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In this paper we deal with a network analysis of interconnected cabinets in Greece for an extended time period. In parallel, we present a small review of the economic crises that have occurred in Greece over this period. More particularly, we used historical sources to locate all different Greek governments and all economic crises starting from the 1821 Greek revolution to the present days. We also formed a two-mode (also known as affiliation) network of ministers and cabinets and subsequently created a network of interconnected cabinets. We used dedicated software to visualize this network and used Social Network Analytical procedures in order to calculate its properties. Finally, in an attempt to investigate possible relations between network metrics and economic crises, we note and discuss an interesting observation between a specific metrics and such major economic events. In our paper, we firstly introduce the context and present our research questions. We then present the relevant literature, mainly discussing the extent to which Social Network Analysis has been used to investigate patterns of behaviors in politics. We then proceed to presenting and applying our methodology on network creation, visualization and metrics computations. The following section discusses the longitudinal evolution of our network and the relation between its clustering coefficient and the emergence of economic crises. We then finalize our paper with some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 1959, Mao Zedong publicly articulated his Anti-Peaceful Evolution strategy in response to U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles's promotion of the "peaceful evolution toward democracy" in a series of recent speeches. Mao's new strategy, which was heavily influenced by the internal and external pressures he faced, became the ideological foundation of his ultra-radical, uncompromising policy toward the United States. This article analyzes the influence of his anti-revisionist ideology and permanent revolution theory, as well as the distorting effects of incoming information. Mao was intent on countering Dulles and undercutting U.S. foreign policy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is widely agreed that durable authoritarian rule requires power-sharing institutions. But how do autocrats rule under such institutions? We analyze formally how an autocrat distributes information inside the coalition to preserve and consolidate power while remaining constrained by the power-sharing agreement. Collective governing bodies like the parliament or the cabinet of ministers create a common information environment in which the leader faces a low risk of removal (by the regime's insiders or outsiders), but opportunities to consolidate power are rare. To incite divisions inside the coalition, the ruler introduces informational asymmetries inside the coalition, which opens up opportunities to consolidate power at the risk of losing it all. This implies a trade-off between the durability of power and its extent. Our model illuminates the variation in the authoritarian styles-of-rule and examines when rulers subdue power-sharing institutions despite their commonly purported value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blind SA v Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition and Others; with case note Samtani [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the administrative and legal analysis of the implementation of state policy by the key subject of public administration in the field of social protection of persons with disabilities under martial law. It should be stressed (emphasized) that state policy is based on a complex approach of functional direction aimed at solving interrelated political and socio-economic problems with timely response to changes and innovations to overcome these problems in the state and society. The task of the Government, assigned to the sphere of social protection of persons with disabilities, is revealed, and the main normative legal acts of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine on ensuring compliance with human rights and freedoms, creating favorable conditions for the free and comprehensive development of the individual without barriers are analyzed. The peculiarities of the complex of measures guaranteed by the state and aimed at providing life support for persons with disabilities and groups with limited mobility have been clarified. Attention was drawn to the peculiarities of the implementation of this complex in the conditions of the state of war in which Ukraine is. It is specially noted, in the conditions of martial law and for the implementation of civil security measures, guaranteeing the provision of life-saving measures to all citizens of the country, persons with reduced mobility and persons with disabilities need additional assistance. The procedure for organizing notifications about the threat of occurrence or occurrence of emergency situations and organizing communication in the field of civil protection of persons with disabilities and mobile groups was analyzed; carrying out the evacuation of persons with disabilities and mobile groups in the event of the threat of occurrence or the occurrence of emergency situations. It has been established that in the conditions of martial law and the constant threat to life and health due to constant massive rocket attacks, and in some areas, the rapid fire attacks of residential communities, where civilians among them and those who are physically unable to take care of themselves die every day, are persons with various physical disabilities, low-mobility population groups, persons with disabilities. In this regard, there is an urgent need for the adoption of a special normative legal act defining the detection, notification and evacuation of persons with disabilities and other less mobile population groups during the period of emergency and military operations, with the definition of the subject of the implementation of these measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to study the legal mechanism for ensuring the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens by state authorities, the article analyzes doctrinal opinions, norms of current domestic and international legislation regarding the definition of the mechanism for ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens by state authorities. The provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine, the norms of which guarantee the protection and protection of human and citizen rights and freedoms, are analyzed. In the light of the protection and protection of human and citizen rights and freedoms, the guarantee of these rights and freedoms, it is noted that an important role in this matter is played by: the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (the Commissioner of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on Human Rights); The President of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, executive and judicial authorities. Attention is drawn to the fact that in the state mechanism for ensuring the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens, law enforcement agencies, lawyers, public associations and organizations play an important role. In case of violation of subjective rights, citizens have the right to choose different legal mechanisms for the protection of violated or disputed rights. The author emphasizes that the effectiveness of the implementation of the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the norms of domestic and international legislation is determined by the existing system of the state mechanism in the state. It is emphasized that in order to protect the rights and freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens in Ukraine, there are local and appellate courts, as well as the Supreme Court, which, according to the law, guarantee everyone the protection of their rights, freedoms and interests within a reasonable time by an independent, impartial and fair court formed by by law In addition to the domestic judicial system, citizens of Ukraine can apply to the European Court of Human Rights in order to protect their violated rights. It was concluded that the effectiveness of the implementation of the rights and freedoms of citizens guaranteed by the norms of domestic and international legislation is determined by the existing system of the state mechanism in the state. With the help of state authorities, a legal mechanism is provided to guarantee the protection of the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens, who, through the implementation of procedural norms, can carry out the judicial or administrative protection of the violated subjective rights of a person guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of Ukraine and international agreements. By the legal mechanism for ensuring the protection of the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens by state bodies, we mean the system of guarantees defined and guaranteed by the state, with the help of which the protection and protection of the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens is ensured and implemented in specified forms and procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of Intelligence is a hitherto unknown tract written by Sir Thomas Roe and preserved in manuscript form in the National Archives at Kew. It is located in a bundle containing a miscellany of original documents that are mainly concerned with the Holy Roman Empire and the various city states of Germany. A Small Tract of Sir Thomas Roe, intitled, Of Intelligence. Of great Use to all Ministers of State, Ambassadors, etc. is related to the rest of the items because of its references to King Gustavus Adolphus and Swedish participation in the Thirty Years' War. Roe was one of the most accomplished diplomats and politicians of the early Stuart period, acting as ambassador to different European courts, as well as to the Moghul and Ottoman empires, and actively serving as a Member of Parliament before the Civil Wars. The tract addresses how to obtain power and influence at court through intelligence or, more specifically, through the control of information. It follows the formula of Francis Bacon's Essays , balancing the arguments and enumerating different points with examples and classical quotations. By illuminating various aspects of Roe's career and his times, we can interpret Of Intelligence as a direct presentation of his own credentials and a call for attention to his situation, following his return home from his diplomatic endeavors. I provide a transcription as well as an introduction and notes that contextualize the composition and relevance of this recent discovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on hajj brokers, also known as Sheikh Haji. The hajj brokers system had existed for so long that it is said to be 'as old as the hajj itself'. They had become a part of the hajj sub-culture and tradition for the Muslims, especially Malays. This article aims to analyse the issues and challenges faced by hajj brokers during the sea travel period up until the establishment of Muassasah. The historical methodology is employed in this qualitative descriptive and analytical study. The study uses primary sources such as the Ordinance of the Straits Settlements (S.S)-1906-1907, files from the State Secretary Office and the Annual Hajj Reports. These documents are examined, interpreted, and organised to form objective arguments. The arguments are also supported by secondary sources. The study found that there were various issues related to the hajj brokers' service, resulting in numerous grievances. The issues include misconduct, neglect, and mistreatment of hajj pilgrims by the hajj brokers. At the same time, the hajj brokers also faced many challenges such as stiff competition among themselves, and changes in the rules and policies of the Saudi government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The last years of British rule in India were significant due to the initiation of a new phase of political negotiations. It is termed as a new political phase as the two major stakeholders of Indian politics had substantially revised their policies, which were totally contrasted to the earlier. Those political negotiations were moved around Indian communal settlements. Some of those political dialogues were between the British government and Indian stakeholders, while the others were between the Indians themselves. Cabinet Mission was one of the political dialogues by the British authorities. To lead this Mission, three prominent British Cabinet members named Sir Pethick Lawrence (Secretary of the State for India), Sir Stafford Cripps (President of the Board of Trade), and A.V Alexander (first Lord of Admiralty) were chosen. After discussions with the Indian leadership, they presented their own plan, in which they tried to appease both the major political stakeholders of India i.e. All India National Congress and All India Muslim League. This Plan succeeded in getting approval from the main political stakeholders but ended in failure. This article traces the causes which led Congress and the Muslim League to approve the proposed Plan while discussing the causes of its failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will examine how Margaret Thatcher utilised the Prime Ministerial power of Cabinet ministerial appointment between 1979 and 1990. The article will utilise the Norton taxonomy on the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) to determine the ideological disposition (non-Thatcherite versus Thatcherite) of her Cabinet members across her eleven years in office. It will assess the ideological trends in terms of appointments, promotions and departures from Cabinet and it will use archival evidence to explore the advice given to Thatcher to assist her decision-making. Through this process the article will demonstrate how Thatcher was more ideologically balanced than academics have traditionally acknowledged when discussing her Cabinet selections. Moreover, the article will also demonstrate the significance attached to media presentation skills to her decision-making, thus challenging the emphasis on ideology as a dominant determinant of Cabinet selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Daena: International Journal of Good Conscience is the property of Spenta University Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Do parties relegate female ministers to portfolios that are politically less important for them? This research note contributes to this debate and examines whether the issue salience of parties for specific policy areas has an effect on the nomination of a female minister. Previous theoretical work assumes that party leaders will be more likely to select men for those portfolios that are highly salient for the party. To test this assumption empirically, the paper analyzes the appointment of women cabinet members in the German states between 2006 and 2021. Notably, the findings contradict the theoretical expectations as well as previous empirical results from a cross-national study: On the German sub-national level the nomination of a female minister is more likely if the respective portfolio is highly salient for the governing party. Parties and their policy-preferences seem to be an important factor in explaining the share of women in sub-national cabinets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bibliotheksdienst is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During a crisis, the public expects the government to handle the situation. In parliamentary democracies, these expectations are directed to the cabinet and its ministers. Cabinet ministers are expected to be highly involved in policy making under their jurisdiction and in general. During periods of politics as usual, ministers differ in their policy involvement. This paper asks whether that changes during a crisis. Based on an analysis of cabinet ministers in Israel during the first wave of the COVID19 crisis, this paper finds that ministers' policy involvement during a crisis is relatively low. Most ministers are little involved in issues outside their jurisdiction. Ministers less central to the crisis management are also little involved in issues under their jurisdiction. Ministers central to the crisis management are highly involved in introducing decisions on issues under their jurisdiction, but not necessarily in other aspects of policy making. These findings have implications for issues of accountability and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are Scottish politicians regional ambassadors for Scotland in British institutions? This study explores the presence and influence of Scottish cabinet ministers and members of parliament (MPs) in British politics from 1945 to 2020. The paper shows that the traditional overrepresentation of Scots in Westminster ended in 2005. Scottish MPs have reached key positions in the House of Commons under Labour governments but disappeared almost completely from the front bench after 2010. Meanwhile, contributions by Scottish MPs have focussed heavily on issues that relate specifically to Scotland. Nevertheless, in the case of Whitehall, the article observes a limited presence and policy impact of Scottish ministers over the whole period, except under the Blair and Brown premierships. The only regular position reached by Scottish ministers has been that of Secretary of State for Scotland. However, the de-activation of the Scotland Office after devolution and the lack of Scottish Conservative ministers have limited the voice of Scotland in the executive. In summary, the British system of territorial recruitment ensures a minimum representation, but not necessarily an influence, of territorial minorities like the Scots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through information gained from interviews with key political actors, archival research and close examination of biographical material, this article aims to provide the first detailed account of what it means to be the British First Secretary of State. Sometimes regarded simply as a synonym for Deputy Prime Minister, it will be demonstrated that the reality is far more complicated. Not all First Secretaries have been regarded as the Prime Minister's second-in-command, indeed there have been many years where the post has ceased to exist. Yet, at other times, First Secretaries have led the country, albeit briefly. The main argument to be made is that the office of First Secretary of State is only as important as the person holding that office is perceived to be important, but there is potential for that to change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hercegovina. Journal of Cultural Heritage & History (Since 2018) is the property of Sveuciliste u Mostaru, Filozofski fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the rhetoric of the occult in Edward Bulwer-Lytton's The Coming Race (1871), also known as Vril: The Power of the Coming Race, by placing the novel in the context of the late nineteenth-century Occult Revival. A writer, aristocrat, politician and Secretary of State for the Colonies when Benjamin Disraeli was Prime Minister, Bulwer-Lytton was one of the most eminent occultists of the Victorian age and a firm believer in the redemptive power of magic. As such, he supported the idea that occult practices could provide access to the deepest mysteries of the universe, freeing man from the constraints of materialism and the 'sterility' of the positivist episteme. Interestingly, Bulwer-Lytton had privileged contact with the vast panorama of occultism thanks to his personal acquaintance with Eliphas Lévi, the leading esotericist of the day. By observing Lévi's work, Bulwer-Lytton had the opportunity to expand his knowledge of the occult and refine an imaginary permeated by it. From a literary point of view, this would find significant reverberations in The Coming Race, one of the author's most enduring works and perhaps his spiritual testament, a novel which is imbued with an occult imagery that will be carefully deciphered in the course of this analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study focuses on the level of mastery of Arabic listening skills of Selangor State-sponsored students studying at al-Azhar Cairo University, Egypt, and involves 76 respondents. Researchers have used quantitative methods through diagnostic tests of Arabic listening skills and questionnaire instruments. For data analysis, researchers have used SPSS Version 26.0. Results shown that, the level of proficiency of Selangor State-sponsored students in the Arabic language listening skills test is at Jayyid Jiddan level (excellent) and at a high mean score. Researchers also found that the basic knowledge factor of the student's language is a form of weakness given that the mean score is at a high level. The findings also found that the majority of students strongly agree that by mastering listening skills, students will be able to improve their other skills. This study is important for Malaysian students, especially those sponsored by the State of Selangor, to improve the quality of Arabic language achievement and get better results for the level of listening skills. Furthermore, the study's findings are expected to assist stakeholders, particularly education departments and sponsors such as the Selangor State Secretary's Office, the Selangor Zakat Board, and the administration, in lowering the likelihood of students failing the Imtihan Kabul test at Markaz Bahasa Sheikh Zayed Cairo, Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Donald Trump has drawn significant Republican opposition to his 2024 election bid. Much of that opposition has come from former Trump administration officials who are practicing a form of strategic silence by saying they will continue similar policies while using a more restrained rhetorical style. One of those officials was former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. This essay examines the 2024 presidential campaign of Secretary Pompeo and uses it as the basis to make some informed predictions concerning the election next year [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Rice-planting is synonymous with the Kedah Malays to present times. Paddy is the lifeblood of the majority of Malays in the state for ages. Interestingly, British control over Kedah since 1909 witnessed how, for the first time in Kedah history, the Malays were explicitly compelled by the government to remain in this activity. This new arrangement was clearly evident with the implementation of strict rice-land policies, especially throughout the period 1917-1932. The focus of this research is twofold: firstly, to evaluate the implementation of rice land policies during the period in question, and secondly, to analyse Malay form of reaction to this issue. To answer both questions, this study uses the qualitative method by focusing on Kedah State Secretary Files and the State of Kedah Annual Reports. Based on the analysis of implementation of rice land policies by the Kedah land administration, and the ensuing Malay reaction towards the government in 1917-1932, the implementation of these rice land policies ensured Malay retention in this traditional activity. Unfortunately, a large number of Malays suffered negative effects from these policies. The lower classes were proscribed by the government from opening and working their land as they please, and risked harsh government penalties for failure to adhere to the set policies. In contrast, the Malay elites continued their monopoly of rice lands due to government policy of maintaining their land-owning privileges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How do sub-Saharan presidents form and manage their cabinets? Previous research on intra-executive relations has focused predominantly on patterns of patronage. Although informal mechanisms remain relevant in the policy-making process, formal institutions have gained in importance in sub-Saharan Africa since the early 1990s. However, little is known about the link between presidents' constitutional power and their decisions to appoint, remove and reshuffle ministers. This article addresses this gap by analysing the impact of presidential power on three ministerial-level variables: ethnic cabinet composition, cabinet size and ministerial stability. Based on a framework combining formal and informal institu- tions, we argue that presidents use formal cabinet roles and relationships to employ informal power-sharing strategies. To capture presidential power, we construct a new index of eight powers specifically related to the presidential-ministerial relationship. The theoretical model is tested with a new dataset of 41 sub-Saharan African countries from 1990 to 2016. OLS regressions show that presidents with greater constitutional power form ethnically exclusive cabinets, increase cabinet size and raise minister stability, albeit the latter effect is not statistically significant. These findings shed new light on the impact of different insti- tutional designs on intra-executive processes in general and, in particular, on presidential actions vis-à-vis cabinet ministers in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)