the political and managerial concept of Electronic state not only formally, but also substantively, are among these steps. Further, the study analyzes the structure of protest behavior, distinguishes several levels of protest consideration, each of which has its own specifics and features for the analysis. This is the level of deep reasons and specific motive for the emergence of a public protest; the level of the dominant style of public manifestation of any protest moods, which has its basis in the predominantly psycho-emotional sphere; and, finally, the level of peculiarities of political behavior with very specific tactics and strategies of protest behavior. It draws attention to the fact that youth as a social group is heterogeneous and it seems appropriate to divide its age structure into three stages (from 14 to 20, years old, from 21 to 24 years old, and from 25 to 30 years old). The final part of the article deals with the models of virtual protest behavior. The model of a complete unstructured protest is highlighted; activity-target co-optation; proactive-loyalist; adaptation and frustration; politicized civil and local models. The results obtained to date make it possible to record the essential features of online mobilization, both based on the features of the functioning of the virtual space, and from the point of view of the main object of research: youth and the specifics of its identity and algorithms of political behavior. All this allows us to speak about the relevance of the constructed classification models for various mobilization mechanisms, which determines the practical significance of the study.

The article analyzes the ideological preferences of the residents of the Kaliningrad region through the prism of their socio-economic situation and political behavior. The study is based on the data of a formalized interview (N = 977) according to the age and sex sample, representing the population of four geodemographic districts of the Kaliningrad region. Based on the Nolan Chart, the study determines ideological types according to the respondents attitude to political and economic freedom. The statistical analysis of the data revealed a high degree of pluralism among the residents of the region on the issues under consideration. At the same time, it showcased the prevailing ideas of state regulation of the economy and values of personal freedom. Analyzing the socio-economic situation of the respondents and their inherent ideological attitudes, the author found that the values of economic freedom are more often shared by young people, middle-aged people, residents living in Kaliningrad, with higher income. Ideas of state regulation of the economy prevail among people of retirement and pre-retirement age, residents of the semi-periphery of the Kaliningrad region, with lower income. The study also revealed the relationship between the ideological attitudes of people in the region and their political behavior. In particular, it found that people who share the values of political and economic freedom are ready to take the most active part in protests. At the same time, the study did not identify any significant links between the ideological type of the respondents and their electoral behavior.

The religious communication approach concerns the identification of causal explanations of political behavior through the explicit measurement of exposure to communication and the variable reception and adoption of the messages in a religious context. The approach requires more questions or different research designs than those on omnibus surveys, which focus on religious affiliation and religiosity. It is particularly amenable to experimentation, where exposure is manipulated by the researcher and adoption can be measured precisely. However, experimental research, such as about religious elite influence, often returns different results than those from observational research wherein histories between clergy and congregants may overwhelm the delicate mechanisms of persuasion. Research from congregations points toward credibility and salience as important conditions for religious influence, which help reconcile experimental and observational results. This review article covers how organizational forces shape communication strategies, especially concerning when and how politics and democratic norms are engaged by clergy. Contrary to simple survey evidence that Americans oppose politics in churches, this approach suggests that politics is an important piece of congregational affairs that attracts and retains people, though there are clearly conditions when it repels. In this way, the religious communication approach is essential to understanding religious engagement with politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the practice of ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina flying a state, entity, religious, or foreign flag at wedding ceremonies in public spaces. The wedding custom is analyzed through the lens of Hannah Arendt's discussion of the way nationalism in the modern era links family and state. After a tragic war, flag power in this context appears to exacerbate nationalism and ethnic tensions in a polyethnic society trapped in a dysfunctional state structure created by the Dayton Accords. The empirical study finds that flag power does not, in fact, privilege ethnic solidarity over national solidarity to the degree that social and political theory would have us imagine. The national identity of being Bosnian is more likely to be exemplified. A clustered, stratified, random sample of 2,500 subjects over the age of eighteen was drawn from the country's population, including the two entities, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska and Brčko District. Survey questions involving face-to-face structured questions asked participants whether flags were flown at their weddings, which flags were flown, and attitudes toward the wedding custom. Variations by age, religiosity, education, ethnicity, type of flag flown, and political party affiliation are reported and interpreted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The approval of the current president has been a reasonably reliable predictor of the success or defeat of the ruling party in Costa Rica. To verify this, we formed a sample that covered the presidential elections held between 1982 and 2022. The results suggest that the Costa Rican voter tends to reward or punish the official presidential candidate depending on the perception they have of the performance of the current president. The 1990 and 1994 elections were exceptions to this dynamic. Both experiences are analyzed in the light of comparative experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizen engagement in and support for peace processes have been deemed important for sustainable peace after civil wars. Yet much of what we know about peace processes in civil wars centers on the interests of elite actors. This special feature aims to advance a research agenda focusing on citizens in peace processes to address this mismatch. In the introduction to the special feature, we first present empirical evidence situating citizens in relation to civil war peace processes. We then trace the current state of the literature on the roles of citizens in peace processes. Following that, we introduce a conceptual framework designed to improve scholarly analysis of the political behavior of citizens in peace processes. We also locate the individual contributions to the special feature within the framework in order to demonstrate its utility and as a means of helping to identify directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a wave of populist leaders has emerged in many democratic countries, including the United States. Previous studies have argued that populist rhetoric matters for leaders' electoral support because the public has populist attitudes, which are activated in contexts of failure of democratic governance or economic crises. This paper investigates the opposite causal direction and argues that people's support for populist ideas can be an effect rather than a cause of leaders' electoral support. People who support a candidate due to the candidate's party affiliation or policy position tend to support or oppose populist or anti-populist messages if they learn that the candidate of the party they identify with supports that message. The paper investigates the argument with an experiment that randomly assigns (anti-)populist messages and a cue about the candidate that supports the message. The experiment shows that voters' party identification largely affects support for both populist and anti-populist messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the influence of racial outreach on Black political participation in the context of United States electoral politics. We argue that racial appeals should inspire higher levels of Black voter enthusiasm because they, in part, improve perceptions of empathy from politicians. However, we expect that racial outreach will matter more when it comes from non-descriptive representatives because Black representatives are perceived as empathetic regardless of their actions. We test these hypotheses using two separate experiments. We find that Black Americans are more politically active when non-Black politicians discuss their intentions to advance Black political interest. We also find that racial appeals provided by descriptive representatives is not a significant predictor of Black voter turnout. Our analysis demonstrates that under certain conditions racial outreach plays an important role in mobilizing underrepresented groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that hostile sexism and racial resentment play an important and somewhat underappreciated role in American elections through their influence on voter turnout and engagement with political campaigns. The effects of these attitudes are not straightforward but depend on partisanship. We evaluate whether high levels of racial resentment and hostile sexism cross-pressure Democratic partisans, resulting in lower levels of political participation. We further consider whether high levels of racial resentment and hostile sexism bolster participation among Republicans. We find evidence of these divergent effects on the political mobilization of white voters using the 2016 American National Election Study. The results support our expectations and suggest that cuing resentment-based attitudes was an important strategy for engaging voters in the 2016 presidential campaign and will likely play an important role in future campaigns as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide political parties devote more than half of their budgets to communication campaigns. Yet research on political behavior is not unanimous as to the effect of political campaign communications on the electorate. Certain studies interpret the discrepancy by indicating that individual characteristics may modulate the way citizens perceive political campaigns. The current study is the first to resort to neuroimaging (functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging, fMRI) to explore to what extent two characteristics of the electorate, namely level of political involvement and perception of the economic context, affect the neural processing when exposed to political messages, notably corruption and positive practices. The data reveals that more politically sophisticated citizens experience greater activation of the brain regions linked to aversion and negative processing while viewing messages exposing corruption. Their reward circuit is not, moreover, activated more strongly when exposed to positive political actions. Interestingly, citizens with a better perception of the economic situation reveal stronger activation while exposed to positive political messages in brain regions linked to self-relevance and rewarding properties. The current analysis therefore represents the first neuroimaging study to reveal the psychological mechanisms by which individual characteristics of the electorate affect the processing of political communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the debate of what constitutes tolerance has been what is tolerable—and who is tolerant. While the existing literature has engaged with the role of religion in tolerance, there is almost no empirical work on individuals without religion. Not surprisingly, theory relevant to this question is largely absent in the current literature. Therefore, using extensive work in political theory, we derive the notion that the non-religious and atheists will show greater tolerance given a stronger adherence to the value of pluralism. We merge this theory with the modern empirical literature and use four waves of the World Values Survey (waves 3, 4, 5, and 6) to provide a substantive test using a novel measure of tolerance as a crucial individual value. We find that the value of pluralism does distinguish tolerance levels among the self-identified non-religious, although less so for atheists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attempting to buy votes is, in some cases, inefficient and damaging to a clientelistic party. To explain why, we propose the concept of electoral retaliation: sanctioning clientelistic parties by voting against them or intentionally invalidating the ballot. These forms of negative reciprocity are meant to uphold the democratic norms—equal participation, popular sovereignty, electoral fairness—that vote buying undermines. Electoral retaliation is, we theorize, the domain of "democrats." Thus, we expect voters who highly value democratic norms to be most likely to retaliate against vote-buying parties. We test our theory's observable implications with a research design that pairs case study and subnational evidence from Argentina with cross-national evidence from Latin America. Results are consistent with the notion that when clientelistic parties target democrats, it is likely to backfire on the machine. Our analyses examine multiple indicators of democratic support, explore causal mechanisms, conduct placebo tests, and seek to rule out various forms of selection bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Democratic and Republican parties have longstanding reputations for their abilities to competently handle particular issues. These reputations help to simplify voter decision-making. Voters need only to determine which issues are most important in an election, then support the party with the strongest reputation for handling those issues. As elite polarization has grown in recent decades, the parties' reputations should be even clearer, facilitating their use in vote choice. However, the corresponding partisan polarization in the electorate should limit the breadth of issue ownership beliefs, as well as the impact of these beliefs on vote choice. In this manuscript, we use a novel survey experiment to prime the parties' owned issues. Our results show that the prime causes a shift in intended vote choice among pure independents, but not among partisans. These findings suggest that polarization has not erased issue ownership, but that partisanship has narrowed its potential impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)